π1r

The
Life
of the

Thrice Noble, High and Puissant Prince
William Cavendishe,

Duke, Marquess, and Earl of Newcastle; Earl
of Ogle; Viscount Mansfield; and Baron of
Bolsover, of Ogle, Bothal and Hepple: Gentleman
of His Majesties Bed-chamber; one of His
Majesties most Honourable Privy-Councel;
Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter;
His Majesties Lieutenant of the County and
Town of Nottingham; and Justice in Ayre
Trent-North: who had the honour to be Governour
to our most Glorious King, and Gracious
Soveraign, in his Youth, when He was Prince
of Wales; and soon after was made Captain General
of all the Provinces beyond the River of
Trent, and other Parts of the Kingdom of England,
with Power, by a special Commission, to
make Knights.

Written
By the thrice Noble, Illustrious, and Excellent Princess,
Margaret, Duchess of Newcastle,
His Wife.

London,
Printed by A. Maxwell, in the Year 16671667.

π1v π2r

To His most Sacred
Majesty
Charles the Second,
By the Grace of God, of England, Scotland, France
and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c.

May it please Your Majesty,

Ihave, in confidence of your Gracious acceptance,
taken the boldness, or rather the
presumption, to dedicate to Your Majesty
this short History (which is as full of Truths, as words)
of the Actions and Sufferings of Your most Loyal
Subject, my Lord and Husband (by Your Majesties
late favour) Duke of Newcastle; who when Your
Majesty was Prince of Wales, was Your most careful
Governour, and honest Servant. Give me therefore
leave to relate here, that I have heard him often say, π2v
say, He loves Your Royal Person so dearly, that He
would most willingly, upon all occasions, sacrifice
his Life and Posterity for Your Majesty: whom that
Heaven will ever bless, is the Prayer of

Your most Obedient, Loyal,
humble Subject
and Servant,

Margaret Newcastle.

To a1r

To His
Grace
the
Duke of Newcastle.

My Noble Lord,

It hath always been my hearty Prayer to God, since I
have been your Wife, That first I might prove an honest
and good Wife, whereof your Grace must be the onely Judg:
Next, That God would be pleased to enable me to set
forth and declare to after-ages, the truth of your loyal actions
and endeavours, for the service of your King and Country;
For the accomplishing of which design, I have followed the
best and truest Observations of your Secretary John Rolleston,
and your Lordships own Relations, and have accordingly
writ the History of your Lordships Life, which
although I have endeavoured to render as perspicuous as ever
I could, yet one thing I find hath much darkened it; (a) which a1v
which is, that your Grace commanded me not to mention
any thing or passage to the prejudice or disgrace of any Family
or particular person (although they might be of great
truth, and would illustrate much the actions of your Life)
which I have dutifully performed to satisfie your Lordship,
whose Nature is so Generous, that you are as well pleased to obscure
the faults of your Enemies, as you are to divulge the
vertues of your Friends; And certainly, My Lord, you have
had as many Enemies, and as many Friends, as ever any one
particular person had; and I pray God to forgive the one,
and prosper the other: Nor do I so much wonder at it, since
I, a Woman, cannot be exempt from the malice and aspersions
of spightful tongues, which they cast upon my poor
Writings, some denying me to be the true Authoress of
them; for your Grace remembers well, that those Books
I put out first, to the judgment of this censorious Age, were
accounted not to be written by a Woman, but that some body
else had writ and publish’d them in my Name; by which
your Lordship was moved to prefix an Epistle before one of
them in my vindication, wherein you assure the world upon
your honour, That what was written and printed in my
name, was my own; and I have also made known, that your
Lordship was my onely Tutor, in declaring to me what you
had found and observed by your own experience; for I being
young when your Lordship married me, could not have much
knowledg of the world; But it pleased God to command his
Servant Nature to indue me with a Poetical and Philosophical
Genius, even from my Birth; for I did write some Books a2r
Books in that kind, before I was twelve years of Age, which
for want of good method and order, I would never divulge.
But though the world would not believe that those Conceptions
and Fancies which I writ, were my own, but transcended
my capacity, yet they found fault, that they were
defective for want of Learning; and on the other side, they
said I had pluckt Feathers out of the Universities; which
was a very preposterous judgment. Truly My Lord, I confess
that for want of Scholarship, I could not express my
self so well as otherwise I might have done, in those Philosophical
Writings I publish’d first; but after I was returned
with your Lordship into my Native Country, and led a retired
Country life, I applied my self to the reading of Philosophical
Authors, of purpose to learn those names and
words of Art that are used in Schools; which at first were so
hard to me, that I could not understand them, but was
fain to guess at the sense of them by the whole context, and
so writ them down as I found them in those Authors, at
which my Readers did wonder, and thought it impossible
that a Woman could have so much Learning and Understanding
in Terms of Art, and Scholastical Expressions;
so that I and my Books are like the old Apologue mention’d
in Æsop, of a Father, and his Son, who rid on an Ass
through a Town when his Father went on Foot, at which
sight the People shouted and cried shame, that a young Boy
should ride, and let his Father, an old man, go on Foot:
whereupon the old Man got upon the Ass, and let his Son
go by; but when they came to the next Town, the People exclaimed a2v
exclaimed against the Father, that he a lusty man should
ride, and have no more pity of his young and tender child,
but let him go on foot: Then both the Father and his Son
got upon the Ass, and coming to the third Town, the People
blamed them both for being so unconscionable as to overburden
the poor Ass with their heavy weight: After this
both Father and Son went on foot, and led the Ass; and
when they came to the fourth Town, the People railed as
much at them as ever the former had done, and called them
both Fools, for going on foot, when they had a Beast able to
carry them. The old Man, seeing he could not please Mankind
in any manner, and having received so many blemishes
and aspersions, for the sake of his Ass, was at last resolved to
drown him when he came to the next bridg. But I am
not so passionate to burn my Writings for the various humours
of Mankind, and for their finding fault, since
there is nothing in this world, be it the noblest and most commendable
action whatsoever, that shall escape blameless. As
for my being the true and onely Authoress of them, your
Lordship knows best, and my attending Servants are witness
that I have had none but my own Thoughts, Fancies
and Speculations to Assist me; and as soon as I have set them
down, I send them to those that are to transcribe them, and
fit them for the Press; whereof since there have been several,
and amongst them such as onely could write a good hand, but
neither understood Orthography, nor had any Learning (I
being then in banishment with your Lordship, and not able
to maintain learned Secretaries) which hath been a great dis- b1r
disadvantage to my poor works, and the cause that they have
been printed so false, and so full of Errors; for besides that,
I want also the skill of Scholarship and true writing, I did
many times not peruse the Copies that were transcribed, lest
they should disturb my following Conceptions; by which neglect,
as I said, many Errors are slipt into my Works, which
yet I hope Learned and Impartial Readers will soon rectifie,
and look more upon the sense, then carp at words. I
have been a Student even from my Childhood; and since I
have been your Lordships Wife, I have lived for the most part
a strict and retired Life, as is best known to your Lordship,
and therefore my Censurers cannot know much of me, since
they have little or no acquaintance with me: ’Tis true, I
have been a Traveller both before and after I was married
to your Lordship, and sometimes shew my self at your Lordships
Command in Publick places or Assemblies; but yet I
converse with few. Indeed, My Lord, I matter not the
Censures of this Age, but am rather proud of them; for it
shews that my Actions are more then ordinary, and according
to the old Proverb, “It is better to be Envied, then
Pitied”
: for I know well, that it is meerly out of spight and
malice, whereof this present Age is so full, that none can
escape them, and they’l make no doubt to stain even Your
Lordships Loyal, Noble and Heroick Actions, as well as
they do mine, though yours have been of War and Fighting,
mine of Contemplating and Writing: Yours were
performed publickly in the Field, mine privately in my
Closet: Yours had many thousand Eye-witnesses, mine none (b) but b1v
but my Waiting-maids. But the Great God that hath
hitherto bless’d both Your Grace and me, will, I question
not, preserve both our Fames to after Ages, for which we
shall be bound most humbly to acknowledg his great Mercy;
and I my self, as long as I live, be

Your Graces Honest Wife,
and Humble Servant

M. Newcastle.

The b2r

The
Preface.

When I first Intended to write this History,
knowing my self to be no Scholar, and as
ignorant of the Rules of writing Histories,
as I have in my other Works acknowledg’d my
self to be of the Names and Terms of Art; I desired
my Lord, That he would be pleased to let me have
some Elegant and Learned Historian to assist me; which
request his Grace would not grant me; saying, That
having never had any Assistance in the writing of
my former Books, I should have no other in the writing
of his Life, but the Informations from himself,
and his Secretary, of the chief Transactions and Fortunes
occurring in it, to the time he married me. I
humbly answer’d, That without a learned Assistant,
the History would be defective: But he replied, That
Truth could not be defective. I said again, That Rhetorick b2v
Rhetorick did adorn Truth: And he answer’d, That
Rhetorick was fitter for Falshoods then Truths. Thus
I was forced by his Graces Commands, to write this
History in my own plain Style, without elegant Flourishings,
or exquisit Method, relying intirely upon
Truth, in the expressing whereof, I have been very
circumspect; as knowing well, that his Graces Actions
have so much Glory of their own, that they need
borrow none from any bodies Industry.

Many Learned Men, I know, have published
Rules and Directions concerning the Method and
Style of Histories, and do with great noise, to little
purpose, make loud exclamations against those Historians,
that keeping close to the Truth of their Narrations,
cannot think it necessary to follow slavishly such
Instructions; and there is some Men of good Understandings,
as I have heard, that applaud very much
several Histories, meerly for their Elegant Style, and
well-observ’d Method; setting a high value upon feigned
Orations, mystical Designs, and fancied Policies,
which are, at the best, but pleasant Romances. Others
approve, in the Relations of Wars, and of Military
Actions, such tedious Descriptions, that the
Reader, tired with them, will imagine that there was
more time spent in Assaulting, Defending, and taking
of a Fort, or a petty Garison, then Alexander did
employ in conquering the greatest part of the World:
which proves, That such Historians regard more their own c1r
own Eloquence, Wit and Industry, and the knowledg
they believe to have of the Actions of War, and
of all manner of Governments, than of the truth of
the History, which is the main thing, and wherein
consists the hardest task, very few Historians knowing
the Transactions they write of, and much less the
Counsels, and secret Designs of many different Parties,
which they confidently mention.

Although there be many sorts of Histories, yet
these three are the chiefest:

  • 1. a General History.
  • 2. A National History.
  • 3. A Particular History.


Which three sorts may, not unfitly, be compared to
the three sorts of Governments, Democracy, Aristocracy,
and Monarchy. The first is the History of
the known parts and people of the World; The second
is the History of a particular Nation, Kingdom
or Commonwealth. The third is the History of the
life and actions of some particular Person. The first
is profitable for Travellers, Navigators and Merchants;
the second is pernicious, by reason it teaches
subtil Policies, begets Factions, not onely between
particular Families and Persons, but also between
whole Nations, and great Princes, rubbing old sores,
and renewing old Quarrels, that would otherwise have
been forgotten. The last is the most secure; because it
goes not out of its own Circle, but turns on its own
Axis, and for the most part, keeps within the Circumference
of Truth. The first is Mechanical, the second (c) Political, c1v
Political, and the third Heroical. The first should
onely be written by Travellers, and Navigators;
The second by Statesmen; The third by the Prime
Actors, or the Spectators of those Affairs and Actions
of which they write, as sars Commentaries are,
which no Pen but of such an Author, who was also Actor
in the particular Occurrences, private Intrigues,
secret Counsels, close Designs, and rare Exploits of War
he relates, could ever have brought to so high Perfection.

This History is of the Third sort, as that is; and
being of the Life and Actions of my Noble Lord and
Husband, who hath informed me of all the particular
passages I have recorded, I cannot, though neither
Actor, nor Spectator, be thought ignorant of the
Truth of what I write; Nor is it inconsistent with my
being a Woman, to write of Wars, that was neither
between Medes and Persians, Greeks and Trojans, Christians
and Turks; but among my own Countreymen,
whose Customs and Inclinations, and most of the
Persons that held any considerable Place in the Armies,
was well known to me; and besides all that (which
is above all) my Noble and Loyal Lord did act a
chief Part in that fatal Tragedy, to have defended (if
humane power could have done it) his most Gracious
Soveraign, from the fury of his Rebellious Subjects.

This c2r

This History being (as I have said) of a particular
Person, his Actions, and Fortunes; it cannot
be expected, that I should here Preach of the beginning
of the World; nor seem to express understanding
in the Politicks, by tedious moral Discourses, with
long Observations upon the several sorts of Government
that have been in Greece & Rome, and upon others
more modern; I will neither endeavour to make
show of Eloquence, making Speeches that never was
spoken, nor pretend to great skill in War, by making
Mountains of Mole-hills, and telling Romansical Falshoods
for Historical Truths; and much less will I
write to amuse my Readers, in a mystical and allegorical
Style, of the disloyal Actions of the opposite Party,
of the Treacherous Cowardise, Envy and Malice
of some Persons, my Lords Enemies, and of the
ingratitude of some of his seeming Friends; wherein I
cannot better obey his Lordships Commands to
conceal those things, then in leaving them quite out,
as I do, with submission to his Lordships desire, from
whom I have learn’d Patience to overcome my Passions,
and Discretion to yield to his Prudence.

Thus am I resolved to write, in a natural plain style,
without Latin Sentences, moral Instructions, politick
Designs, feigned Orations, or envious and malicious
Exclamations, this short History of the Loyal,
Heroick and Prudent Actions of my Noble Lord,
as also of his Sufferings, Losses, and ill-Fortunes, which c2v
which in honour and Conscience I could not suffer to
be buried in silence; nor could I have undertaken so
hard a task, had not my love to his Person, and to
Truth, been my Encourager and Supporter.

I might have made this Book larger, in transcribing
(as is ordinary in Histories) the several Letters, full
of Affection, and kind promises he received from His
Gracious Soveraign, Charles the First, and from his
Royal Consort, in the time he was in the Actions of
War, as also since the War, from his dear Soveraign
and Master, Charles the Second; But many of the
former Letters having been lost, when all was lost; I
thought it best, seeing I had not them all, to print
none. As for Orations, which is another way of
swelling the bulk of Histories; it is certain, that My
Lord made not many; chusing rather to fight, then
to talk; and his Declarations having been printed already,
it had been superfluous to insert them in these
Narrations.

This Book would however, have been a great Volume,
if his Grace would have given me leave to publish
his Enemies Actions; But being to write of his
own onely, I do it briefly and truly; and not as many
have done, who have written of the late Civil War,
with but few sprinklings of Truth, like as Heat-drops
upon a dry barren Ground; knowing no more of the
Transactions of those Times, then what they learned
in the Gazets, which, for the most part, (out of Policylicy d1r
to amuse and deceive the People) contain nothing
but Falshoods and Chimeraes; and were such Parasites,
that after the Kings Party was over-powred,
the Government among the Rebels changing from
one Faction to another, they never miss’d to exalt
highly the Merits of the chief Commanders of the then
prevailing side, comparing some of them to Moses,
and some others to all the great and most famous Heroes,
both Greeks and Romans; wherein, unawares,
they exceedingly commended my Noble Lord; for
if those Ring-leaders of Factions were so great men as
they are reported to be, by those Time-servers, How
much greater must his Lordship be, who beat most of
them, except the Earl of Essex, whose employment
was never in the Northern parts, where all the rest of
the greatest strength of the Parliament was sent, to oppose
my Lord’s Forces, which was the greatest the
Kings Party had any where.

Good Fortune is such an Idol of the World, and
is so like the golden Calf worshipped by the Israelites,
that those Arch-Rebels never wanted Astrologers
to foretel them good success in all their Enterprises,
nor Poets to sing their Praises, nor Orators for
Panegyricks; nay, which is worse, nor Historians
neither, to record their Valour in fighting, and Wisdom
in Governing. But being, so much as I am, above
base Profit, or any Preferment whatsoever, I
cannot fear to be suspected of Flattery, in declaring (d) to d1v
to the World the Merits, Wealth, Power, Loyalty,
and Fortunes of My Noble Lord, who hath done
great Actions, suffered great Losses, endured a long
Banishment, for his Loyalty to his King and Countrey;
and leads now, like another Scipio, a quiet
Countrey-life. If notwithstanding all this, any should
say, That those who write Histories of themselves,
and their own actions, or of their own Party, or instruct
and inform those that write them, are partial to themselves;
I answer, That it is very improbable, Worthy
Persons, who having done Great, Noble and Heroick
Exploits, deserving to be recorded, should be
so vain, as to write false Histories; but if they do, it
proves but their Folly; for Truth can never be concealed,
and so it will be more for their disgrace, then for
their Honour or Fame. I fear not any such blemishes
in this present History, for I am not conscious of any such
Crime as Partiality or Falshood, but write it whilest
My Noble Lord is yet alive, and at such a time where
Truth may be declared, and Falshood contradicted;
and I challenge any one (although I be a Woman)
to contradict any thing that I have set down, or prove
it to be otherwise then Truth; for be there never
so many Contradictions, Truth will conquer all at last.

Concerning My Lords Actions in War, which
are comprehended in the first Book, the relation of them
I have chiefly from my Lords Secretary Mr. Rolleston,
a Person that has been an Eye-witness thereof, and ac- d2r
accompanied My Lord as Secretary in his Army, and
gave out all his Commissions; his honesty and worth
is unquestionable by all that know him. And as for
the Second Book, which contains My Lords Actions
and Sufferings, during the time of his Exile, I have
set down so much as I could possibly call to mind, without
any particular Expression of time, onely from
the time of his Banishment, or rather (what I can remember)
from the time of my Marriage, till our return
into England. To the end of which I have joined a
Computation of My Lord’s Losses, which he hath
suffered by those unfortunate Warres. In the third
Book I have set down some particular Chapters concerning
the Description of his Person, his Natural Faculties,
and Personal Vertues, &c. And in the last,
some Essayes and Discourses of My Lords, together
with some Notes and Remarques of mine own; which
I thought most convenient to place by themselves at the
end of this Work, rather then to intermingle them with
the Body of the History.

It might be some prejudice to my Lord’s Glory,
and the credit of this History, not to take notice of a
very considerable thing I have heard, which is, That
when his Lordship’s Army had got so much Strength
and Reputation, that the Rebellious Parliament finding
themselves overpower’d with it, rather then to
be utterly ruin’d, (as was unavoidable) did call the
Scots to their Assistance, with a promise to reward so great d2v
great a Service, with the Four Northern Counties of
Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmerland, and the
Bishoprick of Durham, which I have not mention’d
in the Book.

And it is most certain, That the Parliaments Forces
were never Powerful, nor their Commanders or
Officers Famous, until such time as my Lord was
overpower’d; neither could Loyalty have been overpower’d
by Rebellion, had not Treachery had better
Fortune then Prudence.

When I speak of my Lord’s Pedigree, where Thomas
Earl of Arundel, Grandfather to the now Duke of
Norfolk, is mention’d, they have left out William
Viscount Stafford
, one of his Sons, who did marry the
Heir of the last Baron Stafford, descended from the
Dukes of Buckingham; which was set down in my Original
Manuscript.

Some of those Omissions, and very probably others,
are happened, partly for want of timely Information,
and chiefly by the death of my Secretary, who did copy
my Writings for the Press, and dy’d in London, attending
that Service, afore the Printing of the Book
was quite finish’d. And as I hope of your Favour to
be excus’d for omitting those things in the Book; so I
expect of your Justice to be approv’d in putting them
here, though somewhat unseasonably.

Before I end this Preface, I do beseech my Readers
not to mistake me when I speak of my Lord’s Banishment,ment, d3r
as if I would conceal that he went voluntarily
out of his Native Country; for it is most true, that his
Lordship prudently perceiving all the King’s Party
lost, not onely in England, but also in Scotland and
Ireland; and that it was impossible to withstand the
Rebels, after the fatal overthrow of his Army; his
Lordship, in a poor and mean condition quitted his
own Countrey, and went beyond Sea; soon after
which, the Rebels having got an Absolute Power, and
granted a general Pardon to all those that would come
in to them, upon composition, at the Rates they had set
down, his Lordship, with but few others, was excepted
from it, both for Life and Estate, and did remain
thus banish’d till His Majesties happy Restauration.

I must also acknowledg, That I have committed
great Errors in taking no notice of Times as I should
have done in many places of this History: I mention
in one place the Queen Mothers being in France, when
my Lord went thither, but do not say in what year
that was: Nor do I express when His Majesty (our
now Gracious Soveraign) came in, and went out again
several times from that Kingdom, which has happen’d
for want of Memory, and I desire my Readers
to excuse me for it.

No body can certainly be more ready to find faults
in this Work, then I am to confess them; being very
conscious that I have, as I told my Lord I should,
committed many for want of Learning, and chiefly of d3v
of skill in writing Histories: But having, according
to his Lordships Commands, written his Actions and
Fortunes truly and plainly, I have reason to expect,
that whatsoever else shall be found amiss, will be favourably
pardoned by the candid Readers, to whom
I wish all manner of happiness.

An e1r

An
Epistle
To Her
Grace
the
Duchess of Newcastle.

May it please your Grace,

Ihave been taught, and do believe, That Obedience is
better then Sacrifice; and know, that both are due from me
to your Grace; and since I have been so long in obeying your
Commands, I shall not presume to use any Arguments for my
excuse, but rather chuse ingeniously to confess my fault, and
beg your Graces Pardon. And because forgiveness is a
Glory to the supreamest Powers, I will hope that your
Grace by that great example will make it yours. And now (e) I e1v
I humbly take leave to represent to your Grace, as faithfully
and truly as my memory will serve me, all my Observations
of the most memorable Actions, and honourable Deportments
of His Grace, my most Noble Lord, and Master,
William Duke of Newcastle, in the Execution and
Performance of the Trusts and high Employments committed
and commended to his care and charge by three Kings of
England; that is to say, King James, King Charles the
First
, of ever blessed Memory; and our Gracious King,
Charles the Second; under whom he hath had the happiness
to live, and the honour to serve them in several capacities:
And because I humbly conceive, that it is not within the intention
of your Graces Commands, that I should give you
a particular Relation of His Graces High Birth, his Noble
and Princely Education and Breeding, both at home and
abroad; his Natural Faculties, and Personal Vertues;
his Justice, Bounty, Charity, Friendship; his Right
Approved Courage, and True Valour, not grounded upon,
or govern’d by Passion, but Reason; his Magnificent
manner of living and supporting his Dignity, testified by his
great Entertainments of their Majesties, and his private
Friends, upon all fit occasions, besides his ordinary and
constant House-keeping and Attendants; some for Honour,
and some for business, wherein he exceeded most of his Quality;
and that he was, and is an incomparable Master to
his Servants, is sufficiently testified by all or most of the
chiefest of them, living and dying in His Graces Service,
which is an Argument that they thought themselves as happy e2r
happy therein, as the World could make them; nor of his
well-chosen Pleasures, which were principally Horses of all
sorts, but more particularly Horses of Mannage; His
Study and Art of the true use of the Sword; His Magnificent
Buildings. These are his chiefest Delights, wherein
his Grace spared for no cost nor charge, which are sufficiently
manifested to the World; for other Delights, as those
of running Horses, Hawking, Hunting, &c. His Grace
used them meerly for societies sake, and out of a generous and
obliging Nature to please others, though his knowledg in
them excelled, as well as in the other. And yet notwithstanding
these his large and vast expences, before his Grace
was called to the Court, he encreased his Revenue by way
of Purchase to a great value; and when he was called to
the Court, he was then free from Debts, and, as I have
heard, some Thousands of Pounds in his Purse. These
Particulars, and as many more of this kind as would swell
a Volume, I could enumerate to your Grace; but that they
are so well known to your Grace, it would be a Presumption
in me, rather then a Service, to give your Grace that trouble;
and therefore I humbly forbear, and proceed, according
to my Intention, to give your Grace a faithful account
of Your Graces Commands, as becomes

May it please your Grace,
Your Graces most humble,
and most obedient Servant,

John Rolleston.

The e2v B1r 1

The
Life
of the
Most Illustrious Prince,
William
Duke of Newcastle.

The First Book.

Since my chief intent in this present Work,
is to describe the Life and Actions of
My Noble Lord and Husband, William,
Duke of Newcastle, I shall do it
with as much Brevity, Perspicuity and Truth, as is
required of an Impartial Historian. The History
of his Pedigree I shall refer to the Heralds, and partly
give you an account thereof at the latter end of this
work; onely thus much I shall now mention, as will
be requisite for the better understanding of the following
discourse.

B His B1v 2

His Grandfather by his Fathers side was Sir William
Cavendish
, Privy Counsellour and Treasurer
of the Chamber to King Henry the Eighth, Edward
the Sixth
, and Queen Mary. His Grandfather by
his Mother was Cuthbert Lord Ogle, an ancient Baron.
His Father Sir Charles Cavendish was the
youngest son to Sir William, and had no other Children
but three Sons, whereof My Lord was the Second;
but his elder Brother dying in his Infancy, left
both his Title and Birth-right to My Lord, so that My
Lord had then but one onely Brother left, whose
name was Charles after his Father, whereas My Lord
had the name of his Grandfather.

These two Brothers were partly bred with Gilbert
Earl of Shrewsbury their Uncle in Law, and their Aunt
Mary, Countess of Shrewsbury, Gilbert’s Wife, and
Sister to their Father; for there interceded an intire
and constant Friendship between the said Gilbert, Earl
of Shrewsbury, and My Lord’s Father, Sir Charles
Cavendish
, caused not onely by the marriage of My
Lord’s Aunt, his Father’s Sister, to the aforesaid Gilbert
Earl of Shrewsbury, and by the marriage of George
Earl of Shrewsbury, Gilbert’s Father, with My Lord’s
Grandmother, by his Father’s side; but Sir Charles
Cavendish
, My Lord’s Father, and Gilbert Earl of
Shrewsbury, being brought up and bred together in
one Family, and grown up as parts of one body, after
they came to be beyond Children, and travelled togetherther B2r 3
into foreign Countries, to observe the Fashions,
Laws, and Customs of other Nations, contracted such
an intire Friendship which lasted to their death: neither
did they out live each other long, for My Lord’s Father,
Sir Charles Cavendish, lived but one year after Gilbert
Earl of Shrewsbury.

But both My Lords Parents, and his Aunt and Uncle
in Law, shewed always a great and fond love to
My Lord, endeavouring, when He was but a Child,
to please him with what he most delighted in. When
He was grown to the Age of fifteen or sixteen, he was
made Knight of the Bath, an ancient and honourable
Order, at the time when Henry, King James, of
blessed Memory, His eldest Son was created Prince of
Wales: and soon after, he went to travel with Sir Henry
Wotton
, who was sent as Ambaslsador Extraordinary
to the then Duke of Savoy; which Duke made very
much of My Lord, and when he would be free in
Feasting, placed Him next to himself. Before
My Lord did return with the Ambassador into England,
the said Duke profer’d My Lord, that if he
would stay with him, he would not onely confer upon
him the best Titles of Honour he could, but also
give him an honourable Command in War, although
My Lord was but young, for the Duke had then
some designs of War. But the Ambassador, who had
taken the care of My Lord, would not leave Him
behind without his Parents consent.

At B2v 4

At last, when My Lord took his leave of the Duke,
the Duke being a very generous person, presented
Him with a Spanish Horse, a Saddle very richly embroidered,
and with a rich Jewel of Diamonds.

Some time after My Lord’s return into England,
Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury died, and left My Lord,
though he was then but young, and about Twenty
two years of age, his Executor; a year after, his Father
Sir Charles Cavendish, died also. His Mother,
being then a Widow, was desirous that My Lord
should marry: in obedience to whose Commands, he
chose a Wife both to his own good liking, and his Mothers
approving; who was Daughter and Heir to William
Basset of Blore Esq
; a very honourable and ancient
Family in Stafford-shire, by whom was added a
great part to His Estate, as hereafter shall be mentioned.
After My Lord was married, he lived, for
the most part, in the Country, and pleased Himself
and his neighbors with Hospitality, and such delights
as the Country afforded; onely now and then he
would go up to London for some short time to wait on
the King.

About this time King James, of blessed memory, having
a purpose to confer some Honour upon My
Lord, made him Viscount Mansfield, and Baron of
Bolsover; and after the decease of King James, King
Charles the First
, of blessed Memory, constituted him
Lord Warden of the Forrest of Sherewood, and Lieutenanttenant C1r 5
of Nottingham-shire, and restored his Mother
Catharine, the second Daughter of Cuthbert Lord Ogle,
to her Fathers Dignity, after the death of her onely
Sister Jane Countess of Shrewsbury, publickly declaring,
that it was her Right; which Title after the
death of his Mother, descended also upon My Lord,
and his Heirs General, together with a large Inheritance
of 3000 l. a year, in Northumberland.

About the same time, after the decease of William,
late Earl of Devonshire
, his Noble Cousin German,
My Lord was by his said Majesty made Lord Lieutenant
of Derby-shire; which trust and honour, after
he had enjoyed for several years, and managed it,
like as all other offices put to his Trust, with all possible
care, faithfulness and dexterity, during the time of the
said Earls Son, William the now Earl of Devonshire,
his Minority, as soon as this same Earl was come
to age, and by Law made capable of that trust, he
willingly and freely resign’d it into his hands, he having
hitherto kept it onely for him, that he and no body
else might succeed his Father in that dignity.

In these, and all other both publick and private imployments,
My Lord hath ever been careful to keep
up the Kings Rights to the uttermost of his power, to
strengthen those mentioned Counties with Ammunition,
and to administer Justice to every one; for he
refused no mans Petition, but sent all that came to him
either for relief or justice, away from him fully satisfied.

C Not C1v 6

Not long after his being made Lieutenant of Nottingham-shire,
there was found so great a defect of
Armes and Ammunition in that County, that the
Lords of the Council being advertised thereof, as the
manner then was, His Majesty commanded a levy to
be made upon the whole County for the supply
thereof; whereupon the sum of 500 l. or thereabout,
was accordingly levied for that purpose, and three
Persons of Quality, then Deputy Lieutenants, were
desired by My Lord to receive the money, and see it
disposed; which being done accordingly, and a certain
account rendred to My Lord, he voluntarily
ordered the then Clerk of the Peace of that County,
That the same account should be recorded amongst
the Sessions Roles, and be published in open Sessions,
to the end that the Country might take notice, how
their monies were disposed of; for which act of Justice
My Lord was highly commended.

Within some few years after, King Charles
the First
, of blessed Memory, His Gracious Soveraign,
in regard of His true and faithful service to his
King and Country, was pleased to honour him with
the Title of Earl of Newcastle, and Baron of Bothal
and Heple
; which Title he graced so much by His
Noble Actions and Deportments, that some seven
years after, which was in the Year 16381638. His Majesty
called him up to Court, and thought Him the fittest
Person whom He might intrust with the Government of C2r 7
of His Son Charles then Prince of Wales, now our
most Gracious King, and made him withal a Member
of the Lords of His Majesties most honourable Privy
Council; which, as it was a great Honour and Trust,
so He spared no care and industry to discharge His
Duty accordingly; and to that end, left all the care
of governing his own Family and Estate, with all Fidelity
attending His Master not without considerable
Charges, and vast Expences of his own.

In this present Employment He continued for the
space of three Years, during which time there happened
an Insurrection and Rebellion of His Majesties
discontented Subjects in Scotland, which forced His
Majesty to raise an Army, to reduce them to their Obedience,
and His Treasury being at that time exhausted,
he was necessitated to desire some supply and
assistance of the Noblest and Richest of his Loyal
Subjects; amongst the rest, My Lord lent His Majesty
10000 l. and raised Himself a Voluntier-Troop
of Horse, which consisted of 120 Knights and Gentlemen
of Quality, who marched to Berwick by His
Majesties Command, where it pleased His Majesty to
set this mark of Honour upon that Troop, that it
should be Independent, and not commanded by any
General Officer, but onely by his Majesty Himself;
The reason thereof was upon this following occasion.

His C2v 8

His Majesties whole body of Horse, being commanded
to march into Scotland against the Rebels, a
place was appointed for their Rendezvous; Immediately
upon their meeting, My Lord sent a Gentleman
of Quality of his Troop Sir William
Carnaby
, Kt.Knight
to His Majesties then
General of the Horse, to know where his Troop
should march; who returned this answer, That it was
to march next after the Troops of the General Officers
of the Field. My Lord conceiving that his
Troop ought to march in the Van, and not in the
Rear, sent the same Messenger back again to the General,
to inform him, That he had the honour to
march with the Princes Colours, and therefore he
thought it not fit to march under any of the Officers
of the Field; yet nevertheless the General ordered
that Troop as he had formerly directed. Whereupon,
My Lord thinking it unfit at that time to dispute
the business, immediately commanded his Cornet
Mr. Gray,
Brother to
the Lord
Gray
of the
North.
to take off the Princes Colours from his staff, and
so marched in the place appointed, choosing rather to
march without his Colours flying, then to lessen his
Masters dignity by the command of any subject.

Immediately after the return from that expedition
to his Majesties Leaguer, the General made a complaint
thereof to his Majesty; who being truly informed
of the business, commended my Lords discretion
for it, and from that time ordered that Troop to
be commanded by none but himself. Thus they remain’dmain’d D1r 9
upon duty obscuredapproxmately 6 words
obscuredapproximately 5 words, until His Majesty had reduced
his Rebellious Subjects, and then My Lord returned
with honour to his Charge, viz. The Government
of the Prince.

At last when the whole Army was disbanded,
then, and not before, my Lord thought it a fit Time to
exact an account from the said General for the affront
he pass’d upon him, and sent him a Challenge; the place
and hour being appointed by both their Consents,
where and when to meet, My Lord appear’d there
with his Second, Francis
Palmes
.
but found not his Opposite: After
some while his Opposite’s Second came all alone, by
whom my Lord perceiv’d that their Design had
been discover’d to the King by some of his Opposite’s
Friends, who presently caused them both to
be confined until he had made their Peace.

My Lord having hitherto attended the Prince,
his Master, with all faithfulness and duty befitting so
great an Employment, for the space of three years,
in the beginning of that Rebellious and unhappy
Parliament, which was the cause of all the ruines
and misfortunes that afterwards befell this Kingdom,
was privately advertised, that the Parliaments Design
was to take the Government of the Prince from
him, which he apprehending as a disgrace to Himself,
wisely prevented, and obtained the Consent of His
late Majesty, with His Favour, to deliver up the D Charge D1v 10
Charge of being Governor to the Prince, and retire
into the Countrey; which he did in the beginning
of the Year 16411641, and setled himself, with his Lady,
Children and Family, to his great satisfaction,
with an intent to have continued there, and rested
under his own Vine, and managed his own Estate;
but he had not enjoyed himself long, but an Express
came to him from His Majesty, who was
then unjustly and unmannerly treated by the said
Parliament, to repair with all possible speed and privacy,
to Kingston upon Hull, where the greatest part
of His Majesties Ammunition and Arms then remained
in that Magazine, it being the most considerable
place for strength in the Northern parts of the
Kingdom.

Immediately upon the receipt of these His
Majesties Orders and Commands, my Lord prepared
for their execution, and about Twelve of the
Clock at night, hastned from his own house when
his Familie were all at their rest, save two or three
Servants which he appointed to attend him. The
next day early in the morning he arrived at Hull,
in the quality of a private Gentleman, which place
was distant from his house forty miles; and none of
his Family that were at home, knew what was become
of him, till he sent an Express to his Lady to
inform her where he was.

Thus D2r 11

Thus being admitted into the Town, he fell
upon his intended Design, and brought it to so
hopeful an issue for His Majesties Service, that he
wanted nothing but His Majesties further Commission
and Pleasure to have secured both the Town and
Magazine for His Majesties use; and to that end by
a speedy Express Capt. Mazine.
gave His Majesty, who was then
at Windsor, an account of all his Transactions therein,
together with his Opinion of them, hoping His
Majesty would have been pleased either to come thither
in Person, which He might have done with much
security, or at least have sent him a Commission
and Orders how he should do His Majesty further
Service.

But instead thereof he received Orders from His
Majesty to observe such Directions as he should receive
from the Parliament then sitting: Whereupon
he was summoned personally to appear at the
House of Lords, and a Committee chosen to examine
the Grounds and Reasons of his undertaking
that Design; but my Lord shewed them his Commission,
and that it was done in obedience to His
Majesties Commands, and so was cleared of that
Action.

Not long after, my Lord obtained the freedom
from His Majesty to retire again to his Countrey-
Life, which he did with much alacrity: He had
not remained many months there, but His Majesty was D2v 12
was forced by the fury of the said Parliament, to repair
in Person to York, and to send the Queen beyond the
Seas for her safety.

No sooner was His Majesty arrived at York, but
he sent his GCommands to my Lord to come thither to
him; which according to his wonted custom and loyalty
he readily obeyed, and after a few days spent there
in Consultation, His Majesty was pleased to Command
him to Newcastle upon Tyne, to take upon him
the Government of that Town, and the four Counties
next adjoining; that is to say, Northumberland, Cumberland,
Westmerland, and the Bishoprick of Durham: which
my Lord did accordingly, although he wanted Men,
Money and Ammunition, for the performance of that
design; for when he came thither, he neither found
any Military provision considerable for the undertaking
that work, nor generally any great encouragement
from the people in those parts, more then what his
own interest created in them; Nevertheless, he thought
it his duty rather to hazard all, then to neglect the
Commands of His Soveraign; and resolved to shew
his Fidelity, by nobly setting all at stake, as he did,
though he well knew how to have secured himself, as
too many others did, either by Neutrality, or adhering
to the Rebellious Party; but his Honour and
Loyalty was too great to be stained with such foul adherencies.

As E1r 13

As soon as my Lord came to Newcastle, in the first
place he sent for all his Tenants and Friends in those
parts, and presently raised a Troop of Horse consisting
of 120. and a Regiment of Foot, and put
them under Command, and upon duty and exercise
in the Town of Newcastle; and with this small beginning
took the Government of that place upon
him; where with the assistance of the Towns-men,
particularly the Mayor, Sir John
Marlay
Kt.Knight
(whom by the power of his
Forces, he continued Mayor for the year following, he
being a person of much trust and fidelity, as he approved
himself) and the rest of his Brethren, within few
days he fortified the Town, and raised men daily, and
put a Garrison of Soldiers into Tinmouth-Castle, standing
upon the River Tyne, betwixt Newcastle and the
Sea, to secure that Port, and armed the Soldiers as
well as he could: And thus he stood upon his Guard,
and continued them upon Duty; playing his weak
Game with much Prudence, and giving the Town
and Country very great satisfaction by his noble and
honourable Deportment.

In the mean time, there happend a great mutiny
of the Trainband Souldiers of the Bishoprick at Durham,
so that my Lord was forced to remove thither
in Person, attended with some forces to appease them;
where at his arrival (I mention it by the way, and
as a merry passage) a jovial Fellow used this expression,
That he liked my Lord very well, but E not E1v 14
not his Company (meaning his Soldiers.)

After my Lord had reduced them to their obedience
and duty, he took great care of the Church Government
in the said Bishoprick (as he did no less in
all other places committed to his Care and Protection,
well knowing that Schism and Faction in Religion is
the Mother of all or most Rebellions, Wars and Disturbances
in a State or Government) and constituted
that Learned and Eminent Divine the then Dean of Peterborough, now Lord-Bishop of Durham, Dr. Coosens
to view
all Sermons that were to be Preached, and suffer nothing
in them that in the least reflected against His Majesties
Person and Government, but to put forth and
add whatsoever he thought convenient, and punish
those that should trespass against it. In which that
worthy Person used so much care and industry, that
never the Church could be more happily govern’d
then it was at that present.

Some short time after, my Lord received from Her
Majesty the Queen, out of Holland a small supply of
Money, viz. a little barrel of Ducatoons, which
amounted to about 500 l. Sterling; which my Lord
distributed amongst the Officers of his new raised Army,
to encourage them the better in their service; as
also some Armes, the most part whereof were consigned
to his late Majesty; and those that were ordered to
be conveyed to his Majesty, were sent accordingly,
conducted by that onely Troop of Horse, which my Lord E2r 15
Lord had newly raised, with orders to return again
to him; but it seems His Majesty liked the Troop so
well, that he was pleased to command their stay to recruit
his own Army.

About the same time the King of Denmark was likewise
pleased to send His Majesty a Ship, which arrived
at Newcastle, laden with some Ammunition,
Armes, Regiment Pieces, and Danish Clubs; which
my Lord kept for the furnishing of some Forces which
he intended to raise for His Majesties service; for he
perceiving the flames increase more and more in both
the Houses of Parliament then sitting at Westminster,
against his Majesties Person and Government; upon
Consultation with his Friends and Allies, and the interest
he had in those Northern parts, took a resolution
to raise an Army for His Majesties service, and
by an express acquainted His Majesty with his design;
who was so well pleased with it, that he sent him Commissions
for that purpose, to constitute him General
of all the Forces raised and to be raised in all the parts
of the Kingdom, Trent-North, and moreover in the
several Counties of Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Lancashire,
Cheshire, Leicester, Rutland, Cambridg, Huntington,
Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex, and Commander
in Chief for the same; as also to impower and authorize
him to confer the honour of Knighthood upon
such Persons as he should conceive deserved it, and
to coin Money and Print whensoever he saw occasion for E2v 16
for it: Which as it was not onely a great Honour,
but a great Trust and Power; so he used it with much
discretion and wisdom, onely in such occurrencies,
where he found it tending to the advancement of His
Majesties Service, and conferr’d the honour of Knighthood
sparingly, and but on such persons, whose Valiant
and Loyal Actions did justly deserve it, so that
he Knighted in all to the number of Twelve.

Within a short time, my Lord formed an Army
of 8000 Foot, Horse and Dragoons, and put them
into a condition to march in the beginning of 1642-11November
1642
. No sooner was this effected, but the Insurrection
grew high in York-shire, in so much, that
most of His Majesties good subjects of that County,
as well the Nobility as Gentry, were forced for the
preservation of their persons, to retire to the City of
York, a walled Town, but of no great strength; and
hearing that my Lord had not onely kept those Counties
in the Northern parts generally faithful to his Majesty,
but raised an Army for His Majesties Interest,
and the protection of his good subjects; thought it
convenient to employ and authorise some persons of
Quality to attend upon my Lord, and treat with
him on their behalf, that he would be pleased to give
them the assistance of his Army, which my Lord granted
them upon such Terms as did highly advance His
Majesties Service, which was my Lords chief and onely
aim.

Thus F1r 17

Thus my Lord being with his Army invited into
York-shire, He prepared for it with all the speed that
the nature of that business could possibly permit; and
after he had fortified the Town of Newcastle, Tynmouthcastle,
Hartlepool (a Haven Town) and
some other necessary Garisons in those parts, and
Mann’d, Victuall’d and order’d their constant supply,
He thought it fit in the first place, before he did march,
to manifest to the World by a Declaration in Print,
the reasons and grounds of his undertaking that design;
which were in General, for the preservation of His
Majesties Person and Government, and the defence of
the Orthodox Church of England; where He also
satisfied those that murmur’d for my Lords receiving
into his Army such as were of the Catholick Religion,
and then he presently marched with his Army into
York-shire to their assistance, and within the time agreed
upon, came to York, notwithstanding the Enemies
Forces gave him all the interruption they possibly
could, at several passes; whereof the chief was at
Pierce-bridg, at the entering into York-shire, where
1500 of the Enemies Forces, Commanded in chief
by Col. Hotham, were ready to interrupt my Lord’s
Forces, sent thither to secure that passe, consisting
of a Regiment of Dragoons, commanded by Colonel
Thomas Howard
, and a Regiment of Foot, Commanded
by Sir William Lambton, which they performed
with so much Courage, that they routed the F Enemy F1v 18
Enemy, and put them to flight, although the said
Col. Howard in that Charge lost his Life by an unfortunate
shot.

The Enemy thus missing of their design, fled until
they met with a conjunction of their whole Forces
at Tadcaster, some eight miles distant from York,
and my Lord went on without any other considerable
Interruption. Being come to York, he drew up
his whole Army before the Town, both Horse and
Foot, where the Commander in Chief, the then
Earl of Cumberland, together with the Gentry of
the Country, came to wait on my Lord, and the
then Governor of York, Sir Thomas Glemham, presented
him with the Keys of the City.

Thus my Lord marched into the Town with great
joy, and to the general satisfaction both of the
Nobility and Gentry, and most of the Citizens;
and immediately without any delay, in the later end
of 1642-12December 1642, fell upon Consultations how
he might best proceed to serve his King and Country;
and particularly, how his Army should be
maintained and paid, (as he did also afterwards in
every Country wheresoever he marched) well knowing,
that no Army can be governed without being
constantly and regularly supported by provision and
pay. Whereupon it was agreed, That the Nobility
and Gentry of the several Counties, should select
a certain number of themselves to raise money by F2r 19
by a regular Tax, for the making provisions for the
support and maintenance of the Army, rather than
to leave them to free-quarter, and to carve for themselves;
and if any of the Soldiers were exorbitant
and disorderly, and that it did appear so to those
that were authorised to examine their deportment,
that presently order should be given to repair those
injuries out of the moneys levied for the Soldiery;
by which means the Country was preserved from
many inconveniences, which otherwise would doubtless
have followed.

And though the season of the year might well have
invited my Lord to take up his Winter-quarters, it
being about Christmas; yet after he had put a good
Garison into the City of York, and fortified it, upon
intelligence that the Enemy was still at Tadcaster,
and had fortified that place, he resolved to march
thither. The greatest part of the Town stands on the
West side of a River not fordable in any place near
thereabout, nor allowing any passage into the Town
from York, but over a Stone-bridge, which the Enemy
had made impassable by breaking down part
of the Bridg, and planting their Ordnance upon it,
and by raising a very large and strong Fort upon the
top of a Hill, leading Eastward from that Bridg
towards York, upon design of commanding the Bridg
and all other places fit to draw up an Army in, or to
plant Cannon against them.

But F2v 20

But notwithstanding all these Discouragements,
my Lord after he had refresh’d his Army at York,
and recruited his provisions, ordered a march before
the said Town in this manner: That the greatest part
of his Horse and Dragoons should in the night march
to a Pass at Weatherby, five miles distant from Tadcaster,
towards North-west, from thence under the
Command of his then Lieutenant General of the
Army, to appear on the West side of Tadcaster early
the next morning, by which time my Lord with
the rest of his Army resolved to appear at the East-
side of the said Town; which intention was well design’d,
but ill executed; for though my Lord with
that part of the Army which he commanded in person,
that is to say, his Foot and Cannon, attended by
some Troops of Horse, did march that night, and
early in the morning appear’d before the Town on
the East side thereof, and there drew up his Army,
planted his Cannon, and closely and orderly besieged
that side of the Town, and from ten in the morning
till four a Clock in the afternoon, battered the Enemies
Forts and Works, as being in continual expectation
of the appearance of the Troops on the other
side, according to his order; yet (whether it was out
of Neglect or Treachery that my Lords Orders were
not obeyed) that days Work was rendred ineffectual
as to the whole Design.

How- G1r 21

However the vigilancy of My Lord did put the Enemy
into such a Terror, that they forsook that Fort,
and secretly fled away with all their Train that very
night to another strong hold not far distant from Tadcaster,
called Cawood-Castle, to which, by reason of
its low and boggy Scituation, and foul and narrow
Lanes and passages, it was not possible for my Lord
to pursue them without too great an hazard to his Army;
whereas had the Lieutenant General performed
his Duty, in all probability the greatest part of the
principal Rebels in York-shire, would that day have
been taken in their own trap, and their further mischief
prevented. My Lord, the next morning, instead
of storming the Town, (as he had intended)
entred without interruption, and there stayed some
few days to refresh his Army, and order that part of
the Country.

In 1642-12December 1642. My Lord thought it fit to march
to Pomfret, and to quarter his Army in that part of
the Country, which was betwixt Cawood, and some
Garisons of the Enemy, in the west part of York-shire,
viz. Hallifax, Bradford, Leeds, Wakefield, &c. where
he remained some time to recruit and enlarge his Army,
which was much lessened by erecting of Garisons,
and to keep those parts in order and obedience to His
Majesty; And after he had thus ordered his Affairs, He
was enabled to give Protection to those parts of the
Country that were most willing to embrace it, and G quarter’d G1v 22
quarter’d his Army for a time in such places which
he had reduced. Tadcaster, which stood upon a Pass,
he made a Garison, or rather a strong Quarter, and
put also a Garison into Pomfret Castle, not above eight
Miles distant from Tadcaster, which commanded that
Town, and a great part of the Country.

During the time that his Army remained at Pomfret,
My Lord setled a Garison at Newark in Nottingham-shire,
standing upon the River Trent, a very considerable
pass, which kept the greatest part of Nottingham-shire,
and part of Lincoln-shire in obedience; and
after that, he returned in the beginning of 1643-01January
1642
, back to York, with an intention to supply Himself
with some Ammunition, which He had ordered to
be brought from Newcastle: A Convoy of Horse that
were imployed to conduct it from thence, under the
Command of the Lieutenant General of the Army
the Lord Ethyn, was by the Enemy at a pass, called Yarum-bridg,
in York-shire, fiercely encountred; in which
encounter My Lord’s Forces totally routed them, slew
many, and took many Prisoners, and most of their
Horse Colours consisting of Seventeen Cornets; and
so march’d on to York with their Ammunition, without
any other Interruption.

My Lord, after he had received this Ammunition,
put his Army into a condition to march, and having
intelligence that the Queen was at Sea, with intention
to land in some part of the Eastriding of York-shire, he directed G2r 23
directed his March in 1643-02February 1642, into those parts,
to be ready to attend Her Majesties landing, who was
then daily expected from Holland. Within a short
time, after it had pleased God to protect Her Majesty
both from the fury of Wind and Waves, there being
for several days such a Tempest at Sea, that Her
Majesty, with all her Attendance, was in danger to
be cast away every minute; as also from the fury of
the Rebels, which had the whole Naval Power of
the Kingdom then in their Hands: she arrived safely
at a small Port in the Eastriding of York-shire, called
Burlington Key, where Her Majesty was no sooner
landed, but the Enemy at Sea made continual shot
against her Ships in the Port, which reached not onely
Her Majesties landing, but even the House where she
lay (though without the least hurt to any) so that
she her self, and her Attendants, were forced to leave
the same, and to seek Protection from a Hill near that
place, under which they retired; and all that while it
was observed, that Her Majesty shewed as much Courage
as ever any person could do; for Her undaunted
and Generous spirit was like her Royal Birth, deriving
it self from that unparrallell’d King, Her Father, whose
Heroick Actions will be in perpetual Memory, whilest
the World hath a being.

My Lord finding Her Majesty in this condition,
drew his Army near the place where she was, ready
to attend and protect Her Majesties Person, who was G2v 24
was pleased to take a view of the Army as it was
drawn up in order; and immediately after, which
was in 1643-03March 1643, took Her journey towards York,
whither the whole Army conducted Her Majesty, and
brought her safe into the City. About this time, Her
Majesty having some present occasion for Money, My
Lord presented Her with 3000 l. Sterling, which she
graciously accepted of, and having spent some time there
in Consultation about the present affairs, she was pleased
to send some Armes and Ammunition to the King,
who was then in Oxford; to which end, my Lord ordered
a Party consisting of 1500, well Commanded,
to conduct the same, with whom the Lord Percy,
who then had waited upon Her Majesty from the
King, returned to Oxford; which Party His Majesty
was pleased to keep with him for his own Service.

Not long after, My Lord, who always endeavoured
to win any place or persons by fair means, rather
then by using of force, reduced to His Majesties obedience
a strong Fort and Castle upon the Sea, and a
very good Haven, call’d Scarborough-Castle, perswading
the Governour thereof, who heretofore had opposed
his Forces at Yarum-bridg, with such rational
and convincible Arguments, that he willingly rendred
himself, and all the Garison, unto His Majesties
Devotion; By which prudent Action My Lord
highly advanced His Majesties Interest; for by that
means the Enemy was much annoyed and prejudiced at H1r 25
at Sea, and a great part in the East-riding of York-shire
kept in due obedience.

After this, My Lord having received Intelligence
that the Enemies General of the Horse Sir Thomas
Fairfax.
had designed
to march with a Party from Cawood Castle, whither
they were fled from Tadcaster, as before is mentioned,
to some Garisons which they had in the West of
York-shire; presently order’d a party of Horse, Commanded
by the General of the Horse, the Lord George
Goring
, to attend the Enemy in their March, who overtook
them on a Moor, call’d Seacroft-Moor, and
fell upon their Rear, which caused the Enemy to draw
up their Forces into a Body; to whom they gave a
Total rout (although their number was much greater)
and took about 800 Prisoners, and 10 or 12 Colours
of Horse, besides many that were slain in the charge;
which Prisoners were brought to York, about 10 or 12
miles distant from that same place.

Immediately after, in pursuit of that Victory, My
Lord sent a considerable Party into the West of York-
shire
, where they met with about 2000 of the Enemies
Forces, taken out of their several Garisons in
those parts, to execute some design upon a Moor called
Tankerly-Moor, and there fought them, and routed
them; many were slain, and some taken Prisoners.

Not long after, the Remainder of the Army that
were left at York, marched to Leeds, in the West of
York-shire, and from thence to Wakefield, being both H the H1v 26
the Enemies Quarters, to reduce and settle that part
of the Country: My Lord having possessed himself
of the Town of Wakefield, it being large, and of
great compass, and able to make a strong quarter,
order’d it accordingly; and receiving Intelligence
that in two Market-Towns Southwest from Wakefield,
viz. Rotheram and Sheffield, the Enemy was
very busie to raise Forces against his Majesty, and
had fortified them both about four miles distant from
each other, hoping thereby to give protection and
encouragement to all those parts of the Country
which were populous, rich and rebellious, he thought
it necessary to use his best endeavours to blast those
their wicked designs in the bud; and thereupon took
a resolution in 1643-04April 1643, to march with part of
his Army from Wakefield into the mentioned parts,
attended with a convenient Train of Artillery and
Ammunition, leaving the greatest part of it at Wakefield
with the remainder of his Army, under the
Care and Conduct of his General of the Horse, and
Major General of the Army, obscured3 lines which was so considerable,
both in respect of their number and provision,
that they did, as they might well, conceive
themselves Master of the Field in those parts, and
secure in that quarter, although in the end it proved
not so, as shall hereafter be declared, which must
necessarily be imputed to their invigilancy and carelessness.

My H2r 27

My Lord first marched to Rotheram, and finding
that the Enemy had placed a Garison of Soldiers
in that Town, and fortified it, he drew up his
Army in the morning against the Town, and summon’d
it; but they refusing to yield, my Lord fell
to work with his Cannon and Musket, and within
a short time took it by storm, and enter’d the
Town that very night; some Enemies of note that
were found therein, were taken Prisoners; and as
for the common Soldiers, which were by the Enemy
forced from their Allegiance, he shew’d such
Clemency to them, that very many willingly took
up Arms for His Majesties Service, and proved very
faithful and loyal Subjects, and good Soldiers.

After my Lord had stayed two or three dayes
there, and order’d those parts, he marched with his
Army to Sheffield, another Market-Town of large
extent, in which there was an ancient Castle; which
when the Enemies Forces that kept the Town, came
to hear of, being terrified with the fame of my Lords
hitherto Victorious Army, they fled away from
thence into Derbyshire, and left both Town and
Castle (without any blow) to my Lords Mercy;
and though the people in the Town were most of
them rebelliously affected, yet my Lord so prudently
ordered the business, that within a short time he
reduced most of them to their Allegiance by love, and H2v 28
and the rest by fear, and recruited his Army daily;
he put a Garison of Soldiers into the Castle,
and fortified it in all respects, and constituted a Gentleman
of Quality Sir Will.
Savil
Kt.Knight
and Bar.Baronet
Governour both of the Castle,
Town and Country; and finding near that place
some Iron Works, he gave present order for the
casting of Iron Cannon for his Garisons, and for
the making of other Instruments and Engines of
War.

Within a short time after, my Lord receiving
Intelligence that the Enemy in the Garisons near
Wakefield had united themselves, and being drawn
into a body in the night time, had surprised and enter’d
the Town of Wakefield, and taken all or most
of the Officers and Soldiers, left there, Prisoners,
(amongst whom was also the General of the Horse,
the Lord Goring, whom my Lord afterwards redeem’d
by Exchange) and possessed themselves of the whole
Magazine, which was a very great loss and hinderance
to my Lords designs, it being the Moity of his
Army, and most of his Ammunition, he fell upon
new Counsels, and resolved without any delay
to march from thence back towards York, which was
in 1643-05May 1643, where after he had rested some time,
Her Majesty being resolved to take Her Journey towards
the Southern parts of the Kingdom, where the
King was, designed first to go from York to Pomfret,
whither my Lord ordered the whole Marching Army to I1r 29
to be in readiness to conduct Her Majesty,
which they did, he himself attending Her Majesty
in person. And after Her Majesty had rested there
some small time, she being desirous to proceed in Her
intended Journey, no less then a formed Army was
able to secure Her Person: Wherefore my Lord
was resolved out of his fidelity and duty to supply
Her with an Army of 7000 Horse and Foot, besides
a convenient Train of Artillery, for Her safer
Conduct; chusing rather to leave himself in a weak
condition (though he was even then very near the
Enemies Garisons in that part of the Country) then
suffer Her Majesties Person to be exposed to danger.
Which Army of 7000 men, when Her Majesty
was safely arrived to the King, He was pleased to
keep with him for His own Service.

After Her Majesties departure out of Yorkshire,
my Lord was forced to recruit again his Army, and
within a short time, viz. in 1643-06June 1643, took a resolution
to march into the Enemies Quarters, in the
Western parts; in which march he met with a strong
stone house well fortified, call’d Howley-House, wherein
was a Garison of Soldiers, which my Lord summon’d;
but the Governour disobeying the summons,
he batter’d it with his Cannon, and so took it by
force; the Governour having quarter given him contrary
to my Lords Orders, was brought before my
Lord by a Person of Quality, for which the OfficerI cer I1v 30
that brought him, received a check; and though
he resolved then to kill him, yet my Lord would
not suffer him to do it, saying, It was inhumane
to kill any man in cold blood. Hereupon the Governour
kiss’d the Key of the House door, and presented
it to my Lord; to which my Lord return’d
this answer, “I need it not”, said he, “for I brought a
Key along with me, which yet I was unwilling to use,
until you forced me to it.”

At this House my Lord remained five or six days,
till he had refreshed his Soldiers; and then a resolution
was taken to march against a Garison of the
Enemies call’d Bradford, a little, but a strong Town;
in the way he met with a strong interruption by the
Enemy drawing forth a vast number of Musquetiers,
which they had very privately gotten out of
Lancashire, the next adjoining County to those parts
of York-shire, which had so easie an access to them at
Bradford, by reason the whole Country was of their
Party, that my Lord could not possibly have any
constant intelligence of their designs and motions; for
in their Army there were near 5000 Musquetiers, and
18 Troops of Horse, drawn up in a place full of hedges,
called Atherton-moor, near to their Garison at Bradford,
ready to encounter my Lords Forces, which
then contained not above half so many Musquetiers
as the Enemy had; their chiefest strength consisting
in Horse, and these made useless for a long time together,gether I2r 31
by the Enemies Horse possessing all the plain
ground upon that Field; so that no place was left to
draw up my Lords Horse, but amongst old Coal-
pits: Neither could they charge the Enemy, by reason
of a great ditch and high bank betwixt my Lord’s
and the Enemies Troops, but by two on a breast,
and that within Musquet shot; the Enemy being
drawn up in hedges, and continually playing upon
them, which rendred the service exceeding difficult and
hazardous.

In the mean while the Foot of both sides on the
right and left Wings, encounter’d each other, who
fought from Hedg to Hedg, and for a long time
together overpower’d and got ground of my Lords
Foot, almost to the invironing of his Cannon; my
Lords Horse (wherein consisted his greatest strength)
all this while being made, by reason of the ground,
incapable of charging; at last the Pikes of my Lords
Army having had no employment all the day, were
drawn against the Enemies left wing, and particularly
those of my Lords own Regiment, which
were all stout and valiant men, who fell so furiously
upon the Enemy, that they forsook their hedges, and
fell to their heels: At which very instant, my Lord caused
a shot or two to be made by his Cannon against the
Body of the Enemies Horse, drawn up within Cannon
shot, which took so good effect, that it disordered the
Enemies Troops; Hereupon my Lord’s Horse got over I2v 32
over the Hedg, not in a body (for that they could
not) but dispersedly two on a breast; and as soon as
some considerable number was gotten over, and drawn
up, they charged the Enemy, and routed them; so
that in an instant there was a strange change of Fortune,
and the Field totally won by my Lord, notwithstanding
he had quitted 7000 Men, to conduct Her
Majesty, besides a good Train of Artillery, which in
such a Conjuncture would have weakned sars Army.
In this Victory the Enemy lost most of their
Foot, about 3000 were taken Prisoners, and 700
Horse and Foot slain, and those that escaped, fled into
their Garison at Bradford, amongst whom was also
their General of the Horse.

After this, My Lord caused his Army to be rallied,
and marched in order that night before Bradford, with
an intention to storm it the next morning; but the
Enemy that were in the Town, it seems, were so discomfited,
that the same night they escaped all various
ways, and amongst them the said General of the Horse,
whose Lady being behind a Servant on Horse-back,
was taken by some of My Lord’s Soldiers and brought
to his Quarters, where she was treated and attended
with all civility and respect, and within few days
sent to York in my Lords own Coach, and from
thence very shortly after to Kingstone upon Hull,
where she desired to be, attended by my Lords
Coach and Servants. Thus K1r 33
Thus my Lord, after the Enemy was gone, entred
the Town and Garison of Bradford, by which
Victory the Enemy was so daunted, that they forsook
the rest of their Garisons, that is to say, Hallifax,
Leeds and Wakefield, and dispersed themselves
severally, the chief Officers retiring to Hull, a strong
Garison of the Enemy; and though my Lord, knowing
they would make their escape thither, as having
no other place of refuge to resort to, sent a Letter
to York to the Governour of that City, to stop them
in their passage; yet by neglect of the Post, it coming
not timely enough to his hands, his Design was
frustrated.

The whole County of York, save onely Hull,
being now cleared and setled by my Lords Care and
Conduct, he marched to the City of York, and having
a competent number of Horse well armed and
commanded, he quarter’d them in the East-riding,
near Hull, there being no visible Enemy then to oppose
them: In the mean while my Lord receiving
News that the Enemy had made an Invasion into the
next adjoining County of Lincoln, where he had
some Forces, he presently dispatched The Lord
Ethyn
.
his Lieutenant
General of the Army away with some Horse
and Dragoons, and soon after marched thither himself
with the body of the Army, being earnestly
desired by his Majesties Party there. The Forces
which my Lord had in the same County, commandedK ed K1v 34
by the then Lieutenant General of the Horse, Mr.
Charles Cavendish
, second Brother to the now Earl
of Devonshire, though they had timely notice, and
Orders from my Lord to make their retreat to the
Lieutenant-General of the Army, and not to fight
the Enemy; yet the said Lieutenant-General of the
Horse being transported by his Courage, (he being
a Person of great Valour and Conduct) and having
charged the Enemy, unfortunately lost the field, and
himself was slain in the Charge, his Horse lighting in a
bogg: Which news being brought to my Lord when
he was on his March, he made all the hast he could,
and was no sooner joined with his Lieutenant General,
but fell upon the Enemy, and put them to
flight.

The first Garison my Lord took in Lincolnshire,
was Gainsborrough, a Town standing upon the River
Trent, wherein (not long before) had been a
Garison of Soldiers for His Majesty, under the Command
of the then Earl of Kingstone, but surprised,
and the Town Taken by the Enemies Forces, who
having an intention to conveigh the said Earl of
Kingstone from thence to Hull in a little Pinnace,
met with some of my Lords Forces by the way,
commanded by the Lieutenant of the Army, who
being desirous to rescue the Earl of Kingstone, and
making some shots with their Regiment Pieces,
to stop the Pinnace, unfortunately slew him, and
one of his Servants.

My K2r 35

My Lord drawing near the mentioned Town of
Gainsborrough, there appear’d on the top of a Hill
above the Town, some of the Enemies Horse drawn
up in a body; whereupon he immediately sent a
party of his Horse to view them; who no sooner
came within their sight, but they retreated fairly so
long as they could well endure; but the pursuit of
my Lords Horse caused them presently to break their
ranks, and fall to their heels; where most of them
escaped, and fled to Lincoln, another of their Garrisons.
Hereupon my Lord summon’d the Town of
Gainsborrough; but the Governour thereof refusing
to yield, caused my Lord to plant his Cannon, and
draw up his Army on the mention’d Hill; and having
play’d some little while upon the Town, put
the Enemy into such a terror, that the Governour
sent out, and offer’d the surrender of the Town upon
fair terms, which my Lord thought fit rather to
embrace, then take it by force; and though according
to the Articles of Agreement made between
them, both the Enemies Arms and the Keys of the
Town should have been fairly delivered to my Lord;
yet it being not performed as it was expected, the
Arms being in a confused manner thrown down, and
the Gates set wide open, the Prisoners that had been
kept in the Town, began first to plunder; which
my Lords Forces seeing, did the same, although it
was against my Lords will and orders.

After K2v 36

After my Lord had thus reduced the Town, and
put a good Garison of Soldiers into it, and better fortified
it, he marched before Lincoln, and there he
entred with his Army without great difficulty, and
plac’d also a Garison in it, and raised a considerable
Army, both Horse, Foot and Dragoons, for
the preservation of that County, and put them under
Commanders, and constituted a Person of Honour
The Lord
Widdrington.
Commander in Chief, with intention to
march towards the South, which if it had taken effect,
would doubtless have made an end of that War;
but he being daily importuned by the Nobility and
Gentry of York-shire, to return into that County,
especially upon the perswasions of the Commander
in Chief of the Forces left there, who acquainted
my Lord that the Enemy grew so strong every day,
being got together in Kingstone upon Hull, and annoying
that Country, that his Forces were not able
to bear up against them; alledging withall, that my
Lord would be suspected to betray the Trust reposed
in him, if he came not to succour and assist
them; he went back with his Army for the protection
of that same Country; and when he arrived
there, which was in 1643-08August 1643, he found the Enemy
of so small consequence, that they all did flie
before him. About this time His Majesty was pleased
to honour my Lord for His true and faithful
Service, with the Title of Marquess of Newcastle.

My L1r 37

My Lord being returned into York-shire, forced
the Enemy first from a Town called Beverly, wherein
they had a Garison of Soldiers; and from thence,
upon the entreaty of the Nobility and Gentry of
York-shire, (as before is mentioned) who promised
him Ten thousand men for that purpose, though
they came short of their performance, marched near
the Town of Kingstone upon Hull, and besieged that
part of the Garison that bordered on York-shire, for
a certain time; in which time the Enemy took the
courage to sally out of the Town with a strong
party of Horse and Foot very early in the morning,
with purpose to have forced the Quarters of a
Regiment of my Lords Horse, that were quarter’d
next the Town; but by the vigilancy of their Commander
Sir Marmaduke Langdale, afterwards Lord
Langdale
, his Forces being prepared for their reception,
they received such a Welcome as cost many of them
their Lives, most of their Foot (but such as were
slain) being taken Prisoners; and those of their Horse
that escaped, got into their Hold at Hull.

The Enemy thus seeing that they could do my
Lords Army no further damage on that side of the
River in York-shire, endeavoured by all means (from
Hull, and other confederate places in the Eastern
parts of the Kingdom) to form a considerable party
to annoy and disturb the Forces raised by my
Lord in Lincolnshire, and left there for the protectionL on L1v 38
of that County; where the Enemy being drawn
together in a body, fought my Lords Forces in his
absence, and got the honour of the day near Hornby
Castle
in that County; which loss, caused partly
by their own rashness, forced my Lord to leave
his design upon Hull, and to march back with his
Army to York, which was in 1643-10October 1643, where
he remained but a few dayes to refresh his Army,
and receiving intelligence that the Enemy was got into
Derbyshire, and did grow numerous there, and
busie in seducing the people, that Country being under
my Lords Command, he resolved to direct his
March thither in the beginning of 1643-11November 1643,
to suppress their further growth; and to that end
quarter’d his Army at Chesterfield, and in all the parts
thereabout, for a certain time.

Immediately after his departure from York to Pomfret,
in his said March into Derbyshire, the City of
York sent to my Lord to inform him of their intention
to chuse another Mayor for the year following,
desiring his pleasure about it: My Lord, who knew
that the Mayor for the year before, was a person
of much Loyalty and Discretion, declared his mind
to them, That he thought it fit to continue him
Mayor also for the year following; which it seems
they did not like, but resolved to chuse one which
they pleased, contrary to my Lords desire. My Lord
perceiving their intentions, about the time of the Electionlection, L2r 39
sent orders to the Governour of the City of
York, to permit such Forces to enter into the City
as he should send; which being done accordingly,
they upon the Day of the Election repaired to the
Town-Hall, and with their Arms staid there until
they had continued the said Mayor according to my
Lords desire.

During the time of my Lords stay at Chesterfield
in Derbyshire, he ordered some part of his Army
to march before a strong House and Garison of the
Enemies, call’d Wingfield Mannor, which in a short
time they took by storm. And when my Lotrd had
raised in that County as many Forces, Horse and
Foot, as were supposed to be sufficient to preserve
it from the fury of the Enemy, he armed them, and
constituted an Honourable Person The Lord
Loughborrough.
Commander in
Chief of all the Forces of that County, and of Leicestershire;
and so leaving it in that condition, marched
in 1643-12December 1643, from Chesterfield to Bolsover in
the same County, and from thence to Welbeck in
Nottinghamshire, to his own House and Garison, in
which parts he staid some time, both to refresh his
Army, and to settle and reform some disorders he
found there, leaving no visible Enemy behind him in
Derbyshire, save onely an inconsiderable party in the
Town of Derby, which they had fortified, not worth
the labour to reduce it.

About L2v 40

About this time the report came, that a great Army
out of Scotland, was upon their march towards the
Northern parts of England, to assist the Enemy against
His Majesty, which forced the Nobility and
Gentry of Yorkshire to invite my Lord back again into
those parts, with promise to raise for his service, an
Army of 10000 men; My Lord (not upon this proffer,
which had already heretofore deceived him, but
out of his Loyalty and duty to preserve those parts
which were committed to his care and protection) returned
in the middle of 1644-01January 1643. And when he
came there, he found not one man raised to assist
him against so powerful an Army, nor an intention
of raising any; Wherefore he was necessitated to raise
himself, out of the Countrey, what forces he could get,
and when he had settled the affairs in York-shire as well
as time and his present condition would permit, and
constituted an honourable Person The Lord
Bellasis
.
Governour of York
and Commander in chief of a very considerable party
of horse and foot for the defence of the County
(for Sr. Thomas Glemham was then made Colonel General,
and marched into the Field with the Army) he
took his march to Newcastle in the beginning of 1644-02February
1643
, to give a stop to the Scots army.

Presently after his coming thither with some of his
Troups, before his whole army was come up, he received
intelligence of the Scots Armie’s near approach,
whereupon he sent forth a party of horse to view them, who M1r 41
who found them very strong, to the number of
22000 Horse and Foot well armed and commanded:
They marched up towards the Town with such
confidence, as if the Gates had been open’d for their
reception; and the General of their Army seem’d to
take no notice of my Lords being in it, for which
afterwards he excused himself; but as they drew near,
they found not such entertainment as they expected;
for though they assaulted a Work that was not finished,
yet they were beaten off with much loss.

The Enemy being thus stopt before the Town,
thought fit to quarter near it, in that part of the
Country; and so soon as my Lords Army was come
up, he designed one night to have fallen into their
Quarter; but by reason of some neglect of his Orders
in not giving timely notice to the party designed
for it, it took not an effect answerable to his expectation.
In a word, there were three Designs taken
against the Enemy, whereof if one had but hit,
they would doubtless have been lost; but there was
so much Treachery, Jugling and Falshood in my
Lord’s own Army, that it was impossible for him
to be successful in his Designs and Undertakings.
However, though it failed in the Enemies Foot-
Quarters, which lay nearest the Town; yet it took
good effect in their Horse-Quarters, which were more
remote; for my Lord’s Horse, Commanded by a
very gallant and worthy Gentleman The Lord
Langdale
.
falling upon M them M1v 42
them, gave them such an Alarm, that all they could
do, was to draw into the Field, where my Lord’s
Forces charged them, and in a little time routed them
totally, and kill’d and took many Prisoners, to the
number of 1500.

Upon this the Enemy was forced to draw their
whole Army together, and to quarter them a little
more remote from the Town, and to seek out inaccessible
places for their security, as afterwards appear’d
more plainly; for so soon as my Lord had
prepared his Army for a March, he drew them
forth against the Scots, which he found quarter’d upon
high Hills close by the River Tyne, where they
could not be encounter’d but upon very disadvantagious
terms; besides, that day proved very stormy
and tempestuous, so that my Lord was necessitated
to withdraw his Forces, and retire into his own
Quarters.

The next day after, the Scots Army finding ill harbour
in those quarters, marched from hill to hill into
another part of the Bishoprick of Durham, near the
Sea coast, to a Town called Sunderland; and thereupon
my Lord thought fit to march to Durham, to stop
their further progress, where he had contrived the business
so, that they were either forced to fight or starve
within a little time. The first was offered to them
twice, that is to say, at Pensher-hills one day, and at
Bowden-hills another day in the Bishoprick of Durham: But M2r 43
But my Lord found them at both times drawn up in
such places, as he could not possibly charge them; wherefore
he retired again to Durham, with an intention
to streighten their Quarters, and to wait upon them,
if ever they left their Holds and inaccessible places.
In the mean time it hapned that the Earl of Montross
came to the same place, and having some design for his
Majesties service in Scotland, desired My Lord to give
him the assistance of some of his Forces; and although
My Lord stood then in present need of them, and
could not conveniently spare any, having so great an
Army to oppose; yet out of a desire to advance His
Majesties service as much as lay in his power, he was
willing to part with 200 Horse and Dragoons to the
said Earl.

The Scots perceiving My Lords vigilancy and care,
contented themselves with their own quarters, which
could not have serv’d them long, but that a great misfortune
befel My Lords Forces in York-shire; for the
Governour whom he had left behind with sufficient
Forces for the defence of that Country, although he
had orders not to encounter the Enemy, but to keep
himself in a defensive posture; yet he being a man of
great valour and courage, it transported him so much
that he resolved to face the Enemy, and offering to keep
a Town that was not tenable, Selby in
Yorkshire.
was utterly routed, and
himself taken Prisoner, although he fought most gallantly.
So M2v 44
So soon as my Lord received this sad Intelligence,
he upon Consultation, and upon very good Grounds
of Reason, took a resolution not to stay between the
two Armies of the Enemies, viz. the Scots and the
English, that had prevailed in York-shire; but immediately
to march into York-shire with his Army, to preserve
(if possible) the City of York out of the Enemies
hands: which retreat was ordered so well, and
with such excellent Conduct, that though the Army
of the Scots marched close upon their Rear, and fought
them every day of their retreat, yet they gained several
Passes for their security, and entred safe and well
into the City of York, in 1643-04April 1643.

My Lord being now at York, and finding three
Armies against him, viz. the Army of the Scots, the
Army of the English that gave the defeat to the Governour
of York, and an Army that was raised out of associate
Counties, and but little Ammunition and Provision
in the Town; was forced to send his Horse away
to quarter in several Counties, viz. Derbyshire,
Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, for their subsistance, under
the Conduct of his Lieutenant-General of the
Horse, My dear Brother Sir Charles Lucas, himself
remaining at York, with his Foot and Train for the
defence of that City.

In the mean time, the Enemy having closely besiedged
the City on all sides, came to the very Gates
thereof, and pull’d out the Earth at one end, as those in N1r 45
in the City put it in at the other end; they planted
their great Cannons against it, and threw in Granadoes
at pleasure: But those in the City made several
sallies upon them with good success. At last, the General
of the associate Army of the Enemy, having
closely beleaguer’d the North side of the Town,
sprung a Mine under the wall of the Mannor-yard, and
blew part of it up; and having beaten back the Town-
Forces (although they behaved themselves very gallantly)
enter’d the Mannor-house with a great number
of their men, which as soon as my Lord perceived,
he went away in all haste, even to the amazement
of all that were by, not knowing what he intended to
do; and drew 80 of his own Regiment of Foot, called
the White-Coats, all stout and valiant Men, to
that Post, who fought the Enemy with that courage,
that within a little time they killed and took 1500 of
them; and My Lord gave present order to make up the
breach which they had made in the wall; Whereupon
the Enemy remain’d without any other attempt in that
kind, so long, till almost all provision for the support
of the soldiery in the City was spent, which nevertheless
was so well ordered by my Lords Prudence,
that no Famine or great extremity of want ensued.

My Lord having held out in that manner above
two Months, and withstood the strength of three
Armies; and seeing that his Lieutenant-General of N the N1v 46
the Horse whom he had sent for relief to His Majesty,
could not so soon obtain it (although he used
his best endeavour) for to gain yet some little time,
began to treat with the Enemy; ordering in the mean
while, and upon the Treaty, to double and treble
his Guards. At last after three Months time from
the beginning of the Siege, His Majesty was pleased
to send an Army, which joining with my Lords Horse
that were sent to quarter in the aforesaid Countreys,
came to relieve the City, under the Conduct of the
most Gallant and Heroick Prince Rupert, his Nephew;
upon whose approach near York, the Enemy
drew from before the City, into an entire Body, and
marched away on the West-side of the River Owse,
that runs through the City, His Majesties Forces
being then of the East-side of that River.

My Lord immediately sent some persons of Quality
to attend His Highness, and to invite him into
the City to consult with him about that important
Affair, and to gain so much time as to open a Port
to march forth with his Cannon and Foot which
were in the Town, to join with His Highness’s Forces;
and went himself the next day in person to wait
on His Highness; where after some Conferences, he
declared his Mind to the Prince, desiring His Highness
not to attempt any thing as yet upon the Enemy;
for he had intelligence that there was some discontent
between them, and that they were resolved to divide N2r 47
divide themselves, and so to raise the Siege without
fighting: Besides, my Lord expected within two
dayes, Collonel Cleavering, with above three thousand
men out of the North, and two thousand
drawn out of several Garisons, (who also came at
the same time, though it was then too late) . But
His Highness answered my Lord, That he had a
Letter from His Majesty (then at Oxford) with a positive
and absolute Command to fight the Enemy;
which in Obedience, and according to his Duty he
was bound to perform. Whereupon my Lord replied,
That he was ready and willing for his part,
to obey his Highness in all things, no otherwise then
if His Majesty was there in Person Himself; and
though several of my Lords Friends advised him not
to engage in Battel, because the Command (as they
said) was taken from Him: Yet my Lord answer’d
them, That happen what would, he would not
shun to fight, for he had no other ambition but to
live and dye a Loyal Subject to His Majesty.

Then the Prince and my Lord conferr’d with several
of their Officers, amongst whom there were
several Disputes concrning the advantages which the
Enemy had of Sun, Wind and Ground. The Horse
of His Majesties Forces, was drawn up in both
Wings upon that fatal Moor call’d Hessom-Moor; and
my Lord ask’d His Highness what Service he would
be pleas’d to command him; who return’d this Answer,swer N2v 48
That he would begin no action upon the Enemy,
till early in the morning; desiring my Lord
to repose himself till then: Which my Lord did,
and went to rest in his own Coach that was close by
in the Field, until the time appointed.

Not long had My Lord been there, but he heard
a great noise and thunder of shooting, which gave
him notice of the Armies being engaged: Whereupon
he immediately put on his Arms, and was no
sooner got on Horse-back, but he beheld a dismal
sight of the Horse of His Majesties right Wing,
which out of a panick fear had left the Field, and
run away with all the speed they could; and though
my Lord made them stand once, yet they immediately
betook themselves to their heels again, and
killed even those of their own party that endeavoured
to stop them; the Left Wing in the mean time,
Commanded by those two Valiant Persons, the
Lord Goring, and Sir Charles Lucas, having the better
of the Enemies Right Wing, which they beat
back most valiantly three times, and made their General
retreat, in so much that they sounded Victory.

In this Confusion my Lord (accompanied onely
with his Brother Sir Charles Cavendish, Major Scot,
Capt. Mazine, and his Page) hastning to see in what
posture his own Regiment was, met with a Troop
of Gentlemen-Voluntiers, who formerly had chosensen O1r 49
him their Captain, notwithstanding he was General
of an Army; to whom my Lord spake after
this manner: “Gentlemen”, said he, “You have done me the
Honour to chuse me your Captain, and now is the fittest
time that I may do you service; wherefore if you’l follow
me, I shall lead you on the best I can, and shew you the
way to your own Honour.”
They being as glad of my
Lords Profer, as my Lord was of their Readiness,
went on with the greatest Courage; and passing
through Two Bodies of Foot, engaged with each
other not at forty yards distance, received not the
least hurt, although they fired quick upon each other;
but marched towards a Scots Regiment of Foot,
which they charged and routed; in which Encounter
my Lord himself kill’d Three with his Pages half-
leaden Sword, for he had no other left him; and
though all the Gentlemen in particular, offer’d him
their Swords, yet my Lord refused to take a Sword
of any of them. At last, after they had pass’d through
this Regiment of Foot, a Pike-man made a stand to
the whole Troop; and though my Lord charg’d
him twice or thrice, yet he could not enter him;
but the Troop dispatched him soon.

In all these Encounters my Lord got not the least
hurt, though several were slain about him; and his
White-Coats shew’d such an extraordinary Valour
and Courage in that Action, that they were kill’d in
Rank and File: And here I cannot but mention by O the O1v 50
the way, That it is remarkable, that in all actions and
undertakings where My Lord was in Person himself, he
was always Victorious, and prospered in the execution
of his designs; but whatsoever was lost or succeeded
ill, happen’d in his absence, and was caused either
by the Treachery, or Negligence and Carelesness
of his Officers.

My Lord being the last in the Field, and seeing that
all was lost, and that every one of His Majesties Party
made their escapes in the best manner they could;
he being moreover inquired after by several of his
Friends, who had all a great love and respect for my
Lord, especially by the then Earl of Craford (who
lov’d my Lord so well that he gave 20 s. to one that
assured him of his being alive and safe, telling him, that
that was all he had) went towards York late at night,
accompanied onely with his Brother, and one or two
of his servants; and coming near the Town, met His
Highness Prince Rupert, with the Lieutenant General
of the Army, the Lord Ethyn; His Highness asked
My Lord how the business went? To whom he answered,
That all was lost and gone on their side.

That night my Lord remained in York; and having
nothing left in his power to do his Majesty any
further service in that kind; for he had neither Ammunition,
nor Money to raise more Forces, to
keep either York, or any other Towns that were yet
in His Majesties Devotion, well knowing that those which O2r 51
which were left could not hold out long, and being
also loath to have aspersions cast upon him, that he
did sell them to the Enemy, in case he could not keep
them; he took a Resolution, and that justly and honourably,
to forsake the Kingdom; and to that end,
went the next morning to the Prince, and acquainted
him with his Design, desiring His Highness would be
pleased to give this true and just report of him to his
Majesty, that he had behaved himself like an honest
man, a Gentleman, and a Loyal subject: Which request
the Prince having granted, my Lord took his
leave; and being conducted by a Troop of Horse, and
a Troop of Dragoons to Scarborough, went to Sea, and
took shipping for Hamborough; the Gentry of the
Country, who also came to take their leaves of My
Lord, being much troubled at his departure, and
speaking very honourably of him, as surely they had
no reason to the contrary.

The O2v 52

The Second Book.

Having hitherto faithfully related the life of My
Noble Lord and Husband, and the chief Actions
which He performed during the time of his being
employed in His Majesties Service for the Good and
Interest of his King and Country, until the time of his
going out of England, I shall now give you a just account
of all that passed during the time of his bainshment,
till the return into his native Country.

My Lord being a Wise Man, and foreseeing well
what the loss of that fatal Battle upon Hessom-moor, near
York, would produce, by which not onely those of
His Majesties Party in the Northern parts of the
Kingdom, but in all other parts of His Majesties Dominions
both in England, Scotland and Ireland were
lost and undone, and that there was no other way, but
either to quit the Kingdom, or submit to the Enemy,
or die; he resolved upon the former, and preparing
for his journey, asked his Steward, How Much
Money he had left? Who answer’d, That he had but
90 l. My Lord not being at all startled at so small a
Summ, although his present design required much
more, was resolved too seek his Fortune, even with
that litle; and thereupon having taken leave of His
Highness Prince Rupert, and the rest that were present,sent, P1r 53
went to Scarborough (as before is mentioned)
where two Ships were prepared for Hamborough to set
sail within 24 hours, in which he embarqued with his
Company, and arrived in four days time to the said
City, which was on the 1644-07-088th of July, 1644.

In one of these Ships was my Lord, with his two
Sons, Charles Viscount Mansfield, and Lord Henry
Cavendish
, now Earl of Ogle; as also Sir Charles Cavendish,
My Lord’s Brother; the then Lord Bishop of
London-derry Dr. Bramhall; the Lord Falconbridg,
the Lord Widdrington, Sir William Carnaby, who after
died at Paris, and his Brother Mr. Francis Carnaby,
who went presently in the same Ship back again
for England, and soon after was slain by the Enemy,
near Sherborne in York-shire, besides many of my
Lord’s and their servants: In the other Ship was the
Earl of Ethyne, Lieutenant General of My Lord’s
Army, and the Lord Cornworth. But before My
Lord landed at Hamborough, his eldest Son Charles,
Lord Mansfield
, fell sick of the Small-Pox, and not
long after his younger Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle,
fell likewise dangerously ill of the Measels; but it
pleased God that they both happily recovered.

My Lord finding his Company and Charge very
great, although he sent several of his Servants back again
into England; and having no means left to maintain
him, was forced to seek for Credit; where at
last he got so much as would in part relieve his necessities;P sities:; P1v 54
and whereas heretofore he had been contented,
for want of a Coach, to make use of a Waggon,
when his occasions drew him abroad; he was now
able (with the credit he had got) to buy a Coach
and nine Horses of an Holsatian breed; for which
Horses he paid 160 l. and was afterwards offer’d for
one of them an hundred Pistols at Paris; but he refused
the money, and presented seven of them to
Her Majesty the Queen-Mother of England, and
kept two for his own use.

After my Lord had stay’d in Hamborough from
1644-07July 1644, till 1645-02February 164₄⁵, he being resolved
to go into France, went by Sea from Hamborough
to Amsterdam, and from thence to Rotterdam, where
he sent one of his Servants with a Complement and
tender of his humble Service to Her Highness the
then Princess Royal, the Queen of Bohemia, the
Princess Dowager of Orange, and the Prince of Orange,
which was received with much kindness and civility.

From Rotterdam he directed his Journey to Antwerp,
and from thence with one Coach, one Chariot,
and two Waggons, he went to Mechlin and
Brussels, where he received a Visit from the Governour,
the Marquess of Castel Rodrigo, the Duke of
Lorrain, and Count Piccolomini.

From thence he set forth for Valenchin and Cambray,
where the Governour of the Town, used my
Lord with great respect and civility, and desired him to P2r 55
to give the word that night. Thence he went to Peroon,
a Frontier Town in France, (where the Vice-
Governour in absence of the Governour of that
place, did likewise entertain my Lord with all respect,
and desired him to give the Word that night)
and so to Paris without any further stay.

My Lord being arrived at Paris, which was in 1645-04April
1645
, immediately went to tender his humble duty
to Her Majesty the Queen-Mother of England,
where it was my Fortune to see him the first time,
I being then one of the Maids of Honour to Her
Majesty; and after he had stay’d there some time,
he was pleased to take some particular notice of me,
and express more then an ordinary affection for me;
insomuch that he resolved to chuse me for his Second
Wife; for he having but two Sons, purposed
to marry me, a young Woman, that might prove
fruitful to him, and encrease his Posterity by a Masculine
Off-spring: Nay, He was so desirous of
Male-Issue, that I have heard him say, He cared
not, (so God would be pleased to give him many
Sons) although they came to be Persons of the
meanest Fortunes; but God (it seems) had ordered
it otherwise, and frustrated his Designs, by making
me barren, which yet did never lessen his Love and
Affection for me.

After My Lord was married, having no Estate or
Means left him to maintain himself and his Family, he P2v 56
he was necessitated to seek for Credit, and live upon the
Courtesie of those that were pleased to Trust him;
which although they did for some while, and shew’d
themselves very civil to My Lord, yet they grew weary
at length, insomuch that his Steward was forced one
time to tell him, That he was not able to provide a
Dinner for him, for his Creditors were resolved to
trust him no longer. My Lord being always a great
master of his Passions, was, at least shew’d himself not
in any manner troubled at it, but in a pleasant humour
told me, that I must of necessity pawn my
Cloaths, to make so much Money as would procure
a Dinner. I answer’d, That my Cloaths would be
but of small value, and therefore desired my Waiting-
Maid Mrs. Chaplain,
now
Mrs. Top.
to pawn some small toys, which I had formerly
given her, which she willingly did. The same day in
the afternoon, My Lord spake himself to his Creditors,
and both by his civil Deportment, and perswasive
Arguments, obtained so much, that they did not onely
trust him for more necessaries, but lent him Mony
besides, to redeem those Toys that were pawned.
Hereupon I sent my Waiting-Maid into England, to
my Brother the Lord Lucas, for that small Portion
which was left me, and my Lord also immediately
after dispatched one of his Servants, Mr. Benoist.
who was then
Governour to his Sons, to some of his Friends, to
try what means he could procure for his subsistance;
but though he used all the industry and endeavour he could, Q1r 57
could, yet he effected but little, by reason every body
was so affraid of the Parliament, that they durst not
relieve Him, who was counted a Traitor for his Honest
and Loyal service to his King and Country.

Not long after, My Lord had profers made him
of some Rich Matches in England for his two Sons,
whom therefore he sent thither with one Mr. Loving,
hoping by that means to provide both for them and
himself; but they being arrived there, out of some
reasons best known to them, declared their unwillingness
to Marry as yet, continuing nevertheless in England,
and living as well as they could.

Some two years after my Lord’s Marriage, when
he had prevailed so far with his Creditors, that they
began to trust him anew; the first thing he did was,
that he removed out of those Lodgings in Paris, where
he had been necessitated to live hitherto, to a House
which he hired for himself and his Family, and furnished
it as well as his new gotten Credit would permit;
and withal, resolving for his own recreation and divertisement
in his banished condition, to exercise the Art
of Mannage, which he is a great lover and Master of,
bought a Barbary-horse for that purpose, which cost
him 200 Pistols, and soon after, another Barbary-
horse from the Lord Crofts, for which he was to pay
him 100 l. when he returned into England.

About this time, there was a Council call’d at
St. Germain, in which were present, besides My Lord, Q Her Q1v 58
Her Majesty the now Queen Mother of England; His
Highness the Prince, our now gracious King; His Cousin
Prince Rupert; the Marquess of Worcester, the then
Marquess, now Duke of Ormond, the Lord Jermyn
now Earl of St. Albans, and several others; where
after several debates concerning the then present condition
of His Majesty King Charles the First, my
Lord delivered his sentiment, that he could perceive
no other probability of procuring Forces for His Majesty,
but an assistance of the Scots; But Her Majesty
was pleased to answer my Lord, That he was too
quick.

Not long after, When my Lord had begun to settle
himself in his mentioned new house, His gracious
Master the Prince, having taken a resolution to go into
Holland upon some designs; Her Majesty the Queen
Mother desired my Lord to follow him, promising to
engage for his debts which hitherto he had contracted
at Paris, and commanding Her Controller Sir Henry
Wood
.
and Treasurer
Sir ――
Foster
.
to be bound for them in Her behalf; which they
did, although the Creditors would not content themselves,
until my Lord had joined his word to theirs;
So great and generous was the bounty and favour of
Her Majesty to my Lord! considering she had already
given him heretofore near upon 2000 l. Sterling, even
at that time when Her Majesty stood most in need
of it.

My Q2r 59

My Lord, after his Highness the Prince was gone,
being ready to execute Her Majesties Commands in
following Him, and preparing for his Journey, wanted
the chief thing, which was Money; and having
much endeavoured for it, at last had the good Fortune
to obtain upon Credit three or four hundred
pounds sterl. With which Sum he set out of Paris in
the same Equipage he entred, viz. One Coach, which
he had newly caused to be made, (wherein were the
Lord Widdrington, my Lord’s Brother Sir Charles
Cavendish
, Mr. Loving, my Waiting-Maid, and
some others, whereof the two later were then returned
out of England) one little Chariot, that would
onely hold my Lord and my self; and three Waggons,
besides an indifferent number of Servants on
Horse-back.

That day when we left Paris, the Creditors coming
to take their Farwell of my Lord, expressed so
great a love and kindness for him, accompanied
with so many hearty Prayers and Wishes, that he
could not but prosper on his Journey.

Being come into the King of Spain’s Dominions,
my Lord found a very Noble Reception. At Cambray
the Governour was so civil, that my Lord coming
to that place somewhat late; and when it was
dark, he commanded some Lights and Torches to
meet my Lord, and conduct him to his Lodgings:
He offer’d my Lord the Keys of the City, and desir’dsir’d Q2v 60
him to give the Word that night, and moreover
invited him to an Entertainment, which he had
made for him of purpose; but it being late, my
Lord (tyred with his Journey) excused himself as civilly
as he could; the Governour notwithstanding
being pleased to send all manner of Provisions to my
Lords Lodgings, and charging our Landlord to take
no pay for any thing we had: Which extraordinary
Civilities shewed that he was a Right Noble Spaniard.

The next morning early, my Lord went on his
Journey, and was very civilly used in every place of
His Majesty of Spain’s Dominions, where he arrived:
At last coming to Antwerp, He took water
to Rotterdam (which Town he chose for his
residing place, during the time of his stay in Holland)
and sent thither to a Friend of his, Sir William
Throckmorton,
Knight.
a Gentleman
of Quality, to provide him some Lodgings;
which he did, and procured them at the house of
one Mrs. Bobscuredapproximately 5 letterseynham, Widow to an English Merchant,
who had always been very Loyal to His Majesty the
King of England, and serviceable to His Majesties
faithful Subjects in whatsoever lay in his Power.

My Lord being come to Rotterdam, was informed
that His Highness the Prince (now our Gracious
King) was gone to Sea: Wherefore he resolved to
follow him, and for that purpose hired a Boat, and
victual’d it; but since no body knew whither His High- R1r 61
Highness was gone; and I being unwilling that my
Lord should venture upon so uncertain a Voyage, and
(as the Proverb is) “Seek a Needle in a Bottle of Hay”,
he desisted from that design: The Lord Widdrington
nevertheless, and Sir Will. Throckmorton, being resolved
to find out the Prince, but having by a storm
been driven towards the Coast of Scotland, and endangered
their lives, they returned without obtaining
their aim.

After some little time, my Lord having notice
that the Prince was arrived at the Hague, he went
to wait on His Highness (which he also did afterwards
at several times, so long as His Highness continued
there) expecting some opportunity where he might
be able to shew his readiness to serve His King and
Countrey, as certainly there was no little hopes for
it; for first, it was believed that the English Fleet would
come and render it self unto the obedience of the
Prince; next, it was reported that the Duke of Hamilton
was going out of Scotland with a great Army,
into England, to the assistance of His Majesty, and
that His Majesty had then some party at Colchester;
but it pleased God that none of these proved effectual:
For the Fleet did not come in; the Duke of
Hamilton’s Army was destroyed, and Colchester was
taken by the Enemy, where my dear Brother Sir
Charles Lucas
, and his dear Friend Sir George Lile,
were most inhumanly murther’d and shot to death, R they R1v 62
they being both Valiant and Heroick Persons, good
Soldiers, and most Loyal Subjects to His Majesty;
the one an excellent Commander of Horse, the other
of Foot.

My Lord having now lived in Rotterdam almost
six months, at a great charge, keeping an open and
noble Table for all comers, and being pleased especially
to entertain such as were excellent Soldiers, and
noted Commanders of War, whose kindness he took
as a great Obligation, still hoping that some occasion
would happen to invite those worthy Persons into
England to serve His Majesty; but seeing no probability
of either returning into England, or doing
His Majesty any service in that kind, he resolved to
retire to some place where he might live privately;
and having chosen the City of Antwerp for that purpose,
went to the Hague to take his leave of His
Highness the Prince, our now gracious Soveraign.
My Lord had then but a small stock of money left;
for though the then Marquess of Hereford (after
Duke of Somerset) and his Cousin-German, once
removed, the now Earl of Devonshire had lent him
2000 l. between them; yet all that was spent, and
above 1000 l. more, which my Lord borrowed during
the time he lived in Rotterdam, his Expence being
the more, by reason (as I mentioned) he lived
freely and nobly.

However my Lord, notwithstanding that little provi- R2r 63
provision of Money he had, set forth from Rotterdam
to Antwerp, where for some time he lay
in a publick Inne, until one of his Friends that
had a great love and respect for my Lord, Mr. Endymion
Porter
, who was Groom of the Bed-chamber
to His Majesty King Charles the First (a place not
onely honourable, but very profitable) being not
willing that a Person of such Quality as my Lord,
should lie in a publick House, profer’d him Lodgings
at the House where he was, and would not
let my Lord be at quiet, until he had accepted of
them.

My Lord after he had stay’d some while there,
endeavouring to find out a House for himself which
might fit him and his small Family, (for at that
time he had put off most of his Train) and also be
for his own content, lighted on one that belonged
to the Widow of a famous Picture-drawer, Van
Ruben
, which he took.

About this time my Lord was much necessitated for
Money, which forced him to try several ways for to
obtain so much as would relieve his present wants. At
last Mr. Alesbury, the onely Son to Sir Th. Alesbury,
Knight and Baronet, and Brother to the now Countess
of Clarendon, a very worthy Gentleman, and
great Friend to my Lord, having some Moneys
that belonged to the now Duke of Buckingham, and
seeing my Lord in so great distress, did him the favour to R2v 64
to lend him 200 l. (which money my Lord since his
return hath honestly and justly repai’d). This relief
came so seasonably, that it got my Lord Credit in the
City of Antwerp, whereas otherwise he would have
lost himself to his great disadvantage; for my Lord
having hired the house aforementioned, and wanting
Furniture for it, was credited by the Citizens for as
many Goods as he was pleased to have, as also for Meat
and Drink, and all kind of necessaries and provisions,
which certainly was a special Blessing of God, he being
not onely a stranger in that Nation, but to all appearance,
a Ruined man.

After my Lord had been in Antwerp sometime, where
he lived as retiredly as it was possible for him to do,
he gained much love and respect of all that knew or
had any business with him: At the beginning of our
coming thither, we found but few English (except
those that were Merchants) but afterwards their number
increased much, especially of Persons of Quality;
and whereas at first there were no more but four
Coaches that went the Tour, viz. the Governors of
the Castle, my Lords, and two more, they amounted
to the number of above a hundred, before we
went from thence; for all those that had sufficient
means, and could go to the price, kept Coaches, and
went the Tour for their own pleasure. And certainly
I cannot in duty and conscience but give this Publick
Testimony to that place, That whereas I have observ’d,serv’d, S1r 65
that most commonly such Towns or Cities
where the Prince of that Country doth not reside himself,
or where there is no great resort of the chief Nobility
and Gentry, are but little civilised; Certainly
the Inhabitants of the said City of Antwerp are the civilest,
and best behaved People that ever I saw; so
that my Lord lived there with as much content as a
man of his condition could do, and his chief pastime
and divertisement consisted in the Mannage of the two
afore mentioned Horses; which he had not enjoyed
long, but the Barbary-horse, for which he paid 200
Pistols
in Paris, died, and soon after the Horse which
he had from the Lord Crofts; and though he wanted
present means to repair these his losses, yet he endeavoured
and obtained so much Credit at last, that he
was able to buy two others, and by degrees so many
as amounted in all to the number of 8. In which he
took so much delight and pleasure, that though he was
then in distress for Money, yet he would sooner have
tried all other ways, then parted with any of them;
for I have hear’d him say, that good Horses are so rare,
as not to be valued for Mony, and that He who would
buy him out of his Pleasure, (meaning his Horses)
must pay dear for it. For instance I shall mention some
passages which happen’d when My Lord was in Antwerp.

First; A stranger coming thither, and seeing my
Lords Horses, had a great mind to buy one of them, S which S1v 66
which my Lord loved above the rest, and called him
his Favourite, a fine Spanish Horse; intreating my
Lords Escuyer to acquaint him with his desire, and
ask the price of the said Horse: My Lord, when he
heard of it, commanded his Servant, that if the Chapman
returned, he should be brought before him; which
being done accordingly, my Lord asked him, whether
he was resolved to buy his Spanish Horse? “Yes”, answered
he, “my Lord, and I’le give your Lordship a
good price for him”
. “I make no doubt of it”, replied My
Lord, “or else you shall not have him: But you must
know”
, said he, “that the price of that Horse is 1000 l.
to day, to morrow it will be 2000 l. next day 3000 l.
and so forth”
. By which the Chapman perceiving
that my Lord was unwilling to part with the said Horse
for any Money, took his leave, and so went his
ways.

The next was, That the Duke de Guise, who was
also a great lover of good Horses, hearing much Commendation
of a gray leaping Horse, which my Lord
then had, told the Gentleman that praised and commended
him, That if my Lord was willing to sell
the said Horse, he would give 600 Pistols for him.
The Gentleman knowing my Lords humour, answered
again, That he was confident, my Lord would
never part with him for any mony, and to that purpose
sent a Letter to my Lord from Paris; but my
Lord was so far from selling that Horse, that he was displeased S2r 67
displeased to hear that any Price should be offer’d
for him: So great a Love hath my Lord for good
Horses! And certainly I have observed, and do verily
believe, that some of them had also a particular
Love to my Lord; for they seemed to rejoice
whensoever he came into the Stables, by their
trampling action, and the noise they made; nay,
they would go much better in the Mannage, when
my Lord was by, then when he was absent; and
when he rid them himself, they seemed to take much
pleasure and pride in it. But of all sorts of Horses,
my Lord loved Spanish Horses and Barbes best; saying,
That Spanish Horses were like Princes, and
Barbes like Gentlemen, in their kind. And this
was the chief Recreation and Pastime my Lord had
in Antwerp.

I will now return to my former Discourse, and
the Relation of some Important Affairs and Actions
which happen’d about this time: His Majesty
(our now Gracious King, Charles the Second) some
time after he was gone out of Holland, and returned into
France, took his Journey from thence to Breda
(if I remember well) to treat there with his Subjects
of Scotland, who had then made some offers of
Agreement: My Lord, according to his duty, went
thither to wait on His Majesty, and was there in
Council with His Majesty, His Highness the then
Prince of Orange, His Majesties Brother-in-law, and some S2v 68
some other Privy-Counsellors; in which, after several
Debates concerning that Important Affair, His
Highness the Prince of Orange, and my Lord, agreed
in one Opinion, viz. That they could perceive no
other and better way at that present for His Majesty,
but to make an Agreement with His Subjects
of Scotland, upon any Condition, and to go into
Scotland in Person Himself, that he might but be
sure of an Army, there being no probability or
appearance then of getting an Army any where else.
Which Counsel, either out of the then alledged Reasons,
or some others best known to His Majesty,
was embraced; His Majesty agreeing with the Scots
so far, (notwithstanding they were so unreasonable
in their Treaty, that His Majesty had hardly Patience
to hear them) that he resolved to go into Scotland
in Person; and though my Lord had an earnest
desire to wait on His Majesty thither, yet the Scots
would not suffer him to come, or be in any part of
that Kingdom: Wherefore out of his Loyalty and
Duty, he gave His Majesty the best advice he could,
viz. that he conceived it most safe for His Majesty
to adhere to the Earl of Argyle’s Party, which he
supposed to be the strongest; but especially, to reconcile
Hamilton’s and Argyle’s Party, and compose the
differences between them; for then His Majesty would
be sure of Two Parties, whereas otherwise He would
leave an Enemy behind Him, which might cause His T1r 69
His overthrow, and endanger His Majesties Person;
and if His Majesty could but get the Power into his
own hands, he might do hereafter what he pleased.

His Majesty being arrived in Scotland, ordered his
affairs so wisely, that soon after he got an Army to
march with him into England; but whether they were
all Loyal, is not for me to dispute: However Argyle
was discontented, as it appear’d by two complaining
Letters he sent to my Lord, which my Lord gave His
Majesty notice of; so that onely the Duke of Hamilton
went with His Majesty, who fought and died like
a Valiant Man, and a Loyal subject. In this fight between
the English and Scots, His Majesty expressed an
extraordinary Courage; and though his Army was
in a manner destroyed, yet the Glory of an Heroick
Prince remained with our gracious Soveraign.

In the mean time, whilest His Majesty was yet in
Scotland, and before he marched with His Army into
England, it happen’d that the Elector of Brandenburg,
and Duke of Newburg, upon some differences, having
raised Forces against each other, but afterwards concluded
a Peace between them, were pleased to profer
those Forces to my Lord for His Majesties use and service,
which (as the Lord Chancellour, who was then
in France, sent word to my Lord) was the onely
Foreign profer that had been made to his Majesty. My
Lord immediately gave His Majesty notice of it; but
whether it was for want of convenient Transportation,T tion, T1v 70
or Mony, or that the Scots did not like the assistance,
that profer was not accepted.

Concerning the affairs and intrigues that pass’d in
Scotland, and England, during the time of His Majesties
stay there, I am ignorant of them; neither doth
it belong to me now to write, or give an account of any
thing else but what concerns the History of my Noble
Lord and Husbands Life, and his own Actions;
who so soon as he had Intelligence that the Scottish Army,
which went with His Majesty into England, was
defeated, and that no body knew what was become
of His Majesty, fell into so violent a Passion, that I
verily believed it would have endanger’d his life; but
when afterwards the happy news came of His Majejesties
safe arrival in France, never any Subject could
rejoice more then my Lord did.

About this time it chanced, that my Lords Brother
Sir Charles Cavendish, and my self, took a journey into
England, occasioned both by my Lord’s extream want
and necessity, and his Brothers Estate; which having
been under Sequestration from the time (or soon after)
he went out of England, was then, in case he did
not return and compound for it, to be sold out-right;
Sir Charles was unwilling to receive his Estate upon
such conditions, and would rather have lost it, then compounded
for it: But my Lord considering it was better
to recover something, then lose all, intreated the
Lord Chancellour, who was then in Antwerp, to perswadeswade T2r 71
his Brother to a composition, which his Lordship
did very effectually, and proved himself a Noble
and true Friend in it. We had so small a Provision
of money when we set forth our Journey for England,
that it was hardly able to carry us to London,
but were forced to stay at Southwark; where Sir
Charles
sent into London for one that had formerly
been his Steward; and having declared to him his
wants and necessities, desir’d him to try his Credit.
He seemed ready to do his Master what service he could
in that kind; but pretending withall, that his Credit
was but small, Sir Charles gave him his Watch to
pawn, and with that money paid those small scores
we had made in our Lodging there. From thence we
went to some other Lodgings that were prepared for
us in Covent-Garden; and having rested our selves
some time, I desired my Brother the Lord Lucas, to
claim, in my behalf, some subsistance for my self out
of my Lords Estate, (for it was declared by the
Parliament, That the Lands of those that were banished,
should be sold to any that would buy them,
onely their Wives and Children were allowed to put
in their Claims:) But he received this Answer, That
I could not expect the least allowance, by reason
my Lord and Husband had been the greatest Traitor
of England (that is to say, the honestest man, because
he had been most against them.)

Then Sir Charles intrusted some persons to compoundpound T2v 72
for his Estate; but it being a good while before
they agreed in their Composition, and then before
the Rents could be received, we having in the
mean time nothing to live on, must of necessity have
been starved, had not Sir Charles got some Credit
of several Persons, and that not without great difficulty;
for all those that had Estates, were afraid to
come near him, much less to assist him, until he was
sure of his own Estate. So much is Misery and Poverty
shun’d!

But though our Condition was hard, yet my dear
Lord and Husband, whom we left in Antwerp, was
then in a far greater distress then our selves; for at
our departure he had nothing but what his Credit
was able to procure him; and having run upon the
score so long without paying any the least part thereof,
his Creditors began to grow impatient, and resolved
to trust him no longer: Wherefore he sent
me word, That if his Brother did not presently relieve
him, he was forced to starve. Which doleful
news caused great sadness and melancholy in us both,
and withal made his Brother try his utmost endeavour
to procure what moneys he could for his subsistance,
who at last got 200 l. sterl. upon Credit, which he immediateily
made over to my Lord.

But in the mean time, before the said money could
come to his hands, my Lord had been forced to send
for all his Creditors and declare to them his great wants and U1r 73
and necessities; where his Speech was so effectual, and
made such an impression in them, that they had all
a deep sense of my Lords Misfortunes; and instead
of urging the payment of his Debts, promised him,
That he should not want any thing in whatsoever
they were able to assist him; which they also very
nobly and civilly performed, furnishing him with all
manner of provisions and necessaries for his further
subsistance; so that my Lord was then in a much
better condition amongst strangers, then we in our
Native Countrey.

At last when Sir Charles Cavendish had compounded
for his Estate, and agreed to pay 4500 l. for
it, the Parliament caused it again to be surveyed,
and made him pay 500 l. more, which was
more then many others had paid for much greater
Estates; so that Sir Charles to pay this Composition,
and discharge some Debts, was necessitated to
sell some Land of his at an under-rate. My Lords
two Sons (who were also in England at that time)
were no less in want and necessity, then we, having
nothing but bare Credit to live on; and my Lords
Estate being then to be sold outright, Sir Charles, his
Brother, endeavoured, if possible, to save the two
chief Houses, viz. Welbeck and Bolsover, being resolved
rather to part with some more of his Land,
which he had lately compounded for, then to let
them fall into the Enemies hands; but before such U time U1v 74
time as he could compass the money, some body had
bought Bolsover, with an intention to pull it down,
and make money of the Materials; of whom Sir
Charles
was forced to buy it again at a far greater Rate
then he might have had it at first, notwithstanding
a great part of it was pulled down already; and
though my Lords eldest Son Charles Lord Mansfield,
had those mentioned Houses some time in possession,
after the death of his Uncle; yet for want
of Means he was not able to repair them.

I having now been in England a year and a half,
some Intelligence which I received of my Lords being
not very well, and the small hopes I had of getting
some relief out of his Estate, put me upon design
of returning to Antwerp to my Lord; and Sir
Charles
, his Brother, took the same resolution, but
was prevented by an Ague that seized upon him.
Not long had I been with my Lord, but we received
the sad news of his Brothers death, which was an
extream affliction both to my Lord, and my self,
for they loved each other entirely: In truth, He was a
Person of so great worth, such extraordinary civility,
so obliging a Nature, so full of Generosity,
Justice and Charity, besides all manner of Learning,
especially in the Mathematicks, that not onely his
Friends, but even his Enemies, did much lament his loss.

After my return out of England, to my Lord, the Credi- U2r 75
Creditors supposing I had brought great store of money
along with me, came all to my Lord to solicite
the payment of their Debts; but when my Lord
had informed them of the truth of the business, and
desired their patience somewhat longer, with assurance
that so soon as he received any money, he
would honestly and justly satisfie them, they were
nto onely willing to forbear the payment of those
Debts he had contracted hitherto, but to credit him
for the future, and supply him with such Necessaries
as he should desire of them. And this was the
onely happiness which my Lord had in his distressed
condition, and the chief blessing of the Eternal and
Merciful God, in whose Power are all things, who
ruled the hearts and minds of men, and filled them
with Charity and Compassion; for certainly it was
a work of Divine Providence, that they shewed so
much love, respect and honour to my Lord, a stranger
to their Nation; and notwithstanding his ruined
Condition, and the small appearance of recovering
his own, credited him wheresoever he lived, both in
France, Holland, Brabant and Germany; that although
my Lord was banished his Native Countrey,
and dispossessed from his own Estate, could nevertheless
live in so much Splendor and Grandure as he
did.

In this Condition (and how little soever the appearance
was) my Lord was never without hopes of seeing U2v 76
seeing yet (before his death) a happy issue of all his
misfortunes and sufferings, especially of the Restauration
of His most Gracious King and Master, to
His Throne and Kingly Rights, whereof he always
had assured Hopes, well knowing, that it was impossible
for the Kingdom to subsist long under so
many changes of Government; and whensoever I
expressed how little faith I had in it, he would gently
reprove me, saying, I believ’d least, what I desir’d
most; and could never be happy if I endeavour’d
to exclude all hopes, and entertain’d nothing but
doubts and fears.

The City of Antwerp in which we lived, being
a place of great resort for Strangers and Travellers,
His Majesty (our now gracious King, Charles the
Second
) passed thorough it, when he went his Journey
towards Germany; and after my Lord had done
his humble duty, and waited on His Majesty, He
was pleased to Honour him with His Presence
at his House. The same did almost all strangers that
were Persons of Quality; if they made any stay in the
Town, they would come and visit my Lord, and
see the Mannage of his Horses: And, amongst
the rest, the Duke of Oldenburg, and the Prince of
East-Friesland, did my Lord the Hounour, and presented
him with Horses of their own breed.

One time it happen’d, that His Highness Dom John d’
Austria
(who was then Governour fo those Provinces) came X1r 77
came to Antwerp, and stayed there some few days; and
then almost all his Court waited on my Lord, so that
one day I reckoned about seventeen Coaches, in
which were all Persons of Quality, who came in
the morning of purpose to see my Lord’s Mannage;
My Lord receiving so great an honour thought
it fit to shew his respect and civility to them, and
to ride some of his Horses himself, which otherwise
he never did but for his own excercise and delight. Amongst
the rest of those great and noble Persons, there
were two of our Nation, viz. the then Marquess, now
Duke of Ormond, and the Earl of Bristol; but Dom
John
was not there in Person, excusing himself afterwards
to my Lord (when my Lord waited on him)
that the multiplicity of his weighty affairs had hindred
his coming thither, which my Lord accounted as a very
high honour and favour from so great a Prince; and
conceiving it his duty to wait on his Highness, but
being unknown to him, the Earl of Bristol, who had
acquaintance with him, did my Lord the favour, and
upon his request, presented him to his Highness; which
favour of the said Earl my Lord highly resented.

Dom John received my Lord with all kindness and
respect; for although there were many great and noble
Persons that waited on him in an out room, yet so
soon as his Highness heard of my Lord’s, and the Earl
of Bristol’s being there, he was pleased to admit them
before all the rest. My Lord, after he had passed his X Complements, X1v 78
Complements, told His Highness, That he found
himself bound in all duty, to make his humble acknowledgments
for the Favour he received from His
Catholick Majesty, for permitting and suffering him
(a banished man) to live in His Dominions, and
under the Government of His Highness; whereupon
Dom John ask’d my Lord whether he wanted any
thing, and whether he liv’d peaceably without any
molestation or disturbance? My Lord answer’d,
That he lived as much to his own content, as a banish’d
man could do; and received more respect and
civility from that City, then he could have expected;
for which he returned his most humble thanks to
his Catholick Majesty, and His Highness. After some
short Discourse, my Lord took his leave of Dom
John
; Several of the Spaniards advising him to go
into Spain, and assuring him of His Catholick Majesties
Kindness and Favour; but my Lord being engaged
in the City of Antwerp, and besides, in years,
and wanting means for so long and chargeable a voyage,
was not able to embrace their motions; and surely
he was so well pleased with the great Civilities he
received from that City, that then he was resolved
to chuse no other residing place all the time of his banishment,
but that; he being not onely credited
there for all manner of Provisions and Necessaries
for his subsistance, but also free both from ordinary
and extraordinary Taxes, and from paying Excise, which X2r 79
which was a great favour and obligation to my Lord.

After His Highness Dom John had left the Government
of those Provinces, the Marquess of Caracena
succeeded in his place, who having a great desire
to see my Lord ride in the Mannage, entreated
a Gentleman of the City, that was acquainted with
my Lord, to beg that favour of him. My Lord having
not been at that Exercise six weeks, or two
months, by reason of some sickness that made him
unfit for it, civilly begg’d his excuse; but he was so
much importuned by the said Gentleman, that at
last he granted his Request, and rid one or two
Horses in presence of the said Marquess of Caracena,
and the then Marquess, now Duke of Ormond,
who often used to honour my Lord with his Company:
The said Marquess of Caracena seem’d to take
much pleasure and satisfaction in it, and highly complemented
my Lord; and certainly I have observed,
That Noble and Meritorious persons take great delight
in honouring each other.

But not onely strangers, but His Majesty Himself
(our now Gracious Soveraign) was pleased to
see my Lord ride, and one time did ride Himself,
He being an Excellent Master of that Art,
and instructed by my Lord, who had the Honour
to set Him first on a Horse of Mannage, when he
was His Governour; where His Majesties Capacity
was such, that being but Ten years of Age, he would X2v 80
would ride leaping Horses, and such as would overthrow
others, and mannage them with the greatest
Skill and Dexterity, to the admiration of all that
beheld Him.

Nor was this the onely Honour my Lord received
from His Majesty, but His Majesty and all the Royal
Race; that is to say, Her Highness the then Princess
Royal, His Highness the Duke of York, with
His Brother the Duke of Glocester, (except
the Princesse Henrietta, now Duchess of Orleans)
being met one time in Antwerp, were pleased
to honour my Lord with their Presence, and accept
of a small Entertainment at his House, such as his
present Condition was able to afford them. And some
other time His Majesty passing through the City, was
pleased to accept of a private Dinner at my Lord’s
House; after which I receiving that gracious Favour
from His Majesty, that he was pleased to see me, he
did merrily, and in jest, tell me, “That he perceived
my Lord’s Credit could procure better Meat then His own”
;
Again, some other time, upon a merry Challenge playing
a Game at Butts with my Lord, (when my Lord
had the better of Him) “What” (said He) “my Lord,
have you invited me, to play the Rook with me?”
Although
their Stakes were not at all considerable, but
onely for Pastime.

These passages I mention onely to declare my Lord’s
happiness in his miseries, which he received by the honournour Y1r 81
and kindness not onely of foreign Princes, but
of his own Master, and Gracious Soveraign: I will not
now speak of the good esteem his late Majesty
King Charles the First, and Her Majesty the now
Queen-Mother, had of him, who always held and
found him a very loyal and faithful Subject, although
Fortune was pleased to oppose him in the height of his
endeavours; for his onely and chief intention was to
hinder His Majesties Enemies from executing that
cruel design which they had upon their gracious and
merciful King; In which he tried his uttermost power,
in so much, that I have heard him say out of a passionate
Zeal and Loyalty, That he would willingly sacrifice
himself, and all his Posterity, for the sake of his
Majesty, and the Royal Race. Nor did he ever repine
either at his losses or sufferings, but rejoyced rather
that he was able to suffer for His King and Countrey.
His Army was the onely Army that was able to uphold
His Majesties Power; which so long as it was
Victorious, it preserved both His Majesties Person and
Crown; but so soon as it fell, that fell too: and my
Lord was then in a manner forced to seek his own preservation
in foreign Countries, where God was pleased
to make strangers his Friends, who received and
protected him when he was banished his native Country,
and relieved him when his own Country-men
sought to starve him, by withholding from him what
was justly his own, onely for his Honesty and Loyalty;Y alty; Y1v 82
which relief he received more from the Commons
of those parts where he lived, then from Princes,
he being unwilling to trouble any foreign Prince with
his wants and miseries, well knowing, that Gifts of
Great Princes come slowly, and not without much
difficulty; neither loves he to petition any one but His
own Soveraign.

But though my Lord by the civility of Strangers,
and the assistance of some few Friends of his native
Country, lived in an indifferent Condition, yet (as it
hath been declared heretofore) he was put to great
plunges and difficulties, in so much that his dear Brother
Sir Charles Cavendish would often say, That though
he could not truly complain of want, yet his meat never
did him good, by reason my Lord, his Brother, was
always so near wanting, that he was never sure after
one meal to have another: And though I was not afraid
of starving or begging, yet my chief fear was,
that my Lord for his debts would suffer Imprisonment,
where sadness of Mind, and want of Exercise,
and Air, would have wrought his destruction, which
yet by the Mercy of God he happily avoided.

Some time before the Restauration of His Majesty
to his Royal Throne, my Lord, partly with the remainder
of his Brothers Estate, which was but little,
it being wasted by selling of Land for compounding
with the Parliament, paying of several debts, and
buying out the two Houses aforementioned, viz. Welbeckbeck Y2r 83
and Bolsover; and the Credit which his Sons had
got, which amounted in all to 2400 l. a year, sprinkled
something amongst his Creditors, and borrowed so
much of Mr. Top and Mr. Smith (though without assurance)
that he could pay such scores as were most presssing,
contracted from the poorer sort of Trades-men,
and send ready mony to Market, to avoid cozenage (for
small scores run up most unreasonably, especially if
no strict accounts be kept, and the rate be left to the
Creditors pleasure) by which means there was in a
short time so much saved, as it could not have been imagined.

About this time, a report came of a great number
of Sectaries, and of several disturbances in England,
which heightned my Lord’s former hopes into a firm
belief of a sudden Change in that Kingdom, and a happy
Restauration of His Majesty, which it also pleased
God to send according to his expectation; for His
Majesty was invited by his Subjects, who were not able
longer to endure those great confusions and encumbrances
they had sustained hitherto, to take possession
of His Hereditary Rights, annd the power of all his
Dominions: And being then at the Hague in Holland,
to take shipping in those parts for England, my Lord
went thither to wait on his Majesty, who used my
Lord very Graciously; and his Highness the Duke
of York was pleased to offer him one of those Ships that
were ordered to transport His Majesty; for which he returned Y2v 84
returned his most humble thanks to his Highness,
and begg’d leave of His Highness that he might
hire a Vessel for himself and his Company.

In the mean time whilst my Lord was at the
Hague, His Majesty was pleased to tell him, That
General Monk, now Duke of Albemarle, had
desired the Place of being Master of the Horse:
To which my Lord answer’d, That that gallant Person
was worthy of any Favour that His Majesty
could confer upon him: And having taken his leave
of His Majesty, and His Highness the Duke of York,
went towards the Ship that was to transport him
for England, (I might rather call it a Boat, then a
Ship; for those that were intrusted by my Lord to
hire a Ship for that purpose, had hired an old rotten
Fregat, that was lost the next Voyage after; insomuch,
that when some of the Company that had
promised to go over with my Lord, saw it, they
turn’d back, and would not endanger their lives in
it, except the Lord Widdrington, who was resolved
not to forsake my Lord.)

My Lord (who was so transported with the joy
of returning into his Native Countrey, that he regarded
not the Vessel) having set Sail from Rotterdam,
was so becalmed, that he was six dayes and
six nights upon the Water, during which time he
pleased himself with mirth, and pass’d his time away
as well as he could; Provisions he wanted not, havingving Z1r 85
them in great store and plenty. At last being
come so far that he was able to discern the smoak of
London, which he had not seen in a long time, he
merrily was pleased to desire one that was near him,
to jogg and awake him out of his dream, for surely,
said he, I have been sixteen years asleep, and am
not throughly awake yet. My Lord lay that night at
Greenwich, where his Supper seem’d more savoury
to him, then any meat he had hitherto tasted; and
the noise of some scraping Fidlers, he thought the
pleasantest harmony that ever he had heard.

In the mean time my Lords Son, Henry Lord
Mansfield
, now Earl of Ogle, was gone to Dover
with intention to wait on His Majesty, and receive
my Lord, his Father, with all joy and duty, thinking
he had been with His Majesty; but when he
miss’d of his design, he was very much troubled,
and more, when His Majesty was pleas’d to tell him,
That my Lord had set to Sea, before His Majesty
Himself was gone out of Holland, fearing my Lord
had met with some Misfortune in his Journey, because
he had not heard of his Landing. Wherefore
he immediately parted from Dover, to seek my Lord,
whom at last he found at Greenwich; with what joy
they embraced and saluted each other, my Pen is too
weak to express.

But all this while, and after my Lord was gone
from Antwerp, I was left alone there with some of my Z servants; Z1v 86
servants; for my Lord being in Holland with His Majesty,
declared in a Letter to me his intention of going
for England, withal commanding me to stay in that
City, as a Pawn for his debts, until he could compass
money to discharge them; and to excuse him to
the Magistrates of the said City for not taking his leave
of them, and paying his due thanks for their great civilities,
which he desired me to do in his behalf. And
certainly my Lords affection to me was such, that it
made him very industrious in providing those means;
for it being uncertain what or whether he should have
any thing of his Estate, made it a difficult business for
him to borrow Mony; At last he received some of
one Mr. Ash, now Sir Joseph Ash, a Merchant of
Antwerp, which he returned to me; but what with
the expence I had made in the mean while, and what
was required for my transporting into England, besides
the debts formerly contracted, the said money fell too
short by 400 l. and although I could have upon my
own word taken up much more, yet I was unwilling to
leave an engagement amongst strangers: Wherefore I
sent for one Mr. Shaw, now Sir John Shaw, a near kindsman
to the said Mr. Ash, intreating him to lend me
400 l. which he did most readily, and so discharged
my debts.

My departure being now divulged in Antwerp, the
Magistrates of the City came to take their leaves of me,
where I desired one Mr. Duart a very worthy Gentleman,man, Z2r 87
and one of the chief of the City, though he derives
his Race from the Portuguez (to whom and his
Sisters, all very skilful in the Art of Musick, though
for their own pastime and Recreation, both my Lord
and my self were much bound for their great civilities)
to be my Interpreter. They were pleased to
express that they were sorry for our departure out of
their City, but withal rejoyced at our happy returning
into our Native Country, and wished me soon
and well to the place where I most desired to be:
Whereupon I having excused my Lord’s hasty going
away without taking his leave of them, returned them
mine and my Lord’s hearty Thanks for their great civilities,
declaring how sorry I was that it lay not in
my power to make an acknowledgment answerable to
them. But after their departure from me, they were
pleased to send their Under-Officers (as the custom
there is) with a Present of Wine, which I received
with all respect and thankfulness.

I being thus prepar’d for my Voyage, went with
my Servants to Flussing, and finding no English Man of
War there, being loth to trust my self with a less Vessel,
was at last informed that a Dutch man of War lay
there ready to Convoy some Merchants; I forthwith
sent for the Captain thereof, whose name was Bankert,
and asked him whether it was possible to obtain the favour
of having the use of his Ship to transport me into
England? To which he answered, That he question’d not Z2v 88
not but I might; for the Merchants which he was to
convey, were not ready yet, desiring me to send
one of my servants to the State, to request that favour
of them; with whom he would go himself,
and assist him the best he could; which he also did.
My suit being granted, my self and my chief servants
embarqued in the said Ship; the rest, together
with the Goods, being conveyed in another good
strong Vessel, hired for that purpose.

After I was safely arrived at London, I found my
Lord in Lodgings; I cannot call them unhandsome;
but yet they were not fit for a Person of his Rank
and Quality, nor of the capacity to contain all his
Family: Neither did I find my Lord’s Condition
such as I expected: Wherefore out of some passion
I desir’d him to leave the Town, and retire into the
Countrey; but my Lord gently reproved me for my
rashness and impatience, and soon after removed into
Dorset-house; which, though it was better then
the former, yet not altogether to my satisfaction, we
having but a part of the said House in possession. By
this removal I judged my Lord would not hastily
depart from London; but not long after, he was pleased
to tell me, That he had dispatched his business,
and was now resolved to remove into the Country,
having already given order for Waggons to transport
our goods, which was no unpleasant news to
me, who had a great desire for a Countrey-life.

My Aa1r 89

My Lord before he began his Journey, went to
his Gracious Soveraign, and begg’d leave that he
might retire into the Countrey, to reduce and
settle, if possible, his confused, entangled, and
almost ruined Estate. “Sir”, said he to His Majesty,
“I am not ignorant, that many believe I am discontented;
and ’tis probable they’l say, I retire through discontent:
But I take God to witness, That I am in no kind or ways
displeas’d; for I am so joyed at your Majesties happy Restauration,
that I cannot be sad or troubled for any Concern
to my own particular; but whatsoever Your Majesty
is pleased to command me, were it to sacrifice my Life,
I shall most obediently perform it; for I have no other
Will, but Your Majesties Pleasure.”

Thus he kissed His Majesty’s hand, and went the
next day into Nottingham-shire, to his Mannor-house
call’d Welbeck; but when he came there, and began
to examine his Estate, and how it had been ordered
in the time of his Banishment, he knew not whether
he had left any thing of it for himself, or not,
till by his prudence and wisdom he inform’d himself
the best he could, examining those that had most
knowledg therein. Some Lands, he found, could be
recover’d no further then for his life, and some not
at all: Some had been in the Rebels hands, which
he could not recover, but by His Highness the Duke
of York’s favour, to whom His Majesty had given all
the Estates of those that were condemned and executedAa ted Aa1v 90
for murdering his Royal Father of blessed memory,
which by the Law were forfeited to His Majesty;
whereof His Highness graciously restor’d my
Lord so much of the Land that formerly had been
his, as amounted to 730 l. a year. And though my
Lord’s Children had their Claims granted, and bought
out the Life of my Lord, their Father, which came
near upon the third part, yet my Lord received nothing
for himself out of his own Estate, for the space
of eighteen years, viz. During the time from the first
entring into Warr, which was 1642-06-11June 11. 1642, till
his return out of Banishment, 1660-05-28May 28. 1660; for
though his Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, and his
eldest Daughter, the now Lady Cheiny, did all what
lay in their power to relieve my Lord their Father,
and sent him some supplies of moneys at several
times when he was in banishment; yet that was of
their own, rather then out of my Lord’s Estate; for
the Lady Cheiny sold some few Jewels which my Lord,
her Father, had left her, and some Chamber-Plate
which she had from her Grandmother, and sent over
the money to my Lord, besides 1000 l. of her
Portion: And the now Earl of Ogle did at several
times supply my Lord, his Father, with such moneys
as he had partly obtained upon Credit, and
partly made by his Marriage.

After my Lord had begun to view those Ruines
that were nearest, and tried the Law to keep or recovercover Aa2r 91
what formerly was his, (which certainly shew’d
no favour to him, besides that the Act of Oblivion
proved a great hinderance and obstruction to those his
designs, as it did no less to all the Royal Party) and
had setled so much of his Estate as possibly he could,
he cast up the Summ of his Debts, and set out several
parts of Land for the payment of them, or of some of
them (for some of his Lands could not be easily
sold, being entailed) and some he sold in Derbyshire
to buy the Castle of Nottingham, which although it is
quite ruined and demolisht, yet, it being a seat which
had pleased his Father very much, he would not leave
it since it was offer’d to be sold.

His two Houses Welbeck and Bolsover he found
much out of repair, and this later half pull’d down,
no furniture or any necessary Goods were left in them,
but some few Hangings and Pictures, which had been
saved by the care and industry of his Eldest Daughter
the Lady Cheiny, and were bought over again after
the death of his eldest Son Charles, Lord Mansfield;
for they being given to him, and he leaving some debts
to be paid after his death, My Lord sent to his other
Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, to endeavour for so
much Credit, that the said Hangings and Pictures
(which my Lord esteemed very much, the Pictures
being drawn by Van Dyke) might be saved; which he
also did, and My Lord hath paid the debt since his
return.

Of Aa2v 92

Of eight Parks, which my Lord had before the
Wars, there was but one left that was not quite destroyed,
viz. Welhbeck-Park of about four miles compass;
for my Lord’s Brother Sir Charles Cavendish,
who bought out the life of my Lord in that Lordship,
saved most part of it from being cut down; and in
Blore-Park there were some few Deer left: The rest of the
Parks were totally defaced and destroyed, both Wood,
Pales and Deer; amongst which was also Clipston-
Park
of seven miles compass, wherein my Lord had
taken much delight formerly, it being rich of Wood,
and containing the greatest and tallest Timber-trees of
all the Woods he had; in so much, that onely the
Pale-row was valued at 2000 l. It was water’d by a
pleasant River that runs through it, full of Fish and
Otters; was well stock’d with Deer, full of Hares,
and had a great store of Partriges, Poots, Pheasants, &c,
besides all sorts of Water-fowl; so that this Park afforded
all manner of sports, for Hunting, Hawking,
Coursing, Fishing, &c. for which my Lord esteemed
it very much: And although his Patience and Wisdom
is such, that I never perceived him sad or discontented
for his own Losses and Misfortunes, yet when
he beheld the ruines of that Park, I observed him
troubled, though he did little express it, onely saying,
he had been in hopes it would not have been so much
defaced as he found it, there being not one Timbertree
in it left for shelter. However he patiently bore what Bb1r 93
what could not be helped, and gave present order for
the cutting down of some Wood that was left him in
a place near adjoining, to repale it, and got from several
Friends Deer to stock it.

Thus though his Law-suits and other unavoidable
expences were very chargeable to him, yet he order’d
his affairs so prudently, that by degrees he stock’d and
manur’d those Lands he keeps for his own use, and in
part repaired his Mannor-houses, Welbeck, and Bolsover,
to which later he made some additional building;
and though he has not yet built the Seat at Nottingham,
yet he hath stock’d and paled a little Park belonging
to it.

Nor is it possible for him to repair all the ruines of
the Estate that is left him, in so short a time, they being
so great, and his losses so considerable, that I cannot
without grief and trouble remember them; for before
the Wars my Lord had as great an Estate as any subject
in the Kingdom, descended upon him most by
Women, viz. by his Grandmother of his Father’s
side, his own Mother, and his first Wife.

What Estate his Grandfather left to his Father
Sir Charles Cavendish, I know not; nor can I exactly
tell what he had from his Grandmother, but she was
very rich; for her third Husband Sir Will. Saint
Loo
, gave her a good Estate in the West, which afterwards
descended upon my Lord, my Lord’s Mother
being the younger daughter of the Lord Ogle, and sole Bb Heir Bb1v 94
Heir, after the death of her eldest Sister Jane, Countess
of Shrewsbury, whom King Charles the First restored
to her Fathers Dignity, viz. Baroness of Ogle: This
Title descended upon my Lord and his Heirs General,
together with 3000 l. a year in Northumberland; and
besides the Estate left to my Lord, she gave him
20000 l. in Money, and kept him and his Family at
her own charge for several years.

My Lord’s first Wife, who was Daughter and Heir
to William Basset of Blore Esq;., Widow to Henry
Howard
, younger Son to Thomas Earl of Suffolk,
brought my Lord 2400 l. a Year Inheritance, between
six and seven thousand Pounds in Money, and a jointure
for her life of 800 l. a Year. Besides my Lord
increased his own Estate before the Wars, to the value
of 100000 l. and had increased it more, had not
the unhappy Wars prevented him; for though he had
some disadvantages in his Estate, even before the
Wars, yet they are not considerable to those he suffered
afterwards for the service of his King and Country:
For example, His Father Sir Charles Cavendish
had lent his Brother in Law Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury
16000 l. for which, although afterward before
his death he setled 2000 l. a year upon him; yet he
having injoyed the said Money for many years without
paying any use for it, it might have been improved
to my Lord’s better advantage, had it been in his Fathers
own hands, he being a Person of great prudence in Bb2r 95
in managing his Estate; and though the said Earl
of Shrewsbury made my Lord his Executor, yet my
Lord was so far from making any advantage by
that Trust, even in what the Law allowed him, that
he lost 17000 l. by it; and afterwards delivered
up his Trust to William Earl of Pembrook, and Thomas
Earl of Arundel, who both married two Daughters
of the said Earl of Shrewsbury; And since his
return into England, upon the desire of Henry Howard,
Second Son to the late Earl of Arundel, and
Heir apparent, (by reason of his Eldest Brother’s
Distemper) he resigned his Trust and Interest to him,
which certainly is a very difficult business, and yet
questionable whether it may lawfully be done, or
not? But such was my Lord’s Love to the Family
of the Shrewsburies, that he would rather wrong
himself, then it.

To mention some lawful advantages which my
Lord might have made by the said Trust, it may be
noted in the first place, That the Earl of Shrewsbury’s
Estate was Let in long Leases, which, by the Law,
fell to the Executor. Next, that after some Debts
and Legacies were paid out of those Lands, which
were set out for that purpose, they were setled so, that
they fell to my Lord. Thirdly, Seven hundred pounds
a year was left as a Gift to my Lord’s Brother, Sir
Charles Cavendish
, in case the Countess of Kent, Second
Daughter to the said Earl of Shrewsbury, had no Chil- Bb2v 96
Children. But my Lord never made any advantage
for himself, of all these; neither was he inquisitive whether
the said Countess of Kent cut off the Entail of that
Land, although she never had a Child; for my Lord’s
Nature is so generous, that he hates to be Mercenary,
and never minds his own Profit or Interest in any Trust
or Employment, more then the good and benefit of
him that intrusts or employs him.

But, as I said heretofore, these are but petty Losses in
comparison of those he sustained by the late Civil
Warrs, whereof I shall partly give you an account: I
say partly; for though it may be computed what the
loss of the Annual Rents of his Lands amounts to,
of which he never received the least worth for himself
and his own profit, during the time both of his being
employed in the Service of Warr, and his Sufferings in
Banishment; as also the loss of those Lands that are alienated
from him, both in present possession, and in
reversion; and of his Parks and Woods that were cut
down; yet it is impossible to render an exact account
of his Personal Estate.

As for his Rents during the time he acted in the
Warrs, though he suffer’d others to gather theirs
for their own use, yet his own either went for the use
of the Army, or fell into the hands of the Enemy,
or were suppress’d and with-held from him by the
Cozenage of his Tenants and Officers, my Lord being
then not able to look after them himself.

About Cc1r 9597

About the time when His late Majesty undertook
the expedition into Scotland for the suppressing of some
insurrection that happened there; My Lord, as afore
is mentioned, amongst the rest, lent His Majesty
10000 l. sterling; But having newly married a Daughter
to the then Lord Brackly, now Earl of Bridgwater,
whose portion was 12000 l. the moiety whereof was
paid in Gold on the day of her marriage, and the rest
soon after (although she was too young to be bedded.)
This, together with some other expences, caused him to
take up the said 10000 l. at Interest, the Use whereof
he paid many years after.

Also when after his sixteen years Banishment, he returned
into England, before he knew what Estate was
left him, and was able to receive any Rents of his own,
he was necessitated to take 5000 l. upon Use for the
maintenance of himself and his Family; whereof the
now Earl of Devonshire, his Cousin German, once
removed, lent him 1000 l. for which and the former
1000 l. mentioned heretofore, he never desired nor
received any Use from my Lord, which I mention, to
declare the favour and bounty of that Noble Lord.

But though it is impossible to render an exact account
of all the losses which My Lord has sustained
by the said Wars, yet as far as they are accountable, I
shall endeavour to represent them in these following
Particulars:

Cc In Cc1v 9698

In the first place, I shall give you a just particular of
My Lords Estate in Lands, as it was before the Wars,
partly according to the value of his own Surveighers,
and partly according to the rate it is let, at this present.

Next, I shall accompt the Woods cut down by the
Rebellious Party, in several places of My Lords Estate.

Thirdly, I shall compute the Value of those Lands
which My Lord hath lost, both in present possession,
and in reversion; that is to say, those which he has lost
altogether, both for himself, and his Posterity; and
those he has recovered onely during the time of his life,
and which his onely Son and Heir, the now Earl of
Ogle, must lose after his Fathers decease.

Fourthly, I shall make mention, how much of
Land my Lord hath been forced to sell for the payment
of some of his Debts, contracted during the
time of the late Civil Wars, and when his Estate was
sequestred; I say some, for there are a great many to
pay yet.

To which I shall, Fifthly, add the Composition of
his Brothers Estate; and the loss of it for Eight years.

A Par- Cc2r 9799

A Particular of My Lords Estate in plain Rents,
as it was partly surveighed in the Year 16411641,
and partly is let at this present.

  • Nottingham-shire.

      l. s. d.
    • The Mannor of Welbeck 0600 00 00
    • The Mannor of Norton, Carbarton,
      and the Granges 0454 19 01
    • Warksopp 0051 06 08
    • The Mannor-house of Soakholm 0308 10 03
    • The Manor of Clipston & Edwinstow 0334 09 08
    • Drayton 0008 16 06
    • Dunham 0099 17 08
    • Sutton 0185 00 05
    • The Mannor of Kirby, &c. 1075 07 02
    • The Mannor of Cotham 0833 18 08
    • The Mannor of Sitthorp 0704 01 00
    • Carcholston 0450 03 00
    • Hauksworth, &c. 0139 04 02
    • Flawborough 0512 11 08
    • Mearing and Holm-Meadow 0471 02 00
    • l. s. d.
      6229 07 11
  • Lincoln-shire.

    • Wellinger and Ingham Meales 0100 00 00
  • Derby-shire.

    • The Barrony of Bolsover and Woodthorp 0846 08 11
    • The Mannor of Chesterfield 0378 00 00
    • The Mannor of Barlow 0796 17 06
    • Tissington 0159 11 00
    • Dronfield 0486 15 10
    • The Mannor of Brampton 0142 04 08
    • Little-Longston 0087 02 00
    • The Mannor of Stoak 0212 03 00
    • Birth-Hall, and Peak-Forrest 0131 08 00
    • The Mannor of Gringlow 0156 08 00
    • The Mannor of Hucklow 0162 10 08
    • The Mannor of Blackwall 0306 00 04
    • Buxton and Tids-Hall 0153 02 00
    • Mansfield-Park 0100 00 00
    • Mappleton and Thorp 0207 05 00
    • The Mannor of Windly-Hill 0238 18 00
    • The Mannor of Litchurch and Markworth 0713 15 01
    • Church and Meynel Langly Mannor 0850 01 00
    • 6128 11 10
  • Stafford-shire. Cc2v 98100
  • Stafford-shire.

      l. s. d.
    • The Mannor of Bloar with Caulton 0573 13 04
    • The Mannor of Grindon, Cauldon, with
      Waterfull 0822 03 00
    • The Mannor of Cheadle with Kinsly 0259 18 00
    • The Mannor of Barleston, &c. 0694 03 00
    • l. s. d.
      2349 17 04
  • Glocester-shire.

    • The Mannor of Tormorton with Litleton 1193 16 00
    • The Mannor of Acton Turvil 0388 03 02
    • 1581 19 02
  • Summerset-shire.

    • The Mannor of Chewstoak 0816 15 06
    • Knighton Sutton 0300 14 04
    • Stroud and Kingsham-Park 0186 04 00
    • 1303 13 10
  • York-shire.

    • The Manors of Slingsby, Hoverngham, and
      Friton, Northinges and Pomfret 1700 00 00
  • Northumberland.

    • The Barrony of Bothal, Ogle and Hepple, &c. 3000 00 00
  • Totall 22393 10 01

That this Particular of My Lords Estate was no
less then is mentioned, may partly appear by the rate, as
it was surveighed, and sold by the Rebellious Parliament;
for they raised, towards the later end of their
power, which was in the year 16521652, out of my Lords
Estate, the summe of 111593 l. 10 s. 11 d. at five
years and a half Purchase, which was at above the rate
of 18000 l. a year, besides Woods; and his Brotherther Dd1r 99101
Sir Charles Cavendish’s Estate, which Estate was
2000 l. a year, which falls not much short of the mentioned
account; and certainly, had they not sold such
Lands at easie rates, few would have bought them, by
reason the Purchasers were uncertain how long they
should enjoy their purchase: Besides, Under-Officers
do not usually refuse Bribes; and it is well known
that the Surveighers did under-rate Estates according as
they were feed by the Purchasers.

Again, many of the Estates of banished Persons
were given to Soldiers for the payment of their Arrears,
who again sold them to others which would
buy them at easier rates. But chiefly, it appears by
the rate as my Lords Estate is let at present, there being
several of the mentioned Lands that are let at a
higher rate now then they were surveighed; nor are
they all valued in the mentioned particular according
to the surveigh, but many of them which were not
surveighed, are accounted according to the rate they are
let at at this present.

The Loss of my Lords Estate, in plain Rents, as
also upon ordinary Use, and Use upon Use, is as followeth:

The Annual Rent of My Lords Lands, viz.
22393 l. 10 s. 1 d. being lost for the space of 18
years, which was the time of his acting in the Wars,
and of his Banishment, without any benefit to him,
reckoned without any Interest, amounts to 403083 l. Dd But Dd1v 100102
But being accounted with the ordinary Use at Six in
the Hundred, and Use upon Use for the mentioned
space of 18 Years, it amounts to 733579 l.

But some perhaps will say, That if My Lord had
enjoyed his Estate, he would have spent it, at least
so much as to maintain himself according to his degree
and quality.

I answer; That it is very improbable My Lord
should have spent all his Estate, if he had enjoyed it,
he being a man of great Wisdom and Prudence, knowing
well how to spend, and how to manage; for
though he lived nobly before the time of the Wars,
yet not beyond the Compass of his Estate; nay, so
far he would have been from spending his Estate, that
no doubt but he would have increast it to a vast value,
as he did before the Wars; where notwithstanding his
Hospitality and noble House-keeping, his charges of
Building came to about 31000 l; the portion of his
second Daughter, which was 12000 l; the noble entertainments
he gave King Charles the First, one whereof
came to almost 15000 l. another to above 4000 l, and
a third to 1700 l. as hereafter shall be mentioned; and
his great expences during the time of his being Governour
to His Majesty that now is, he yet encreased his
Estate to the value of 100000 l, which is 5000 per
annum
, when it was by so much less.

But if any one will reckon the charges of his House-
keeping during the time of his Exile, and when he had Dd2r 101103
had not the enjoyment of his Estate, he may substract
the sum accounted for the payment of his debts, contracted
in the time of his Banishment, which went to
the maintenance of himself and his Family; or in
lieu thereof, considering that I do not account all My
Lords losses, but onely those that are certainly known,
he may compare it with the loss of his personal Estate,
whereof I shall make some mention anon, and he’ll
find that I do not heighten my Lords Losses, but rather
diminish them; for surely the losses of his personal
Estate, and those I account not, will counterballance
the charges of his House-keeping, if not exceed
them.

Again, others will say, That there was much Land
sold in the time of My Lords Banishment by his Sons,
and Feoffees in Trust.

I answer, First, That whatsoever was sold, was first
bought of the Rebellious Power: Next, although
they sold some Lands, yet My Lord knew nothing of
it, neither did he receive a penny worth for himself, neither
of what they purchased, nor sold, all the time of
his Banishment till his return.

And thus much of the loss of My Lords Estate in
Rents: Concerning the loss of his Parks and Woods,
as much as is generally known, (for I do not reckon
particular Trees cut down in several of his Woods yet
standing) ’tis as follows:

1. Clipston- Dd2v 102104
  • 1.

    Clipston-Park and Woods cut down to the value
    of 20000 l.
  • 2.

    Kirkby-Woods, for which my Lord was formerly
    proferr’d 10000 l.
  • 3.

    Woods cut down in Derbyshire 8000 l.
  • 4.

    Red-lodg-Wood, Rome-wood and others near
    Welbeck 4000 l.
  • 5.

    Woods cut down in Stafford-shire 1000 l.
  • 6.

    Woods cut down in York-shire 1000 l.
  • 7.

    Woods cut down in Northumberland 1500 l.
  • The Total 45000 l.

The Lands which My Lord hath lost in present posession
are 2015 l. per annum, which at 20 years purchase
come to 40300 l. and those which he hath lost in
Reversion, are 3214 l. per annum, which at 16 years
purchase amount to the value of 51424 l.

The Lands which my Lord since his return has sold
for the payment of some of his debts, occasioned by the
Wars (for I do not reckon those he sold to buy others)
come to the value of 56000 l. to which out of
his yearly revenue he has added 10000 l. more, which
is in all 66000 l.

Lastly, The Composition of his Brothers Estate
was 5000 l. and the loss of it for eight years comes to
16000 l.

All which, if summ’d up together, amounts
to 941303 l.

These Ee1r 105

These are the accountable losses, which My Dear
Lord and Husband has suffered by the late Civil
Wars, and his Loyalty to his King and Country.
Concerning the loss of his personal Estate, since (as
I often mentioned) it cannot be exactly known; I
shall not endeavour to set down the Particulars thereof,
onely in General give you a Note of what partly
they are:

  • 1.

    The pulling down of several of his dwelling or
    Mannor-houses.
  • 2. The disfurnishing of them, of which the Furniture
    at Bolsover and Welbeck was very noble and rich:
    Out of his London-house at Clarken-well, there were
    taken, amongst other Goods, suits of Linnen, viz. Table-Cloths,
    Sideboard-cloths, Napkins, &c. whereof
    one suit cost 160 l. they being bought for an Entertainment
    which My Lord made for Their Majesties,
    King Charles the First, and the Queen, at Bolsover-
    Castle
    ; And of 150 Suits of Hangings of all sorts
    in all his Houses, there were not above 10 or 12 saved.

    Of Silver-plate, My Lord had so much as came to
    the value of 3800 l. besides several Curiosities of Cabinets,
    Cups, and other things, which after My Lord
    was gone out of England, were taken out of his Mannor-house,
    Welbeck, by a Garison of the Kings Party
    that lay therein, whereof he recovered onely 1100 l.
    which Money was sent him beyond the Seas, the rest
    was lost.

    Ee As Ee1v 106

    As for Pewter, Brass, Bedding, Linnen, and other
    Houshold-stuff, there was nothing else left but some
    few old Feather-beds, and those all spoiled, and fit for
    no use.

  • 3.

    My Lord’s Stock of Corn, Cattel, &c. was
    very great before the Warrs, by reason of the largeness
    and capacity of those grounds, and the great number
    of Granges he kept for his own use; as for example,
    Barlow, Carkholston, Gleadthorp, Welbeck, and several
    more, which were all well manured and stockt.
    But all this stock was lost, besides his Race of Horses in
    his Grounds, Grange-Horses, Hackny-Horses, Mannage-Horses,
    Coach-Horses, and others he kept for
    his use.

To these Losses I may well and justly join the charges
which my Lord hath been put to since his return into
England, by reason they were caused by the ruines
of the said Warrs; whereof I reckon,

  • 1.

    His Law-suits, which have been very chargeable
    to him, more then advantagious.
  • 2.

    The Stocking, Manuring, Paling, Stubbing,
    Hedging, &c. of his Grounds and Parks; where it is to
    be noted, That no advantage or benefit can be made of
    Grounds, under the space of three years, and of
    Cattel not under five or six.
  • 3.

    The repairing and furnishing of some of his
    Dwelling-Houses.
  • 4. The Ee2r 107
  • 4.

    The setting up a Race or Breed of Horses, as
    he had before the Warrs; for which purpose he hath
    bought the best Mares he could get for money.

In short, I can reckon 12000 l. laid out barely for
the repair of some Ruines, which my Lord could not
be without, there being many of them to repair yet;
neigher is this all that is laid out, but much more which
I cannot well remember; nor is there more but one
Grange stock’d, amongst several that were kept for furnishing
his House with Provisions: As for other
Charges and Losses, which My Lord hath sustained
since his return, I will not reckon them, because my
design is onely to account such losses as were caused by
the Wars.

By which, as they have been mentioned, it may
easily be concluded, That although My Lord’s Estate
was very great before the Wars, yet now it is shrunk
into a very narrow compass, that it puts his Prudence
and Wisdom to the Proof, to make it serve his necessities,
he having no other assistance to bear him up;
and yet notwithstanding all this, he hath since his return
paid both for Himself and his Son, all manner of
Taxes, Lones, Levies, Assessments, &c. equally
with the rest of His Majesties Subjects, according to
that Estate that is left him, which he has been forced to
take upon Interest.

The Ee2v 108

The Third Book.

Thus having given you a faithful Account of
all My Lords Actions, both before, in, and
after the Civil Warrs, and of his Losses; I shall now
conclude with some particular heads concerning
the description of his own Person, his Natural
Humour, Disposition, Qualities, Vertues;
his Pedigree, Habit, Diet, Exercises, &c. together
with some other Remarks and Particulars which
I thought requisite to be inserted, both to illustrate
the former Books, and to render the History of
his Life more perfect and compleat.

1. Of his Power.

After His Majesty King Charles the First, had
entrusted my Lord with the Power of raising Forces
for His Majesties Service, he effected that which never
any Subject did, nor was (in all probability) able
to do; for though many Great and Noble Persons
did also raise Forces for His Majesty, yet they were
Brigades, rather then well-formed Armies, in comparison
to my Lord’s. The reason was, That my
Lord, by his Mother, the Daughter of Cuthbert Lord Ff1r 109
Lord Ogle
, being allyed to most of the most ancient
Families in Northumberland, and other the Northern
parts, could pretend a greater Interest in them, then a
stranger; for they through a natural affection to my
Lord as their own Kinsman, would sooner follow
him, and under his Conduct sacrifice their Lives for
His Majesty’s Service, then any body else, well
knowing, That by deserting my Lord, they deserted
themselves; and by this means my Lord raised
first a Troup of Horse consisting of a hundred and
twenty, and a Regiment of Foot; and then an Army
of Eight thousand Horse, Foot and Dragoons,
in those parts; and afterwards upon this ground, at
several times, and in several places, so many several
Troups, Regiments and Armies, that in all from the
first to the last, they amounted to above 100000 men,
and those most upon his own Interest, and without
any other considerable help or assistance; which was
much for a particular Subject, and in such a conjuncture
of time; for since Armies are soonest raised by
Covetousness, Fear annd Faction; that is to say, upon
a constant and setled Pay, upon the Ground of
Terrour, and upon the Ground of Rebellion; but
very seldom or never upon uncertainty of Pay; and
when it is as hazardous to be of such a Party, as to be
in the heat of a Battel; also when there is no other design
but honest duty; it may easily be conceived that
my Lord could have no little love and affection when Ff He Ff1v 110
He raised his Army upon suuch grounds as could promise
them but little advantage at that time.

Amongst the rest of his Army, My Lord had chosen
for his own Regiment of Foot, 3000 of such Valiant,
stout and faithful men, (whereof many were
bred in the Moorish-grounds of the Northern parts)
that they were ready to die at my Lord’s feet, and
never gave over, whensoever they were engaged in
action, until they had either conquer’d the Enemy, or
lost their lives. They were called White-coats, for
this following reason: My Lord being resolved to
give them new Liveries, and there being not red Cloth
enough to be had, took up so much of white as would
serve to cloath them, desiring withal, their patience until
he had got it dyed; but they impatient of stay, requested
my Lord, that he would be pleased to let them
have it un-dyed as it was, promising they themselves
would die it in the Enemies Blood: Which request my
Lord granted them, and from that time they were
called White-Coats.

To give you some instances of their Valour and
Courage, I must beg leave to repeat some passages
mentioned in the first Book. The Enemy having
closely besieged the City of York, and made a passage
into the Mannor-yard, by springing a Mine under
the Wall thereof, was got into the Mannor-house
with a great number of their Forces; which My Lord
perceiving, he immediately went and drew 80 of the said Ff2r 111
said White-coats thither, who with the greatest Courage
went close up to the Enemy, and having charged
them, fell Pell-mell with the But-ends of their Musquets
upon them, and with the assistance of the rest
that renewed their Courage by their example, kill’d
and took 1500, and by that means saved the Town.

How valiantly they behaved themselves in the last
fatal Battel upon Hessom-moor near York, has been also
declared heretofore; in so much, that although most of
the Army were fled, yet they would not stir, until by
the Enemies Power they were overcome, and most of
them slain in rank and file.

Their love and affection to my Lord was such, that
it lasted even when he was deprived of all his power,
and could do them little good; to which purpose I
shall mention this following passage:

My Lord being in Antwerp, received a Visit from a
Gentleman, who came out of England, and rendred
My Lord thanks for his safe Escape at Sea; My
Lord being in amaze, not knowing what the Gentleman
meant, he was pleased to acquaint Him, that in
his coming over Sea out of England, he was set upon
by Pickaroons, who having examined him, and the
rest of his Company, at lasst some asked him, whether
he knew the Marquess of Newcastle? To whom he
answered, That he knew him very well, and was
going over into the same City where my Lord lived.
Whereupon they did not onely take nothing from him, Ff2v 112
him, but used him with all Civility, and desired him to
remember their humble duty to their Lord General, for
they were some of his White-Coats that had escaped
death; and if my Lord had any service for them, they
were ready to assist him upon what Designs soever, and
to obey him in whatsoever he should be pleased to Command
them.

This I mention for the Eternal Fame and Memory
of those Valiant and Faithful Men. But to return
to the Power my Lord had in the late Warrs: As he
was the Head of his own Army, and had raised it most
upon his own Interest for the Service of His Majesty;
so he was never Ordered by His Majesty’s Privy
Council, (except that some Forces of His were kept
by His late Majesty, (which he sent to Him) together
with some Arms and Ammunition heretofore mentioned)
until His Highness Prince Rupert came from
His Majesty, to join with him at the Siege of York.
He had moreover the Power of Coyning, Printing,
Knighting, &c. which never any Subject had before,
when His Soveraign Himself was in the Kingdom; as
also the Command of so many Counties, as is mentioned
in the First Book, and the Power of placing and
displacing what Governours and Commanders he
pleased, and of constituting what Garisons he thought
fit; of the chief whereof I shall give you this following
list.

A Par- Gg1r 113

A Particular of the Principal Garisons, and the Governors
of them, constituted by my Lord.

  • In Northumberland.

    • Newcastle upon Tyne, Sir John Marley Knight.
    • Tynmouth Castle and Sheilds, Sir Thomas Riddal,
      Knight.
  • In the Bishoprick of Durham.

    • Hartlepool, Lieutenant Colonel Henry Lambton.
    • Raby-Castle, Sir William Savile, Knight and Baronet.
  • In Yorkshire.

    • The City of York, Sir Thomas Glenham Knight and
      Baronet; and afterwards when he took the Field,
      the Lord Jo. Bellasyse.
    • Pomfret-Castle, Colonel Mynn, and after him Sir Jo.
      Redman
      .
    • Sheffield-Castle, Major Beamont.
    • Wortly-Hall, Sir Francis Wortley.
    • Tickhill-Castle, Major Mountney.
    • Doncaster, Sir Francis Fane, Knight of the Bath, afterwards
      Governour of Lincoln.
    • Sandal-Castle, Captain Bonivant.
    • Gg Skipton Gg1v 114
    • Skipton-Castle, Sir John Mallary, Baronet.
    • Bolton-Castle, Mr. Scroope.
    • Hemsley-Castle, Sir Jordan Crosland.
    • Scarborough-Castle and Town, Sir Hugh Chomley.
    • Stamford-Bridg, Colonel Galbreth.
    • Hallifax, Sir Francis Mackworth.
    • Tadcaster, Sir Gamaliel Dudley.
    • Eyrmouth, Major Kaughton.
  • In Cumberland.

    • The City of Carlisle, Sir Philip Musgrave, Knight
      and Baronet.
    • Cockermouth, Colonel Kirby.
  • In Nottinghamshire.

    • Newark upon Trent, Sir John Henderson, Knight; and
      afterwards, Sir Richard Byron, Knight, now Lord
      Byron
      .
    • Wyrton-House, Colonel Rowland Hacker.
    • Welbeck, Colonel Van Peire; and after, Colonel
      Beeton
      .
    • Shelford-House, Col. Philip Stanhop.
  • In Gg2r 115
  • In Lincolnshire.

    • The City of Lincoln, first Sir Francis Fane, Knight
      of the Bath; secondly, Sir Peregrine Bartu.
    • Gainsborough, Colonel St. George.
    • Bullingbrook-Castle, Lieutenant Colonel Chester.
    • Belvoir-Castle, Sir Gervas Lucas.
  • In Derbyshire.

    • Bolsover-Castle, Colonel Muschamp.
    • Wingfield Mannor, Colonel Roger Molyneux.
    • Staly-House, the now Lord Fretchwile.

A List of the General Officers of
the Army.

  • 1.

    The Lord General, the now Duke of Newcastle,
    the Noble Subject of this Book.
  • 2.

    The Lieutenant General of the Army; first the
    Earl of Newport, afterwards the Lord Eythin.
  • 3.

    The General of the Ordnance, Charles Viscount
    Mansfield
    .
  • 4.

    The General of the Horse, George Lord Goring.
  • 5. The Gg2v 116
  • 5.

    The Colonel General of the Army, Sir Thomas
    Glenham
    .
  • 6.

    The Major General of the Army, Sir Francis
    Mackworth
    .
  • 7.

    The Lieutenant General of the Horse, First
    Mr. Charles Cavendish, after him Sir Charles
    Lucas
    .
  • 8.

    Comissary General of Horse, First Colonel
    Windham
    , after him Sir William Throckmorton, and
    after him Mr. George Porter.
  • 9.

    Lieutenant General of the Ordnance, Sir William
    Davenant
    .
  • 10.

    Treasurer of the Army, Sir William Carnaby.
  • 11.

    Advocate-General of the Army, Dr. Liddal.
  • 12.

    Quarter-Master General of the Army, Mr. Ralph
    Errington
    .
  • 13.

    Providore-General of the Army, Mr. Gervas
    Nevil
    , and after Mr. Smith.
  • 14.

    Scout-Master-General of the Army, Mr.
    Hudson
    .
  • 15.

    Waggon-Master-General of the Army, Baptist
    Johnson
    .
William Gg2(1)r 117

William Lord Widdrington was President of the
Council of War, and Commander in chief of the
three Counties of Lincoln, Rutland and Nottingham,
and the forces there.

When my Lord marched with his Army to Newcastle
against the Scots, then the Lord John Bellassis was
constituted Governour of York, and Commander in
Chief, or Lieutenant General of York-shire.

As for the rest of the Officers and Commanders of
every particular Regiment and Company, they being
too numerous, cannot well be remembred, and
therefore I shall give you no particular accompt of
them.

2. Of His Misfortunes and obstructions.

Although Nature had favour’d My Lord, and
endued him with the best Qualities and Perfections
she could inspire into his soul; yet Fortune hath
ever been such an inveterate Enemy to him, that she
invented all the spight and malice against him that lay
in her power; and notwithstanding his prudent Counsels
and Designs, cast such obstructions in his way, that
he seldom proved successful, but where he acted in Person.
And since I am not ignorant that this unjust and Gg2 partial Gg2(1)v 118
partial Age is apt to suppress the worth of meritorious
persons, and that many will endeavour to obscure my
Lords noble Actions and Fame, by casting unjust aspersions
upon him, and laying (either out of ignorance
or malice) Fortunes envy to his charge, I have
purposed to represent these obstructions which conspired
to render his good intentions and endeavours ineffectual,
and at last did work his ruine and destruction,
in these following particulars.

  • 1.

    At the time when the Kingdom became so infatuated,
    as to oppose and pull down their Gracious
    King and Soveraign, the Treasury was exhausted,
    and no sufficient means to raise and maintain Armies to
    reduce his Majesties Rebellious Subjects; so that My
    Lord had little to begin withal but what his own Estate
    would allow, and his Interest procure him.
  • 2.

    When his late Majesty, in the beginning of the
    unhappy Wars, sent My Lord to Hull, the strongest
    place in the Kingdom, where the Magazine of Arms
    and Ammunition was kept, and he by his prudence
    had gained it to his Majesties service; My Lord
    was left to the mercy of the Parliament, where he
    had surely suffered for it, (though he acted not without
    His Majesties Commission) if some of the contrary
    party had not quitted him, in hopes to gain him
    on their side.
  • 3. After Hh1r 117119
  • 3.

    After His Majesty had sent My Lord to Newcastle
    upon Tyne
    , to take upon him the Government
    of that place, and he had raised there, of Friends and
    Tenants, a troup of Horse and Regiment of Foot,
    which he ordered to conveigh some Arms and Ammunition
    to His Majesty, sent by the Queen out of Holland;
    His Majesty was pleased to keep the same Convoy
    with him to encrease his own Forces, which although
    it was but of a small number, yet at that present
    time it would have been very serviceable to my
    Lord, he having then but begun to raise Forces.
  • 4.

    When Her Majesty the now Queen-Mother, after
    her arrival out of Holland to York, had a purpose to conveigh
    some Armes to His Majesty, My Lord order’d
    a Party of 1500 to conduct the same, which His Majesty
    was pleased to keep with him for his own service.
  • 5.

    After Her Majesty had taken a resolution to go
    from York to Oxford, where the King then was; my Lord
    for Her safer conduct quitted 7000 men of his Army,
    with a convenient Train of Artillery, which likewise
    never returned to my Lord.
  • 6.

    When the Earl of Montross was going into
    Scotland, he went to my Lord at Durham, and desired
    of him a supply of some Forces for His Majesties
    service; where my Lord gave him 200 Horse and
    Dragoons, even at such a time when he stood most in
    need of a supply himself, and thought every day to
    encounter the Scottish Army.
  • Hh 7. When Hh1v 118120
  • 7.

    When my Lord out of the Northern parts went
    into Lincoln- and Derby-shires with his Army, to order
    and reduce them to their Allegiance and Duty to
    His Majesty, and from thence resolved to march
    into the Associate Counties, (where in all porrobability
    he would have made an happy end of the
    Warr) he was so importuned by those he left behind
    him, and particularly the Commander in Chief, to
    return into York-shire, alledging the Enemy grew
    strong, and would ruine them all, if he came not
    speedily to succour and assist them; that in honour
    and duty he could do no otherwise but grant their
    Requests; when as yet being returned into those parts,
    he found them secure and safe enough from the Enemies
    Attempts.
  • 8.

    My Lord (as heretofore mentioned) had as great
    private Enemies about His Majesty, as he had publick
    Enemies in the Field, who used all the endeavour
    they could to pull him down.
  • 9.

    There was such Jugling, Treachery, and Falshood
    in his own Army, and amongst some of his
    own Officers, that it was impossible for my Lord to
    be prosperous and successful in his Designs and Undertakings.
  • 10.

    My Lord’s Army being the chief and greatest
    Army which His Majesty had, and in which consisted
    His prime Strength and Power; the Parliament
    resolved at last, to join all their Forces with the Army of Hh2r 119121
    of the Scots, (which when it came out of Scotland,
    was above Twenty thousand Men) to oppose, and
    if possible, to ruine it; well knowing, that if they
    did pull down my Lord, they should be Masters of
    all the Three Kingdoms; so that there were Three
    Armies against One. But although my Lord suffered
    much by the Negligence (and sometimes Treachery)
    of his Officers, and was unfortunately called
    back into York-shire, from his March he designed for
    the Associate Counties, and was forced to part with
    a great number of his Forces and Ammunition, as
    aforementioned; yet he would hardly have been overcome,
    and his Army ruined by the Enemy, had he
    but had some timely supply and assistance at the Siege
    of York, or that his Counsel had been taken in not
    fighting the Enemy then, or that the Battel had been
    differ’d some two or three dayes longer, until those
    Forces were arrived which he expected, namely three
    thousand men out of Northumberland, and Two thousand
    drawn out of several Garisons. But the chief
    Misfortune was, That the Enemy fell upon the Kings
    Forces before they were all put into a Battallia, and took
    them at their great disadvantage; which caused such a
    Panick fear amongst them, that most of the Horse of
    the right Wing of His Majesty’s Forces, betook themselves
    to their heels; insomuch, that although the left
    Wing (commanded by the Lord Goring, and my Brother
    Sir Charles Lucas) did their best endeavour, and beat Hh2v 120122
    beat back the Enemy three times, and My Lord’s own
    Regiment of Foot charged them so couragiously, that
    they never broke, but died most of them in their Ranks
    and Files; yet the Power of the Enemy being too
    strong, put them at last to a total rout and confusion.
    Which unlucky disaster put an end to all future
    hopes of His Majesties Party; so that my Lord seeing
    he had nothing left in his Power to do His Majesty any
    further service in that kind (for had he stayed, he
    would have been forced to surrender all those Towns
    and Garisons in those parts, that were yet in His Majesties
    Devotion, as afterwards it also happen’d) resolved
    to quit the Kingdom, as formerly is mentioned.

And these are chiefly the obstructions to the good
success of my Lord’s Designs in the late Civil Wars;
which being rightly considered, will save him blameless
from what otherwise would be laid to his charge;
for, as according to the old saying, “’Tis easie for men to
swim, when they are held up by the chin”
: So on the other
side, it is very dangerous and difficult for them to endeavour
it, when they are pulled down by the Heels,
and beaten upon their Heads.

3. Of His Loyalty and Sufferings.

I dare boldly and justly say, That there never was,
nor is a more Loyal and Faithful Subject then My Lord: Ii1r 121123
Lord: Not to mention the Trust he discharged in all
those imployments, which either King James, or
King Charles the First, or His now Gracious Master
King Charles the Second, were pleased to bestow upon
him, which he performed with such care and fidelity,
that he never disobeyed their Commands in the
least; I will onely note,

  • 1.

    That he was the First that appear’d in Armes for
    His Majesty, and engaged Himself and all his Friends
    he could for His Majesties Service; and though he
    had but two Sons which were young, and one onely
    Brother, yet they all were with him in the Wars:
    His two Sons had Commands, but His Brother, though
    he had no Command, by reason of the weakness of
    his body, yet he was never from My Lord when he
    was in action, even to the last; for he was the last
    with my Lord in the Field in that fatal Battel upon
    Hessom-moor, near York; and though my Brother,
    Sir Charles Lucas, desired my Lord to send his Sons away,
    when the said Battel was fought, yet he would
    not, saying, His Sons should shew their Loyalty and
    Duty to His Majesty, in venturing their lives, as well
    as Himself.
  • 2.

    My Lord was the chief and onely Person, that
    kept up the Power of His late Majesty; for when his
    Army was lost, all the Kings Party was ruined in all
    three of his Majesties Kingdoms; because in his Army
    lay the chief strength of all the Royal Forces; Ii it Ii1v 122124
    it being the greatest and best formed Army which His
    Majesty had, and the onely support both of his Majesties
    Person and Power, and of the hopes of all his
    Loyal Subjects in all his Dominions.
  • 3.

    My Lord was 16 Years in Banishment, and
    hath lost and suffered most of any subject, that suffer’d
    either by War, or otherways, except those that lost
    their lives, and even that he valued not, but exposed
    it to so eminent dangers that nothing but Heavens Decree
    had ordained to save it.
  • 4.

    He never minded his own Interest more then
    his Loyaltie and Duty, and upon that account never
    desired nor received any thing from the Crown to enrich
    himself, but spent great sums in His Majesties Service;
    so that after his long banishment and return into
    England, I observed his ruined Estate was like an
    Earthquake, and his Debts like Thunder-bolts, by
    which he was in danger of being utterly undone, had
    not Patience and Prudence, together with Heavens
    Blessings, saved him from that threatning Ruine.
  • 5.

    He never repined at his Losses and Sufferings, because
    he lost and suffered for his King and Countrey;
    nay, so far was he from that, that I have heard him
    say, If the same Warrs should happen again, and he
    was sure to lose both his life, and all he had left him, yet
    he would most willingly sacrifice it for His Majesties
    Service.
  • 6. He Ii2r 123125
  • 6.

    He never connived or conspired with the Enemy,
    neither directly nor indirectly; for though some
    Person of Quality being sent in the late Wars to him
    into the North, from His late Majesty, who was
    then at Oxford, with some Message, did withal in private
    acquaint him, that some of the Nobility that were
    with the King, desired him to side with them against
    His Majesty, alledging that if His Majesty should become
    an absolute Conquerer, both himself and the rest
    of the Nobility would lose all their Rights and Priviledges;
    yet he was so far from consenting to it, that
    he returned him this answer, namely, That he entred
    into actions of War, for no other end, but for the
    service of His King and Master, and to keep up His
    Majesties Rights and Prerogatives, for which he was
    resolved to venture both his Life, Posterity and Estate;
    for certainly, said he, the Nobility cannot fall if the
    King be Victorious, nor can they keep up their Dignities,
    if the King be overcome.

This Message was delivered by word of mouth, but
none of their names mentioned; so that it is not certainly
known whether it was a real truth or not; more
probable it was, that they intended to sound my Lord,
or to make, if possible, more division; for certainly
not all that pretended to be for the King, were His
Friends; and I my self remember very well, when I
was with Her HMajesty, the now Queen-Mother, in
Oxford, (although I was too young to perceive their intrigues, Ii2v 124126
intrigues, yet I was old enough to observe) that there
were great Factions both amongst the Courtiers and
Soldiers. But my Lords Loyalty was such, that
he kept always faithful and true to His Majesty, and
could by no means be brought to side with the Rebellious
Party, or to juggle and mind his own Interest
more then his Majesties Service; and this was the cause
that he had as great private Enemies at Court, as he
had publick Enemies in the Field, who sought as
much his ruine and destruction privately, and would
cast aspersions upon his Loyalty and Duty, as these
did publickly oppose him.

In short, that it may appear the better what loyal
and faithful services my Lord has done both for His
late Master King Charles the First, and His now Gracious
Majesty King Charles the Second, I have thought
fit to subjoin both Their Majesties Commendations
which they were pleased to give him, when for his Great
and Loyal Services they confer’d upon him the Titles
and Dignities of Marquess, and Duke of Newcastle.

A Kk1r 125127

A Copy of the Preamble of My Lord’s Patent for
Marquess, Englished.

Rex &c. Salutem.

Whereas it appears to Us, That William Earl
of Newcastle upon Tyne, besides his most
Eminent Birth and splendid Alliances, hath equalled
all those Titles with which he is adorned
by Desert, and hath also wonne them by Virtue,
Industry, Prudence, and a stedfast Faith: Whilest
with dangers and expences gathering together Soldiers,
Armes, and all other War-like Habiliments; and applying
them as well in Our Affairs, as most plentifully sending
them to Us, (having fore-thought of Our Dignity and security)
he was ready with Us in all Actions in York-
shire
, and governed the Town of Newcastle, and Castle
in the mouth of Tyne, at the time of that fatal Revolt of
the People who were got together; and with a Bond of his
Friends did opportunely seize that Port, and settled it a Garison;
bringing Armes to Us (then Our onely relief:) In
which Service so strongly going on, (which was of grand
moment to our affairs) We do gratefully remember him still
to have stood to: Afterwards, having Mustered together a
good Army, (Our self being gone else-where) the Rebels
now enjoying almost all York-shire, and the chiefest
Fortress of all the Country now appearing to have scarce
refuge or safety for him against the swelling Rebels, (the Kk whole Kk1v 126128
whole Country then desiring and praying for his coming,
that he might timely relieve them in their desperate condition)
And leading his said Army in the midst of Winter,
gave the Rebels Battel in his passage, vanquish’d them, and
put them to flight, and took from them several Garisons,
and places of Refuge, and restored Health to the Subjects,
and by his many Victories, Peace and Security to the Countryes:
Witness those places, made Noble by the death and
flight of the Rebels: in Lincoln-shire, Gainsborough
and Lincoln; in Derby-shire, Chesterfield; but in
York-shire, Peirce-bridge, Seacroft, Tankerly, Tadcaster,
Sheffield, Rotheram, Yarum, Beverly, Cawood,
Selby, Halifax, Leeds, and above all, Bradford;
where when the Yorkshire- and Lancashire-Rebels
were united, and Battel joined with them; when Our Army
as well by the great numbers of the Rebels, as much more
the badness of Our ground, was so prest upon, that the Soldiers
now seemed to think of flying; He, their General, with
a full Carier, commanding two Troops to follow him,
broke into the very rage of the Battel, and with so much violence
fell upon the right Wing of those Rebels, That those
who were but now certain of Victory, turn’d their backs, and
fled from the Conqueror, who by his Wisdom, Virtue and
his own Hand, brought death and flight to the Rebels, Victory
and Glory to Himself, Plunder to the Soldiery,
and 22 great Guns, and many Ensigns to Us. Nor was
there before this, wanting to so much Virtue, equal Felicity,
for Our most beloved Consort, after a dismal Tempest coming from Kk2r 127129
from Holland, being drove ashore at Burlington, and
undergoing a more grievous danger, by the excursions of the
Rebels, then the tossing and tumbling of the Sea; He having
heard of it, speedily goes to Her with his Army, and dutifully
receiveth Her, in safety brings Her, and with all
security conducts Her to Us at Oxford. Whereas therefore
the aforesaid Earl hath raised so many Monuments of
His Virtue and Fidelity towards Us, Our Queen, Children,
and Our Kingdom; when also he doth at this time establish
with safety, and with His Power defend the Northern parts
of Our Kingdom against the Rebels; when lastly, nothing
more concerns Mankind and Princes, and nothing can be
more just, then that he may receive for his Deeds, a Reward
suitable to his name, which requires that he who
defends the Borders, should be created by Us, Governour
or Marquess of the Borderers
. Know therefore, &c.

A Kk2v 128130

A Copy of the Preamble of My Lord’s Patent for
Duke, Englished.

Rex &c. Salutem.

Whereas Our most beloved and faithful Cousin and
Counsellor, William Earl and Marquess of
Newcastle upon Tyne, &c. worthy by his famous Name,
Blood and Office, of large Honours, has been eminent in
so many, and so great Services performed to Us and Our
Father (of ever blessed memory) that his Merits are still
producing new effects, We have decreed likewise to add more
Honour to his former. And though these his such eminent
Actions, which he hath faithfully and valiantly performed
to Us, Our Father, and Our Kingdom, speak loud enough
in themsleves; yet since the valiant Services of a good Subject
are always pleasant to remember, We have thought fit
to have them in part related for a good Example and Encouragement
to Virtue.

The great proofs of his Wisdom and Piety are sufficiently
known to Us from Our younger years, and We shall alwayes
retain a sense of those good Principles he instilled into
Us; the Care of Our Youth which he happily undertook
for Our good, he as faithfully and well discharged. Our years
growing up amidst bad Times, and the harsh Necessities of
Warr, a new Charge and Care of Loyaltie, the Kingdom and Ll1r 129131
and Religion call’d him off to make use of his further Diligence
and Valour. Rebellion spread abroad, he levied
Loyal Forces in great numbers, opposed the Enemy, won so
many and so great Victories in the Field, took in so many
Towns, Castles and Garisons, as well in Our Northern
parts, as elsewhere; and behaved himself with so great
Courage and Valour in the defending also what he had got,
especially at the Seige of York, which he maintain’d against
three Potent Armies of Scots and English, closely
beleaguering, and with emulation assaulting it for three
Months (till Relief was brought) to the wonder and
envy of the Enemy; that, if Loyal and Humane Force
could have prevailed, he had soon restored Fidelity, Peace
and his King to the Nation, which was then hurrying
to Ruine by an unhappy Fate; So that Rebellion
getting the upper hand, and no place being left for him to act
further valiantly in, for his King and Countrey, he
still retain’d the same Loyalty and Valour in suffering,
being an inseparable Follower of Our Exile; during
which sad Catastrophe, his whole Estate was sequestred
and sold from him, and his Person alwayes one of the
first of those few who were excepted both for Life and Estate
(which was offer’d to all others.) Besides, his
Virtues are accompanied with a Noble Blood, being of
a Family by each Stock equally adorn’d and endow’d
with great Honours and Riches. For which Reasons
We have resolv’d to grace the said Marquess with a
new Mark of our Favour, he being every way deservingLl ing Ll1v 130132
of it, as one who lov’d vertue equal to his Noble
Birth, and possess’d Patrimonies suitable to both, as long as
loyalty had any place to shew it self in our Realm; which
possessions he so well employ’d, and at last for Us and Our
Fathers service lost, till he was with Us restor’d. Know
therefore, &c.

4. Of his Prudence and Wisdom.

My Lord’s Prudence and Wisdom hath been sufficiently
apparent both in his Publick and Private
Actions and Imployments; for he hath such a
Natural Inspection, and Judicious Observation of
things, that he sees beforehand what will come to pass,
and orders his affairs accordingly. To which purpose
I cannot but mention, that Laud, the then Archbishop
of Canterbury, between whom and my Lord,
interceded a great and intire Friendship, which he confirmed
by a Legacy of a Diamond, to the value of
200 l. left to my Lord when he died, which was much
for him to bequeath; for though he was a great Statesman,
and in favour with his late Majesty, yet he was
not covetous to hoard up wealth, but bestowed it rather
upon the Publick, repairing the Cathedral of
St. Pauls
in London, which, had God granted him life,
he would certainly have beautified, and rendred as
famous and glorious as any in Christendom: This said Arch-Bishop Ll2r 131133
Arch-Bishop was pleased to tell His late Majesty, that
my Lord was one of the Wisest and Prudentest Persons
that ever he was acquainted with.

For further proof, I cannot pass by that my Lord
told His late Majesty King Charles the First, and Her
Majesty the now Queen-Mother, some time before
the Wars, That he observed by the humours of the
People, the approaching of a Civil War, and that
His Majesties Person would be in danger of being deposed,
if timely care was not taken to prevent it.

Also when my Lord was at Antwerp, the Marquess
of Montross, before he went into Scotland, gave my
Lord a Visit, and acquainted him with his intended
Journey, asking my Lord whether he was not also going
for England? My Lord answer’d, He was ready
to do His Majesty what service he could, and would
shun no opportunity, where he perceived he could effect
something to His Majesties advantage; Nay, said he,
if His Majesty should be pleased to Command my single
Person to go against the whole Army of the Enemy,
although I was sure to lose my life, yet out of a Loyal
Duty to His Majesty, and in Obedience to his
Commands, I should never refufse it. But to venture
(said he) the life of my Friends, and to betray
them in a desperate action, without any probability
of doing the least good to His Majesty, would
be a very unjust and unconscionable act; for my
Friends might perhaps venture with me upon an impliciteplicite Ll2v 132134
Faith, that I was so honest as not to engage
them without a firm and solid foundation; but I
wanting that, as having no Ships, Armes, Ammunition,
Provision, Forts, and places of Rendezvous,
and what is the chief thing, Money; To what
purpose would it be to draw them into so hazardous an
Action, but to seek their ruine and destruction, without
the least benefit to His Majesty? Then the Marquess
of Montross asked my Lord’s Advice, and what he
should do in such a case? My Lord answer’d, That
he knowing best his own Countrey, Power and
Strength, and what probability he had of Forces,
and other Necessaries for Warr, when he came into
Scotland, could give himself the best advice; but
withall told him, That if he had no Provision nor
Ammunition, Armes and places of Rendezvous
for his men to meet and join, he would likely be
forced to hide his head, and suffer for his rash undertaking:
Which unlucky Fate did also accordingly
befall that worthy Person.

These passages I mention to no other end, but to
declare my Lord’s Judgment and Prudence in worldly
Affairs; whereof there are so many, that if I
should set them all down, it would swell this History
to a big Volume. They may in some sort be gather’d
from his actions mentioned heretofore, especially the
ordering of his affairs in the time of Warr, with
such Conduct, Prudence and Wisdom, that notwithstandingwith- Mm1r 133135
at the beginning of his Undertaking that
great Trust and honourable Employment which His
late Majesty was pleased to confer upon him, he saw
so little appearance of performing his Designs with
good success, His Majesty’s Revenues being then much
weakened, and the Magazines and publick Purse, in the
Enemies Power, besides several other obstructions
and hinderances; yet as he undertook it chearfully,
and out of pure Loyalty and Obedience to His Majesty;
so he ordered it so wisely, that so long as he acted
by his own Counsels, and was personally present
at the execution of his Designs, he was always prosperous
in his Success. And although he had so great
an Army, as aforementioned, yet by his wise and
prudent Conduct, there appear’d no visible sign of devastation
in any of the Countreys where he marched;
for first, he setled a constant Rule for the Regular levy
of money for the convenient Maintenance of the
Soldiery. Next, he constituted such Officers of his
Army, that most of them were known to be Gentlemen
of large and fair Estates, which drew a good part
of their private Revenues, to serve and support them
in their publick Employments; wherein my Lord did
lead them the way by his own good Example.

To which may be added his wisdom in ordering the
Government of the Church, for the advancement of the
Orthodox Religion, and suppression of Factions; as
also in Coyning, Printing, Knighting, and the like, Mm which Mm1v 134136
which he used with great discretion and prudence, onely
for the Interest of His Majesty, and the benefit of
the Kingdom, as formerly has been mentioned.

The Prudent mannage of his private and domestick
affairs, appears sufficiently:

  • 1. In his Marriage.

  • 2. In the ordering and increasing his Estate before the
    Wars, which notwithstanding his Noble Housekeeping
    and Hospitality, and his Generous Bounty
    and Charity, he increased to the value of 100000 l.

  • 3. In the ordering his Affairs in the time of Banishment,
    where although he received not the least of his
    own estate, during all the time of his exile, until his
    return; yet maintained himself handsomely and nobly,
    according to his Quality, as much as his Condition
    at that time would permit.
  • 4. In reducing his torn
    and ruined Estate after his return, which beyond all
    probability, himself hath setled and order’d so, that his
    Posterity will have reason gratefully to remember it.

In short; Although my Lord naturally loves not
business, especially those of State, (though he understands
them as well as any body) yet what business
or affairs he cannot avoid, none will do them better
then himself. His private affairs he orders without any
noise or trouble, not over-hastily, but wisely: Neither
is he passionate in acting of business, but hears patiently,
and orders soberly, and pierces into the heart
or bottom of a business at the first encounter; but before
all things, he considers well before he undertakes a Mm2r 135137
a business, whether he be able to go through it or no,
for he never ventures upon either publick or private business,
beyond his strength.

And here I cannot forbear to mention, that my
Noble Lord, when he was in banishment, presumed
out of his Duty and Love to his Gracious Master our
now Soveraign King Charles the Second, to write and
send him a little Book, or rather a Letter, wherein he
delivered his Opinion concerning the Government of
his Dominions, whensoever God should be pleased to
restore him to his Throne, together with some other
Notes and Observations of Foreign States and Kingdoms;
but it being a private offer to His sacred Majesty,
I dare not presume to publish it.

5. Of His Blessings.

Although my Lord hath been one of the most
Unfortunate Persons of his Rank and Quality,
which this later age did produce; yet Heaven hath
been so propitious to him, that it bestowed some blessings
upon him even in the midst of his Misfortunes, and
supported him against Fortunes Malice, which otherwise,
as it seems, had designed his total ruine and destruction:
Of these Blessings I may name in the first
place,

  • 1.

    The Royal Favours of His Gracious Soveraign’s,raign’s Mm2v 136138
    and the good esteem they had of his Fidelity
    and Loyalty; which as it was the chief of his endeavours,
    so he esteemed it above all the rest. To repeat
    them particularly would be too tedious, and they
    are sufficiently apparent out of the precedent History;
    onely this I may add, that King Charles the First, out
    of a singular Favour to my Lord, was pleased upon
    his most humble request, to create several Noble-men;
    the Names of them, lest I commit an offence, I shall
    not mention, by reason most men usually pretend such
    claimes upon the Ground of their own Merit.
  • 2.

    That God was pleased to bless him with Wealth
    and Power, to enable him the better for the service of
    his King and Country.
  • 3.

    That he made him happy in his Marriage; (for
    his first Wife was a very kind, loving and Virtuous
    Lady) and bless’d him with Dutiful and Obedient
    Children, free from Vices, Noble and Generous
    both in ther Natures and Actions; who did all that
    lay in their power to support and relieve my Lord
    their Father in his Banishment, as before is mentioned.
  • 4.

    The Kindness and Civility which my Lord received
    from Strangers, and the Inhabitants of those
    places, where he lived during the time of his Banishment;
    for had it not been for them, he would have
    perished in his extream wants; but it pleased God so
    to provide for him, that although he wanted an Estate, yet Nn1r 137139
    yet he wanted not Credit; and although he was banished
    and forsaken by his own Friends and Countrymen,
    yet he was civilly received and relieved by strangers,
    until God bless’d him,
  • Lastly, With a happy return to his Native
    Country, his dear Children, and his own Estate; which
    although he found much ruined and broke, yet by
    his Prudence and Wisdom, hath order’d as well as
    he could; and I hope, and pray God to add this blessing
    to all the rest, That he may live long to encrease it
    for the benefit of his Posterity.

6. Of his Honours and Dignities.

The Honours, Titles and Dignities which were
conferr’d upon my Lord, by King James, King
Charles the First
, and King Charles the Second, partly
as an encouragement for future Service, and a Reward
for past, are following.

  • 1.

    He was made Knight of the Bath, when he was
    but 15 or 16 years of Age, at the Creation of Henry,
    Prince of Wales, King James’s Eldest Son.
  • 2.

    King James Created him Viscount Mansfield,
    and Baron of Bolsover.
  • 3.

    King Charles the First constituted him Lord
    Lieutenant of Nottinghamshire, and
  • Nn 4. Lord Nn1v 138140
  • 4.

    Lord Warden of the Forrest of Sherwood; as
    also,
  • 5.

    Lord Lieutenant of Derby-shire.
  • 6.

    He chose him Governour to His Son Charles,
    our now gracious King; and
  • 7.

    Made him one of his Honourable Privy
    Council.
  • 8.

    He constituted him Governour of the Town
    and County of Newcastle, and General of all His
    Majesties Forces raised, and to be raised in the Northern
    parts of England; as also of the several Counties
    of Nottingham, Lincoln, Rutland, Derby, Stafford,
    Leicester, Warwick, Northampton, Huntington, Cambridg,
    Norfolk, Sussex, Essex and Hereford, together
    with all the Appurtenances belonging to so great a
    Power, as is formerly declared.
  • 9.

    He conferr’d upon him the Honour and Title
    of Earl of Newcastle, and Baron of Bothal and
    Hepple.
  • 10.

    He created him Marquess of Newcastle.
  • 11.

    His Majesty King Charles the Second,
    was pleased, when my Lord was in banishment,
    to make him Knight of the most Noble Order
    of the Garter
    ; And
  • 12.

    After his Return into England, Chief Justice
    in Eyre Trent-North.
  • 13.

    He created him Duke of Newcastle, and Earl
    of Ogle.
7. Of Nn2r 139141

7. Of the Entertainments He made for King
Charles the First
.

Though my Lord hath alwayes been free and
noble in his Entertainments and Feastings, yet
he was pleased to shew his great Affection and Duty
to his Gracious King, Charles the First, and Her
Majesty the Queen, in some particular Entertainments
which he made of purpose for them before
the late Warrs.

When His Majesty was going into Scotland to be
Crowned, he took His way through Nottinghamshire;
and lying at Worksop-Mannor, hardly
two miles distant from Welbeck, where my Lord
then was, my Lord invited His Majesty thither to
a Dinner, which he was graciously pleased to accept
of: This Entertainment cost my Lord between
Four and Five thousand pounds; which His Majesty
liked so well, that a year after His Return out
of Scotland, He was pleased to send my Lord word,
That Her Majesty the Queen was resolved to make
a Progress into the Northern parts, desiring him to
prepare the like Entertainment for Her, as he had
formerly done for Him: Which My Lord did, and
endeavour’d for it with all possible Care and Indudustry,
sparing nothing that might add splendor to
that Feast, which both Their Majesties were pleased to Nn2v 140142
to honour with their Presence: Ben Johnson he employed
in fitting such Scenes and Speeches as he could
best devise; and sent for all the Gentry of the Country
to come and wait on their Majesties; and in
short, did all that ever he could imagine, to render
it Great, and worthy Their Royal Acceptance.

This Entertainment he made at Bolsover-Castle in
Derbyshire, some five miles distant from Welbeck,
and resigned Welbeck for Their Majesties Lodging;
it cost him in all between Fourteen and Fifteen thousand
pounds
.

Besides these two, there was another small Entertainment
which my Lord prepared for His late Majesty,
in his own Park at Welbeck, when His Majesty
came down, with his two Nephews, the now
Prince Elector Palatine, and His Brother Prince Rupert,
into the Forrest of Sherwood; which cost him
Fifteen hundred pounds.

And this I mention not out of a vain-glory, but
to declare the great love and Duty, my Lord had for
His Gracious King and Queen, and to correct the
mistakes committed by some Historians, who not
being rightly informed of those Entertainments, make
the World believe Falshood for Truth. But as I
said, they were made before the Warrs, when my
Lord had the possessionn of a great Estate, and wanted
nothing to express his Love and Duty to his Soveraign
in that manner; whereas now he should be much Oo1r 141143
much to seek to do the like, his Estate being so much
ruined by the late Civil Wars, that neither himself nor
his Posterity will be able so soon to recover it.

8. His Education.

His Education was according to his Birth; for
as he was born a Gentleman, so he was bred like
a Gentleman. To School-Learning he never shew’d
a great inclination; for though he was sent to the University,
and was a Student of St. John’s Colledg in
Cambridg, and had his Tutors to instruct him; yet
they could not perswade him to read or study much,
he taking more delight in sports, then in learning; so
that his Father being a wise man, and seeing that his
Son had a good natural Wit, and was of a very good
Disposition, suffer’d him to follow his own Genius;
whereas his other Son Charles, in whom he found a
greater love and inclination to Learning, he encouraged
as much that way, as possibly he could.

One time it hapned that a young Gentleman, one
of my Lord’s Relations, had bought some Land, at the
same time when my Lord had bought a Singing-Boy
for 50 l. a Horse for 50 l. and a Dog for 2 l. which
humour his Father Sir Charles liked so well, that he was
pleased to say, That if he should find his Son to be so covetous,
that he would buy Land before he was 20 years Oo of Oo1v 142144
of Age, he would disinherit him. But above all
the rest, my Lord had a great inclination to the
Art of Horsemanship and Weapons, in which later,
his Father Sir Charles, being a most ingenuous and unparallell’d
Master of that Age, was his onely Tutor,
and kept him also several Masters in the Art of Horsemanship,
and sent him to the Mewse to Mons. Antoine,
who was then accounted the best Master in that
Art. But my Lord’s delight in those Heroick Exercises
was such, that he soon became Master thereof
Himself, which encreased much his Father’s hopes of
his future perfections, who being himself a person of a
Noble and Heroick nature, was extreamly well pleased
to observe his Son take delight in such Arts and Exercises
as were proper and fit for a person of Quality.

9. His Natural Wit and Understanding.

Although my Lord has not so much of Scholarship
and Learning as his Brother Sir Charles Cavendish
had, yet he hath an excellent Natural Wit
and Judgment, and dives into the bottom of every
thing; as it is evidently apparent in the forementioned
Art of Horsemanship and Weapons, which by
his own ingenuity he has reformed and brought to such
perfection, as never any one has done heretofore: And
though he is no Mathematician by Art, yet he hath a very Oo2r 143145
very good Mathematical brain, to demonstrate Truth
by natural reason, and is both a good Natural and
Moral Philosopher, not by reading Philosophical
Books, but by his own Natural Understanding and
Observation, by which he hath found out many
Truths.

To pass by several other instances, I’le but mention,
that when my Lord was at Paris, in his Exile, it happen’d
one time, that he discoursing with some of his
Friends, amongst whom was also that Learned Philosopher
Hobbes, they began amongst the rest, to argue
upon this subject, namely, Whether it were possible to
make Man by Art fly as Birds do
; and when some of the
Company had delivered their Opinion, viz. That
they thought it probable to be done by the help of Artificial
Wings: My Lord declared, that he deemed
it altogether impossible, and demonstrated it by this
following Reason: Man’s Armes, said he, are not
set on his shoulders in the same manner as Bird’s wings
are; for that part of the Arm which joins to the Shoulder,
is in Man placed inward, as towards the breast,
but in Birds outward, as toward the back; which
difference and contrary position or shape, hinders that
man cannot have the same flying-action with his Armes,
as Birds have with their Wings; Which Argument
Mr. Hobbes liked so well, that he was pleased to make
use of it in one of his Books called Leviathan, if I remember
well.

Some Oo2v 144146

Some other time they falling into a Discourse
concerning Witches, Mr. Hobbes said, That though
he could not rationally believe there were Witches,
yet he could not be fully satisfied to believe there
were none, by reason they would themselves confess
it, if strictly examined.

To which my Lord answer’d, That though for
his part he cared not whether there were Witches or
no; yet his Opinion was, That the Confession of
Witches, and their suffering for it, proceeded from
an Erroneous Belief, viz. That they had made a
Contract with the Devil to serve him for such Rewards
as were in his Power to give them; and that
it was their Religion to worship and adore him; in
which Religion they had such a firm and constant
belief, that if any thing came to pass according to
their desire, they believed the Devil had heard their
prayers, and granted their requests, for which they
gave him thanks; but if things fell out contrary to
their prayers and desires, then they were troubled
at it, fearing they had offended him, or not served
him as they ought, and asked him forgiveness for
their offences. Also (said my Lord) they imagine that
their Dreams are real exterior actions; for example, if
they dream they flye in the Air, or out of the
Chimney top, or that they are turned into several
shapes, they believe no otherwise, but that it is
really so: And this wicked Opinion makes them in- Pp1r 145147
industrious to perform such Ceremonies to the Devil,
that they adore and worship him as their God,
hand chuse to live and dye for him.

Thus my Lord declared himself concerning Witches,
which Mr. Hobbes was also pleased to insert in
his fore-mentioned Book: But yet my Lord doth
not count this Opinion of his so universal, as if
there were none but imaginary Witches; for he doth
not speak but of such a sort of Witches as make it
their Religion to worship the Devil in the manner aforesaid.
Nor doth he think it a Crime to entertain
what Opinion seems most probable to him, in things
indifferent; for in such cases men may discourse and
argue as they please, to exercise their Wit, and
may change and alter their Opinions upon more
probable Grounds and Reasons; whereas in Fundamental
matters both of Church and State, he is so
strict an Adherent to them, that he will never maintain
or defend such Opinions which are in the least
prejudicial to either.

One proof more I’le add to confirm his Natural
Understanding and Judgment, which was upon
some Discourse I held with him one time, concerning
that famous Chymist Van Helmont, who in his Writings
is very invective against the School-men, and
amongst the rest, accuses them for taking the Radical
moisture for the fat of Animal Bodies. Whereupon
my Lord answer’d, That surely the SchoolmenPp men Pp1v 146148
were too wise to commit such an Error; for,
said he, the Radical moisture is not the fat or
tallow of an Animal, but an Oily and Balsamous
Substance; for the fat and tallow, as also the watery
parts, are cold; whereas the Oily and Balsamous
parts, have at all times a lively heat; which makes
that those Creatures which have much of that Oyle
or Balsom, are long-liv’d, and appear young; and
not onely Animals, but also Vegetables, which
have much of that Oyle or Balsom, as Ivy, Bayes,
Laurel, Holly, and the like, live long, and appear
fresh and green, not onely in Winter, but when
they are old. Then I ask’d my Lord’s Opinion concerning
the Radical heat: To which he answer’d,
That the Radical heat lived in the Radical moisture;
and when the one decayed, the other decayed also; and
then was produced either an unnatural heat, which caused
an unnatural dryness; or an unnatural moisture,
which caused Dropsies, and these, an unnatural coldness.

Lastly; His Natural Wit appears by his delight
in Poetry; for I may justly call him the best Lyrick
and Dramatick Poet of this Age: His Comedies do
sufficiently shew his great Observation and Judgment,
for they are composed of these three Ingredients, viz.
Wit, Humour and Satyre; and his chief Design in
them, is to divulge and laugh at the follies of Mankind;
to persecute Vice, and to encourage Virtue.

10. Of Pp2r 147149

10. Of his Natural Humour and Disposition.

My Lord may justly be compared to Titus the
Deliciæ of Mankind, by reason of his sweet,
gentle and obliging Nature; for though his Wisdom
and Experience found it impossible to please all
men, because of their different humours and dispositions;
yet his Nature is such, that he will be sorry
when he seeth that men are displeased with him out
of their own ill Natures, without any cause; for he
loves all that are his Friends, and hates none that are
his Enemies: He is a Loyal Subject, a kind Husband,
a Loving Father, a Generous Master, and a Constant
Friend.

His natural Love to his Parents has been so great,
that I have heard him say, he would most willingly,
and without the lest repining, have begg’d for
his daily relief, so God would but have let his Parents
live.

He is true and just both in his words and actions,
and has no mean or petty Designs, but they are all
just and honest.

He condemns not upon Report, but upon Proof;
nor judges by Words, but Actions; he forgets not
past Service, for present Advantage; but gives a present
Reward to a present Desert.

He hath a great Power over his Passions, and hath
had the greatest tryals thereof; for certainly He must of Pp2v 148150
of necessity have a great share of Patience, that can
forgive so many false, treacherous, malicious and ungrateful
Persons as he hath done; but he is so wise, that
his Passion never out-runs his Patience, nor his Extravagancies
his Prudence; and although his Private
Enemies have been numerous, yet I verily believe,
there is never a subject more generally beloved then
He is.

He hates Pride and loves Humility; is civil to Strangers,
kind to his Acquaintance, and respectful to all
persons, according to their Quality; He never regards
Place, except it be for Ceremony: To the
meanest person he’ll put off his Hat, and suffer every
body to speak to him.

He never refuses any Petition, but accepts them;
and being informed of the business, will give a just, and
as much as lies in him, a favourable answer to the Petitioning
Party.

He easily Pardons, and bountifully Rewards; and
always praises particular mens Virtues, but covers
their Faults with silence.

He is full of Charity and Compassion to persons
that are in misery, and full of Clemency and Mercy;
in so much, that when he was General of a great Army,
he would never sit in Council himself upon Causes
of Life and Death, but granted Pardon to many
Delinquents that were condemned by his Council of
War; so that some were forced to Petition him not to Qq1r 149151
to do it, by reason it was an ill president for others.
To which my Lord merrily answer’d, That if
they did hang all, they would leave him none to
fight.

His Courage he always shew’d in Action, more then
in Words, for he would Fight, but not Rant.

He is not Vain-glorious to heighten or brag of his
Heroick Actions; Witness that great Victory upon
Atherton-moor, after which he would not suffer his
Trumpets to sound, but came quietly and silently into
the City of York, for which he would certainly have
been blamed by those that make a great noise upon
small causes; and love to be applauded, though their
actions little deserve it.

His noble Bounty and Generosity is so manifest to
all the World, that I should light a Candle to the Sun,
if I should strive to illustrate it; for he has not self-designs
or self-interest, but will rather wrong and injure
himself then others. To give you but one proof of
this noble Vertue, it is known, that where he hath a
legal right to Felons Goods, as he hath in a great part
of his Estate, yet he never took or exacted more then
some inconsiderable share for acknowledgment of his
Right; saying, That he was resolved never to grow
rich by other mens misfortunes.

In short, I know him not addicted to any manner
of Vice, except that he has been a great lover and admirer
of the Female Sex; which whether it be so great Qq a Qq1v 150152
a crime as to condemn him for it; I’le leave to the
judgment of young Gallants and beautiful Ladies.

11. Of His outward Shape and Behaviour.

His Shape is neat, and exactly proportioned; his
Stature of a middle size, and his Complexion
sanguine.

His Behaviour is such, that it might be a Pattern
for all Gentlemen; for it is Courtly, Civil, easie and
free, without Formality or Constraint; and yet hath
something in it of grandure, that causes an awful respect
towards him.

12. Of His Discourse.

His Discourse is as free and unconcerned, as his Behaviour,
Pleasant, Witty, and Instructive;
He is quick in Reparties or sudden answers, and hates
dubious disputes, and premeditated Speeches. He
loves also to intermingle his Discourse with some
short pleasant stories, and witty sayings, and always
names the Author from whom he hath them; for he
hates to make another man’s Wit his own.

13. Of Qq2r 151153

13. Of His Habit.

He accouters his Person according to the Fashion,
if it be one that is not troublesome and
uneasie for men of Heroick Exercises and Actions.
He is neat and cleanly; which makes him to be somewhat
long in dressing, though not so long as many
effeminate persons are. He shifts ordinarily once a
day, and every time when he uses Exercise, or his
temper is more hot then ordinary.

14. Of His Diet.

In his Diet he is so sparing and temperate, that he
never eats nor drinks beyond his set proportion,
so as to satisfie onely his natural appetite: He makes but
one Meal a day, at which he drinks two good Glasses
of Small-Beer, one about the beginning, the other
at the end thereof, and a little Glass of Sack in the
middle of his Dinner; which Glass of Sack he also
uses in the morning for his Breakfast, with a Morsel
of Bread. His Supper consists of an Egg, and a
draught of Small-beer. And by this Temperance
he finds himself very healthful, and may yet live manyny Qq2v 152154
years, he being now of the Age of Seventy
three, which I pray God from my soul, to grant him.

15. His Recreation and Exercise.

His prime Pastime and Recreation hath always
been the Exercise of Mannage and Weapons;
which Heroick Arts he used to practise every day;
but I observing that when he had over-heated himself,
he would be apt to take cold, prevail’d so far,
that at last he left the frequent use of the Mannage,
using nevertheless still the Exercise of Weapons;
and though he doth not ride himself so frequently as
he hath done; yet he takes delight in seeing his Horses
of Mannage rid by his Escuyers, whom he instructs
in that Art for his own pleasure. But in the
Art of Weapons (in which he has a method beyond
all that ever were famous in it, found out by his
own Ingenuity and Practice) he never taught any
body, but the now Duke of Buckingham, whose
Guardian He hath been, and his own two Sons.

The rest of his time he spends in Musick, Poetry,
Architecture and the like.

16. His Rr1r 153155

16. Of His Pedigree.

Having made promise in the beginning of the first
Book, that I would join a more large Description
of the Pedigree of my Noble Lord and Husband,
to the end of the History of his life: I shall now discharge
my self; and though I could derive it from a
longer time, and reckon up a great many of his Ancestors,
even from the time of William the Conqueror,
He being descended from the most ancient family of
the Gernouns, as Cambden relates in his Britannia, in
the Description of Derbyshire; yet it being a work fitter
for Heralds, I shall proceed no further then his
Grandfather, and shew you onely those noble Families
which my Lord is allied to by his Birth.

My Lord’s Grandfather, by his Father, (as is formerly
mentioned) was Sir William Cavendish, Privy-Counsellor
and Treasurer of the Chamber to King Henry the
Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary; who
married two Wives; by the first he had onely two
Daughters; but by the second, Elizabeth, who was my
Lords Grandmother, he had three Sons and four
Daughters, whereof one Daughter died young. She
was Daughter to John Hardwick of Hardwick, in the
County of Derby, Esq; and had four Husbands: The
first was—Barlow Esq; who died before they were
bedded together, they being both very young. The Rr second Rr1v 154156
second was Sir William Cavendish, my Lord’s Grandfather,
who being somewhat in years, married her
chiefly for her beauty; she had so much power in his
affection, that she perswaded him to sell his Estate which
he had in the Southern parts of England (for he was
very rich) and buy an Estate in the Northern parts,
viz. in Derbyshire, and thereabout, where her own
friends and kindred liv’d, which he did; and having
there setled himself, upon her further perswasion, built
a Mannor-house in the same County, call’d Chattesworth,
which, as I have heard, cost first and last above
80000 l. sterling. But before this House was
finish’d, he died, and left six Children, viz. three
Sons and three Daughters, which before they came to
be marriageable, she married a third Husband, Sir
William St Loo
Captain of the Guard to Queen Elizabeth,
and Grand Butler of England; who dying without
Issue, she married a fourth Husband, George Earl
of Shrewsbury, by whom she left no Issue.

The Children which she had by her second Husband,
Sir William Cavendish, being grown marriageable;
the eldest Son Henry, married Grace the youngest
Daughter of his Father in Law, the said George
Earl of Shrewsbury, which he had by his former Wife
Gertrude, Daughter of Thomas Manners, Earl of Rutland,
but died without Issue.

The second Son William, after Earl of Devonshire,
had two Wives; the first was an Heiress, by whom he had Rr2r 155157
had Children, but all died save one Son, whose name
was also William, Earl of Devonshire: His second
Wife was Widdow to Sir Edward Wortly, who had
several Children by her first Husband, and but one
Son by the said Will. Cavendish, after Earl of Devonshire,
who dyed young.

His Son by his first Wife, (William Earl of Devonshire)
married Christian, Daughter of Edward
Lord Bruce
, a Scots-man, by whom he had two Sons,
and one Daughter; the Eldest Son William, now
Earl of Devonshire, married Elizabeth, the second
Daughter of William Earl of Salisbury, by whom he
has three children, viz. Two Sons and one Daughter,
whereof the Eldest Son William is married to the
second Daughter of James now Duke of Ormond;
the second Son Charles is yet a youth: The Daughter
Anne married the Lord Rich, the onely Son and
Child to Charles now Earl of Warwick; but he dyed
without Issue.

The second Son of William Earl of Devonshire,
and Brother to the now Earl of Devonshire, was
unfortunately slain in the late Civil Warrs, as is before
mentioned.

The Daughter of the said William Earl of Devonshire,
Sister to the now Earl of Devonshire, married
Robert Lord Rich, Eldest Son to Robert Earl
of
Warwick, by whom she had but one Son, who
married, but dyed without Issue.

The Rr2v 156158

The third and youngest Son of Sir William Cavendish,
Charles Cavendish, (my Lord’s Father) had
two Wives; the first was Daughter and Coheir to
Sir Thomas Kidson, who dyed a year after her Marriage,
without issue: The second was the younger
Daughter of Cuthbert Lord Ogle, and after her Elder
and onely Sister Jane, Wife to Edward Earl of
Shrewsbury, who dyed without Issue, became Heir
to her Father’s Estate and Title; by whom he had
three Sons; whereof the eldest dyed in his Infancy;
the second was William, my dear Lord and Husband;
the third, Charles, who dyed a Batchelour
about the age of Sixty three.

My Lord hath had two Wives; the first was Elizabeth,
Daughter and Heir to William Basset of
Bloore, in the County of Stafford, Esq; and Widow
to Henry Howard, younger Son to Thomas Earl
of Suffolk; by whom he had ten Children, viz. Five6
Sons, and five4 Daughters; whereof five, viz. three4
Sons, and twoone Daughters, dyed young; the rest,
viz. Two Sons and three Daughters, came to be
married.

His Elder Son, Charles, Viscount of Mansfield,
married the Eldest Daughter and Heir of Mr. Richard
Rogers
, by whom he had but one Daughter,
who dyed soon after her birth; and he dyed also without
any other Issue.

His second Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, marriedried Ss1r 157159
Francis the eldest Daughter of Mr. William Pierrepont,
by whom he hath had three Sons, and four
Daughters; two Sons were born before their nartural
time; the third, Henry Lord Mansfield is alive:
The four Daughters are, the Lady Elizabeth, Lady
Frances
, Lady Margaret, and Lady Catharine.

My Lords three Daughters were thus married; The
eldest, Lady Jane, married Charles Cheiney, Esq; descended
of a very noble and ancient Family; by whom
she hath one Son and two Daughters. The second,
Lady Elizabeth, married John now Earl of Bridgwater,
then Lord Brackly, and eldest Son to John
then Earl of Bridgwater; who died in Childbed, and
left five Sons, and one Daughter, whereof the eldest
Son John Lord Brackly, married the Lady Elizabeth,
onely Daughter and Child to James then Earl of Middlesex.

My Lords third Daughter, the Lady Frances,
married Oliver Earl of Bullingbrook, and hath had no
Child yet.

After the death of my Lords first Wife, who died
the 1643-04-1717th of April, in the Year 1643, he married me,
Margaret, Daughter to Thomas Lucas of St. Johns
near Colchester, in Essex, Esquire; but hath no Issue
by me.

And this is the Posterity of the three Sons of Sir
William Cavendish
, my Lords Grandfather by his Fathers
side; The three Daughters were disposed of as
followeth:

Ss The Ss1v 158160

The eldest, Frances Cavendish, married Sir Henry
Pierrepont
of Holm Pierrepont, in the County of Nottingham,
by whom she had two Sons, whereof the
first died young; The second, Robert, after Earl of
Kingston upon Hull, married Gertrude, the eldest Daughter,
and Co-heir to Henry Talbot, fourth Son to George
Earl of Shrewsbury, by whom he had five Sons and
three Daughters, whereof the eldest Son, Henry, now
Marquess of Dorchester, hath had two Wives; the
first Cecilia, Eldest Daughter to the Lord Viscount
Bayning
, by whom he had several Children, of which
there are living onely two Daughters; the eldest Anne,
who married John Rosse, onely Son to John now Earl
of Rutland; the second, Grace, who is unmarried. His
second Wife was Catharine, second Daughter to James
Earl of Derby, by whom he has no Issue living.

The second Son of the Earl of Kingston, William,
married the sole Daughter and Heir of Sir Thomas
Harries
, by whom he had Issue five Sons, and five
Daughters, whereof two Sons and two Daughters died
unmarried: The other six are,

Robert the Eldest, who married Elizabeth,
Daughter and Co-heir to Sir John Evelyne, by whom
he has three Sons, and one Daughter. The second
Son George, and the third Gervas, are yet unmarried.

The eldest Daughter of William Pierrepont, Frances,
is married to my Lords now onely Son and Heir,
Henry Earl of Ogle, as before is mentioned.

The Ss2r 159161

The second, Grace, is married to Gilbert now
Earl of Clare, by whom he hath Issue, Two sons,
and three daughters.

The third, Gertrude, is unmarried.

The third Son of the Earl of Kingston, Francis
Pierrepont
, married Elizabeth the eldest daughter of
Mr. Bray, by whom he had Issue, one son, and
one daughter; the son, Robert, married Anne the
daughter of Henry Murray. The daughter, Frances,
married William Pagatt, eldest son to William Lord
Pagatt
.

The fourth son of the Earl of Kingston, Gervase,
is unmarried.

The fifth son, George Pierrepont, married the
daughter of Mr. Jonas, by whom he had two sons
unmarried, Henry and Samuel.

The three daughters of the said Earl of Kingston,
are, Frances the eldest, who was married to Philip
Rowleston
; the second, Mary, dyed young; the third,
Elizabeth, is unmarried.

The second daughter of Sir William Cavendish,
Elizabeth, married the Earl of Lennox, Unkle to King
James
; by whom she had onely one daughter, the
Lady Arabella, who against King Jame’s Commands
(she being after Him and His Children, the next Heir
to the Crown) married William, the second son to
the Earl of Hereford; for which she was put into the
Tower, where not long after she dyed.

The Ss2v 160162

The youngest daughter Mary Cavendish, married
Gilbert Talbot, second son to George Earl of Shrewsbury;
who after the decease of his Father, and his
elder Brother Francis, who dyed without Issue, became
Earl of Shrewsbury; by whom she had Issue,
four sons, and three daughters; the sons all dyed in
their Infancy, but the daughters were married.

The eldest, Mary Talbot, married William Herbert,
Earl of Pembroke, by whom (some eighteen
years after her Marriage) she had one son, who dyed
young.

The second daughter, Elizabeth, married SirHenry
Gray
, after Earl of Kent, (the fourth Earl of
England) by whom she had no Issue.

The third and youngest daughter Aletheia, married
Thomas Howard Earl of Arundel, the first Earl,
and Earl-Marshal of England; by whom she left two
sons, James, who died beyond the seas without Issue;
and Henry, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Esme
Stuart
, Duke of Lennox; by whom he had Issue, several
sons, and one daughter; whereof the eldest son,
Thomas, (since the Restauration of King Charles the
Second
) was restored to the Dignity of his Ancestors,
viz. Duke of Norfolk, next to the Royal
Family, the first Duke of England.

And this is briefly the Pedigree of my dear Lord
and Husband, from his Grandfather by his Fathers side:; Tt1r 161163
side; concerning his Kindred and alliances by his Mother,
who was Katherine, Daughter to Cuthbert Lord
Ogle
, they are so many, that it is impossible for
me to enumerate them all, My Lord being by his
Mother related to the chief of the most ancient Families
of Northumberland, and other the Northern parts;
onely this I may mention, that My Lord is a Peer of
the Realm, from the first year of King Edward the
Fourth
his Reign.

Tt The Tt1v 162164

The Fourth
Book:

Containing several
Essays and Discourses
Gather’d from the Mouth of
My Noble Lord and Husband.

With some few Notes of mine own.

I have heard My Lord say,

I.

That those which command the Wealth of a
Kingdom, command the hearts and hands of the
People.

II.

That He is a great Monarch, who hath a Soveraign
Command over Church, Laws and Armes; and He a
wise Monarch, that imploys his subjects for their own
profit, (for their profit is his) encourages Tradesmen,
and assists and defends Merchants.

III.

That it is a part of Prudence in a Commonwealth or
Kingdom to encourage drayners; for drowned Lands are Tt2r 163165
are onely fit to maintain and encrease some wild Ducks,
whereas being drained, they are able to afford nourishment
and food to Cattel, besides the producing of
several sorts of Fruit and Corn.

IV.

That without a well order’d force, a Prince doth
but reign upon the courtesie of others.

V.

That great Princes should not suffer their chief Cities
to be stronger then themselves.

VI.

That great Princes are half-armed, when their subjects
are unarmed, unless it be in time of Foreign
Wars.

VII.

That that Prince is richest, who is Master of the
Purse; and he strongest that is Master of the Armes;
and he wisest that can tell how to save the one, and
use the other.

VIII.

That Great Princes should be the onely Pay-Masters
of their Soldiers, and pay them out of their own
Treasuries; for all men follow the Purse; and so they’l
have both the Civil and Martial Power in their hands.

IX.

That Great Monarchs should rather study men,
then Books; for all affairs or business are amongst
Men.

X. Tt2v 164166

X.

That a Prince should advance Foreign Trade or
Traffick to the utmost of his Power, because no State
or Kingdom can be Rich without it; and where Subjects
are poor, the Soveraign can have but little.

XI.

That Trade and Traffick brings Honey to the
Hive; that is to say, Riches to the Commonwealth;
whereas other Professions are so far from that, that
they rather rob the Commonwealth, instead of enriching
it.

XII.

That it is not so much unseasonable Weather that
makes the Countrey complain of Scarcity, but want
of Commerce; for whensoever Commodities are
cheap, it is a sign that Commerce is decayed; because
the cheapness of them, shews a scarcity of money;
for example, put the case five men came to Market
to buy a Horse, and each of them had no more but
ten pounds, the Seller can receive no more then what
the Buyer has, but must content himself with those
ten pounds, if he be necessitated to sell his Horse:
But if each one of the Buyers had an hundred
pounds to lay out for a Horse, the Seller might receive
as much. Thus Commodities are cheap or
dear, according to the plenty or scarcity or money;
and though we had Mynes of Gold and Silver at
home, and no Traffick into Foreign parts, yet we should Uu1r 165167
should want necessaries from other Nations, which
proves that no Nation can live or subsist well, without
Foreign Trade and Commerce; for God and
Nature have order’d it so, That no particular Nation
is provided with all things.

XIII.

That Merchants by carrying out more Commodities
then they bring in; that is to say, by selling
more then they buy, do enrich a State or Kingdom
with money, that hath none in its own bowels; but
what Kingdom or State soever hath Mynes of Gold
and Silver, there Merchants buy more then they sell,
to furnish and accommodate it with necessary provisions.

XIV.

That debasing, and setting a higher value upon
money, is but a present shift of poor and needy
Princes; and doth more hurt for the future, then
good for the present.

XV.

That Foraign Commerce causes frequent Voyages;
and frequent Voyages make skilful and experienced
Sea-men, and Skilful Seamen are a Brazen Wall
to an Island.

XVI.

That he is the Powerfullest Monarch that hath the
best shipping; and that a Prince should hinder his
Neighbours as much as he can, from being strong at
Sea.

Uu XVII. Uu1v 166168

XVII.

That wise States-men ought to understand the
Laws, Customes and Trade of the Commonwealth,
and have good intelligence both of Foraign Transactions
and Designs, and of Domestick Factions;
also they ought to have a Treasury, and well-furnished
Magazine.

XVIII.

That it is a great matter in a State or Kingdom,
to take care of the Education of Youth, to breed
them so, that they may know first how to obey, and
then how to command and order affairs wisely.

XIX.

That it is great Wisdom in a State, to breed and
train up good States-men: As, first, To let them be
some time at the Universities: Next, To put them
to the Innes of Court, that they may have some
knowledg of the Laws of the Land; then to send
them to travel with some Ambassador, in the quality
of Secretary; and let them be Agents or Residents
in Foraign Countreys. Fourthly, To make
them Clerks of the Signet, or Council: And lastly,
To make them Secretaries of State, or give them
some other Employment in State-Affairs.

XX.

That there should be more Praying, and less
Preaching; for much Preaching breeds Faction; but
much Praying causes Devotion.

XXI. That Uu2r 167169

XXI.

That young people should be frequently Catechised,
and that Wise Men rather then Learned, should
be chosen heads of Schools and Colledges.

XXII.

That the more divisions there are in Church and
State, the more trouble and confusion is apt to ensue:
Wherefore too many Controversies and Disputes in
the one, and too many Law-Cases and Pleadings in
the other ought to be avoided and suppressed.

XXIII.

That Disputes and Factions amongst States-men,
are fore-runners of future disorders, if not total
ruines.

XXIV.

That all Books of Controversies should be writ in
Latin, that none but the Learned may read them, and
that there should be no Disputations but in Schools,
lest it breed Factions amongst the Vulgar; for Disputations
and Controversies are a kind of Civil War,
maintained by the Pen, and often draw out the sword
soon after; Also that all Prayer-Books should be writ
in the native Language; that Excommunications
should not be too frequent for every little and petty
trespass; that every Clergy-man should be kind and
loving to his Parishioners, not proud and quarrelsome.

XXV. Uu2v 168170

XXV.

That Ceremony is nothing in it self, and yet doth
every thing; for without Ceremony there would be
no distinction neither in Church nor State.

XXVI.

That Orders and Professions ought not to entrench
upon each other, lest in time they make a confusion amongst
themselves.

XXVII.

That in a Well-ordered State or CGovernment,
care should be taken lest any degree or profession whatsoever
swell too big, or grow too numerous, it being
not onely a hinderance to those of the same profession,
but a burden to the Commonwealth, which cannot
be well if it exceeds in extreams.

XXVIII.

That the Taxes should not be above the riches of
the Commonwealth, for that must upon necessity
breed Factions and Civil Wars, by reason a general
poverty united, is far more dangerous then a private
Purse; for though their Wealth be small, yet their
Unity and Combination makes them strong; so that
being armed with necessity, they become outragious
with despair.

XXIX.

That Heavy Taxes upon Farmes, ruine the Nobility
and Gentry; for if the Tenant be poor, the Landlordlord Xx1r 169171
cannot be rich, he having nothing but his Rents
to live on.

XXX.

That it is not so much Laws and Religion, nor
Rhetorick, that keeps a State or Kingdom in order,
but Armes; which if they be not imploy’d to an evil
use, keep up the right and priviledges both of Crown,
Church and State.

XXXI.

That no equivocations should be used either in
Church or Law; for the one causes several Opinions
to the disturbance of mens Consciences; the other
long and tedious Suits, to the disturbance of mens private
Affairs; and both do oftentimes ruine and impoverish
the State.

XXXII.

That in Cases of Robberies and Murthers, it is better
to be severe, then merciful; for the hanging of a few,
will save the lives and Purses of many.

XXXIII.

That many Laws do rather entrap, then help the
subject.

XXXIV.

That no Martial Law should be executed, but in an
Army.

XXXV.

That the Sheriffs in this Kingdom of England have
been so expensive in Liveries and Entertainments in Xx the Xx1v 170172
the time of their Sherifalty, as it hath ruined many
Families that had but indifferent Estates.

XXXVI.

That the cutting down of Timber in the time of Rebellion,
has been an inestimable loss to his Kingdom,
by reason of Shipping; for though Timber might be
had out of Foreign Countries that would serve for
the building of Ships, yet there is none of such a temper
as out English Oak; it being not onely strong
and large, but not apt to splint, which renders the
Ships of other Nations much inferior to ours; and
that therefore it would be very beneficial for the
Kingdom, to set out some Lands for the bearing of
such Oaks, by sowing of Acorns, and then transplanting
them; which would be like a Store-house for
shipping, and bring an incomparable benefit to the
Kingdom, since in Shipping consists our greatest
strength, they being the onely Walls that defend an
Island.

XXXVII.

That the Nobility and Gentry in this Kingdom,
have done themselves a great injury, by giving away
(out of a petty pride) to the Commonalty, the power
of being Juries and Justices of Peace; for certainly
they cannot but understand, that that must of necessity
be an act of great Consequence and Power,
which concerns mens Lives, Lands and Estates.

XXXVIII. That Xx2r 171173

XXXVIII.

That it is no act of Prudence to make poor and
mean persons Governours or Commanders, either
by Land or Sea; by reason their poverty causes them
to take Bribes, and so betray their Trust; at best,
they are apt to extort, which is a great grievance to
the people; besides, it breeds envy in the Nobility and
Gentry, who by that means rise into Factions, and
cause disturbances in a State or Commonwealth:
Wherefore the best way is to chuse Rich and Honourable
Persons, (or at least, Gentlemen) for such
Employments, who esteem Fame and Honourable
Actions, above their Lives; and if they want skill,
they must get such under-Officers as have more then
themselves, to instruct them.

XXXIX.

That great Princes should consider, before they
make War against Foreign Nations, whether they
be able to maintain it; for if they be not able, then it is
better to submit to an honourable Peace, then to
make Warr to their great disadvantage; but if they
be able to maintain Warr, then they’l force (in
time) their Enemies to submit and yeild to what
Tearms and Conditions they please.

XL.

That, when a State or Government is ensnarled
and troubled, it is more easie to raise the common
people to a Factious Mutiny, then to draw them to
a Loyal Duty.

XLI. That Xx2v 172174

XLI.

That in a Kingdom where Subjects are apt to rebel,
no Offices or Commands should be sold; for those
that buy, will not onely use extortion, and practise
unjust wayes to make out their purchase, but be
ablest to rebel, by reason they are more for private
gain, then the publick good; for it is probable their
Principles are like their Purchases.

But, that all Magistrates, Officers, Commanders,
Heads and Rulers, in what Profession soever, both in
Church and State, should be chosen according to
their Abilities, Wisdom, Courage, Piety, Justice,
Honesty and Loyalty; and then they’l mind the publick
Good, more then their particular Interest.

XLII.

That those which have Politick Designs, are for the
most part dishonest, by reason their Designs tend
more to Interest, then Justice.

XLIII.

That Great Princes should onely have Great, Noble
and Rich Persons to attend them, whose Purses
and Power may alwayes be ready to assist them.

XLIV.

That a Poor Nobility is apt to be Factious; and
a Numerous Nobility is a burden to a Commonwealth.

XLV. Yy1r 173175

XLV.

That in a Monarchical Government, to be for the
King, is to be for the Commonwealth; for when Head
and Body are divided, the Life of Happiness dies,
and the Soul of Peace is departed.

XLVI.

That, as it is a great Error in a State to have all Affairs
put into Gazettes, (for it over-heats the peoples
brains, and makes them neglect their private Affairs,
by over-busying themselves with State-business;) so it
is great Wisdom for a Council of State to have
good Intelligences (although they be bought with
great Cost and Charges) as well of Domestick, as
Foreign Affairs and Transactions, and to keep them
in private for the benefit of the Commonwealth.

XLVII.

That there is no better Policy for a Prince to please
his People, then to have many Holy-dayes for their
ease, and order several Sports and Pastimes for their
Recreation, and to be himself sometime Spectator
thereof; by which means he’l not onely gain love and
respect from the people, but busie their minds in
harmless actions, sweeten their Natures, and hinder
them from Factious Designs.

XLVIII.

That it is more difficult and dangerous for a Prince
or Commander to raise an Army in such a time when
the Countrey is embroiled in a Civil Warr, then Yy to Yy1v 174176
to lead out an Army to fight a Battel; for when an
Army is raised, he hath strength; but in raising it,
he hath none.

XLIX.

That good Commanders, and experienced Soldiers,
are like skilfull Fencers, who defend with Prudence,
and assault with Courage, and kill their Enemies
by Art, not trusting their Lives to Chance or
Fortune; for as a little man with skill, may easily
kill an ignorant Giant; so a small Army that hath
experienced Commanders, may easily overcome a
great Army that hath none.

L.

That Gallant men having no employment for Heroick
Actions, become lazy, as hating any other business;
whereas Cowards and base persons are onely active
and stirring in times of Peace, working ill designs
to breed Factions, and cause disturbances in a
Common-wealth.

LI.

That there have been many Questions and Disputes
concerning the Government of Princes; as, Whether
they ought to govern by Love, or Fear? But the
best way of Government is, and has alwayes been by
just Rewards and Punishments; for that State which
cannot tell how and when to punish and reward, does
not know how to govern, by reason all the World
is governed that way.

LII. Yy2r 175177

LII.

That if the ancient Britains had had skill, according
to their Courage, they might have conquer’d
all the World, as the Romans did.

LIII.

That it would be very beneficial for great Princes
to be sometimes present in Courts of Judicature, to
examine the Causes of their poor Subjects, and find
out the Extortions and Corruptions of Magistrates
and Officers; by which glorious Act they would
gain much Love and Fame from the People.

LIV.

That it would be very advantagious for Subjects,
and not in the least prejudicial to the Soveraign, to
have a general Register in every County, for the
Entry of all manner of Deeds, and Conveyance of
Land between party and party, and Offices of Record;
for by this means, whosoever buyes, would
see clearly what Interest and Title there is in any Land
he intends to purchase, whereby he shall be assur’d that
the Sale made to him is good and firm, and prevent
many Law-suits touching the Title of his Purchase.

LV.

That there should be a Limitation for Law-Suits;
and that the longest Suit should not last above two
Tearms, at length not above a Year; which would
certainly be a great benefit to the Subjects in general,
though not to Lawyers; and though some Polititiansans Yy2v 176178
object, That the more the people is busie about
their private Affairs, the less time have they to make
disturbance in the publick; yet this is but a weak Argument,
since Law-suits are as apt to breed Factions,
as any thing else; for they bring people into poverty,
that they know not how to live, which must of
necessity breed discontent, and put them upon ill designs.

LVI.

That Power, for the most part, does more then
Wisdom; for Fools with Power, seem wise; whereas
wise men, without Power, seem Fools; and this
is the reason that the World takes Power for Wisdom;
and the want of Power for Foolishness.

LVII.

That a valiant man will not refuse an honourable
Duel; nor a wise man fight upon a Fools Quarrel.

LVIII.

That men are apt to find fault with each other’s
actions; believing they prove themselves wise in finding
fault with their Neighbours.

LIX.

That a wise man will draw several occasions to
the point of his design, as a Burning-Glass doth the
several beams of the Sun.

LX Zz1r 177179

LX.

That although actions may be prudently designed,
and valiantly performed; yet none can warrant the issue;
for Fortune is more powerful then Prudence, and
had sar not been fortunate, his Valour and Prudence
would never have gained him so much applause.

LXI.

That ill Fortune, makes wise and honest men seem
Fools and Kannaves; but good Fortune makes Fools
and Knaves seem wise and honest men.

LXII.

That ill Fortune doth oftner succeed good, then
good Fortune succeeds ill; for those that have ill Fortune,
do not so easily recover it, as those that have
good Fortune are apt to lose it.

LXIII.

That he had observed, That seldom any person did
laugh, but it was at the follies or misfortunes of other
men; by which we may judg of their good natures.

LXIV.

I have heard my Lord say, That when he was in
Banishment, He had nothing left him, but a clear Conscience,
by which he had and did still conquer all the
Armies of misfortunes that ever seized upon him.

LXV.

Also I have heard him say, That he was never beholding
to Lady Fortune; for he had suffered on both
sides, although he never was but on one side.

Zz LXVI. Zz1v 178180

LXVI.

I have heard him say, That his Father one time, upon
some discourse of expences, should tell him, “It was
but just that every man should have his time”
.

LXVII.

I have heard my Lord say, That bold soliciting
and intruding men, shall gain more by their importunate
Petitions, then modest honest men shall get by silence
(as being loath to offend, or be too troublesome) both
in the manner and matter of their requests: The reason
is, said he, That Great Princes will rather grant sometimes
an unreasonable suit, then be tired with frequent
Petitions, and hindered from their ordinary Pleasures;
And when I asked my Lord, whether the Grants of such
importunate suits were fitly and properly placed? He
answered, Not so well as those that are placed upon
due consideration, and upon trial and proof.

LXVIII.

I have heard my Lord say, That it is a great Error,
and weak Policy in a State, to advance their Enemies,
and endeavour to make them friends by bribing them
with Honours and Offices, saying, They are shrewd
men, and may do the State much hurt: And on the
other side, to neglect their Friends, and those that have
done them great service, saying, they are Honest men,
and mean the State no harm: For this kind of Policy
comes from the Heathen, who pray’d to the Devil, and
not to God, by reason they supposed God was Good, and Zz2r 179181
and would hurt no Creature; but the Devil they
flatter’d and worshipp’d out of fear, lest he should
hurt them: But by this foolish Policy, said he, they
most commonly encrease their Enemies, and lose
their Friends; for first, it teaches men to observe, that
the onely way to Preferment, is to be against the State
or Government: Next, Since all that are Factious,
cannot be rewarded or preferr’d, by reason a State
hath more Subjects, then Rewards or Preferments,
there must of necessity be numerous Enemies; for
when their hopes of Reward fail them, they grow
more Factious and Inveterate then ever they were at
first: Wherefore the best Policy in a State or Government,
said my Lord, is to reward Friends, and
punish Enemies, and prefer the Honest before the Factious;
and then all will be real Friends, and profer
their honest service, either out of pure Love and
Loyalty, or in hopes of Advancement, seeing there
is none but by serving the State.

LXIX.

I have heard him say several times, That his love
to his gracious Master King Charles the Second, was
above the love he bore to his Wife, Children, and
all his Posterity, nay to his own life: And when,
since His Return into England, I answer’d him, That
I observed His Gracious Master did not love him so
well as he lov’d Him; he replied, That he cared not
whether His Majesty lov’d him again or not; for he
was resolved to love him.

LXX. Zz2v 180182

LXX.

I asking my Lord one time, What kind of Fate
it was, that restored our Gracious King, Charles
the Second
, to His Throne? He answer’d, It was a
blessed kind of Fate. I replied, That I had observed
a perfect contrariety between the Fortunes of His
Royal Father, of blessed memory, and Him; for
as there was a division amongst the generality of the
people, in the Reign of King Charles the First, tending
to His Destruction; so there was a general Combination
and Agreement between them in King Charles
the Second
His Restauration; and as there was a general
malice amongst the people against the Father to
Depose Him; so there was a general Love for the
Son to Enthrone Him. My Lord answer’d, I had
observed something, but not all; for, said he, there
was a Necessity for the people to desire and Restore
King Charles the Second; but there was no Necessity
to Murder King Charles the First. For the Kingdom
being through so many Alterations and Changes of
Government, divided into several Factions and Parties,
was at last hurried into such a Confusion, that
it was impossible in that manner to subsist, or hold
out any longer; Which Confusion having opened
the Peoples Eyes, the generality being tyred with the
evil effects and consequences of their unsetled Governments
under unjust Usurpers, and frightned with the
apprehension of future dangers, began to call to mind Aaa1r 181183
mind the happy Times, when in an uninterrupted
Peace they enjoyed their own, under the happy
Reign of their Lawful Soveraigns; and hereupon
with an unanimous consent Recall’d and Restor’d our
now gracious King; which, although it was opposed
by some Factious Parties, yet the generality of the
people outweigh’d the rest; neither was the Royal Party
wanting in their endeavours.

LXXI.

Asking my Lord one time, Whether it was easie
or difficult to govern a State or Kingdom? He answer’d
me, That most States were govern’d by secret
Policy, and so with difficulty; for those that govern,
are (at least, should be) wiser then the State or Commonwealth
they govern. I replied, That in my opinion,
a State was easily govern’d, if their Government
was like unto God’s; that is to say, If Governours
did Reward and Punish according to the desert.
My Lord answer’d, I said well; but he added, the
Follies of the People are many times too hard for the
Prudence of the Governour; like as the sins of men
work more evil effects in them, then the Grace of
God works good; for if this were not, there would
be more good then bad, which, alas, Experience proves
otherwise.

LXXII.

Some Gentlemen making a complaint to my Lord,
That some he employed in His Majesty’s Affairs, were Aaa too Aaa1v 182184
too hasty and over-busie. My Lord told them, That
he would rather chuse such persons for His Majesties
service as were over-active, then such that would be
fuller of Questions then Actions. The same he would
do for his own particular affairs.

LXXIII.

Some condemning My Lord for having Roman-
Catholicks
and Scots in his Army; He answered them, that
he did not examine their Opinions in Religion, but
look’d more upon their Honesty and Duty; for certainly
there were honest men and loyal Subjects amongst
Roman Catholicks, as well as Protestants; and
amongst Scots as well as English. Nevertheless, my
Lord, as he was for the King, so he was also for the
Orthodox Church of England, as sufficiently appears
by the care he took in ordering the Church-Government,
mentioned in the History. To which purpose,
when my Lord was walking one time with some of His
Officers in the Church at Durham, and wonder’d at
the greatness and strength of the Pillars that supported
that structure; My Brother, Sir Charles Lucas, who
was then with him, told my Lord, that he must confess,
those Pillars were very great, and of a vast strength;
But said he, Your Lordship is a far greater Pillar of
the Church then all these: Which certainly was also
a real truth, and would have more evidently appear’d,
had Fortune favour’d my Lord more then she did.

LXXIV. My Aaa2r 183185

LXXIV.

My Lord being in Banishment, I told him, that
he was happy in his misfortunes, for he was not subject
to any State or Prince. To which he jestingly answer’d,
That as he was subject to no Prince, so he was
a Prince of no Subjects.

LXXV.

In some Discourse which I had with my Lord concerning
Princes and their Subjects; I declared that I had
observed Great Princes were not like the Sun, which
sends forth out of it self Rays of Light, and Beams
of Heat; effects that did both glorifie the Sun, and
nourish and comfort sublunary Creatures; but their
glory and splendor proceeded rather from the Ceremony
which they received from their subjects. To
which my Lord answer’d, That Subjects were so far
from giving splendor to their Princes, that all the Honours
and Titles, in which consists the chief splendor
of a subject, were principally derived from them; for,
said he, were there no Princes, there would be none to
confer Honours and Titles upon them.

LXXVI.

My Lord entertaining one time some Gentlemen
with a merry Discourse, told them, that he would not
keep them Company except they had done and sufferd
as much for their King and Country as he had.
They answer’d, That they had not a power answerable
to my Lords. My Lord replied, They should do their Aaa2v 184186
their endeavour according to their Abilities: No, said
they, if we did, we should be like your Self, lose all,
and get but little for our pains.

LXXVII.

I being much grieved that my Lord for his loyalty
and honest Service, had so many Enemies, used
sometimes to speak somewhat sharply of them; but he
gently reproving me, said, “I should do like experienced
Sea-men, and as they either turn their Sails with the wind,
or take them down; so should I either comply with Time, or
abate my Passion”
.

LXXVIII.

A Soldiers Wife, whose Husband had been slain
in my Lord’s Army, came one time to beg some relief
of my Lord; who told her, That he was not able
to relieve all that had been loyal to His Majesty; for
said he, My losses are so many, that if I should give
away the remainder of my Estate, my Wife and
Children would have nothing to live on: She answer’d,
That His Majesty’s Enemies were preferr’d to great
Honours, and had much Wealth: Then it is a sign
(replied my Lord) that your Husband and I were
Honest Men.

LXXIX.

A Friend of my Lord’s, complaining that he had
done the State much Service, but received little Reward
for it; my Lord answer’d him, That States did
not usually reward past Services; but if he could do some Bbb1r 185187
some present Service, he might perhaps get something;
but (said he) those men are wisest that will be paid
before-hand.

LXXX.

I observing that in the late Civil Warrs, many
were desirous to be employed in States Affairs, and
at the noise of Warr, endeavoured to be Commanders,
though but of small Parties, asked my Lord the reason
thereof, and what advantage they could make by
their Employments? My Lord smilingly answer’d,
That for the generality, he knew not what they could
get, but danger, loss and labour for their pains. Then
I ask’d him, Whether Generals of Great Armies
were ever enriched by their Heroick Exploits, and
great Victories? My Lord answer’d, That ordinary
Commanders gained more, and were better rewarded
then great Generals. To which I added, That I
had observ’d the same in Histories, namely, That
men of great Merit and Power, had not onely no
Rewards, but were either found fault withall, or laid
aside when they had no more business or employment
for them; and that I could not conceive any reason
for it, but that States were afraid of their Power:
My Lord answer’d, The reason was, That it was
far more easie to reward Under-Officers, then Great
Commanders.

Bbb LXXXI. Bbb1v 186188

LXXXI.

My Lord having since the Return from his Banishment,
set up a Race of Horses, instead of those
he lost by the Warrs, uses often to ride through his
Park to see his Breed. One time it chanced when he
went thorough it, that he espied some labouringmen
sawing of Woods that were blown down by the
Wind, for some particular uses; at which my Lord
turning to his Attendants, said, That he had been at
that Work a great part of his life. They not knowing
what my Lord meant, but thinking he jested; I
speak very seriously, (added he) and not in jest; for
you see that this Tree which is blown down by the
Wind, although it was sound and strong, yet it
could not withstand its forces; and now it is down, it
must be cut in pieces, and made serviceable for several
uses; whereof some will serve for Building, some
for Paling, some for Firing, &c. In the like manner,
said he, have I been cut down by the Lady Fortune;
and being not able to resist so Powerful a Princess, I
have been forced to make the best use of my Misfortunes,
as the Chips of my Estate.

LXXXII.

My Lord discoursing one time with some of his
Friends, of judging of other mens Natures, Dispositions
and Actions; and some observing that men could
not possibly know or judg of them, the events of
mens actions falling out oftentimes contrary to their inten- Bbb2r 187189
intentions; so that where they hit once, they fail’d
twenty times in their Judgments. My Lord answer’d,
That his Judgment in that point seldom did miss, although
he though it weaker then theirs: The reason
is, said he, Because I judg most men to be like my self;
that is to say, Fools; when as you do judg them all
according to your self, that is, Wise men; and since
there are more Fools in the World then Wise men, I
may sooner guess right then you: for though my judgment
roves at random, yet it can never miss of Errors;
which yours will never do, except you can dive into
other mens Follies by the length of your own line, and
sound their bottom by the weight of your own Plummet,
for the depth of Folly is beyond the line of
Wisdom.

Besides, said he, You believe that other men would
do as you would have them, or as you would do to
them; wherein you are mistaken, for most men do
the contrary. In short, Folly is bottomless, and hath
no end; but Wisdom hath no bounds to all her designs,
otherwise she would never compass them.

LXXXIII.

My Lord discoursing some time with a Learned
Doctor of Divinity concerning Faith, said, That in
his opinion, the wisest way for a man, was to have as
little Faith as he could for this World, and as much as
he could for the next World.

LXXXIV. Bbb2v 188190

LXXXIV.

In some Discourse with my Lord, I told him that
I did speak sharpest to those I loved best. To which
he jestingly answered, That if so, then he would not
have me love him best.

LXXXV.

After my Lords return from a long Banishment,
when he had been in the Countrey some time, and endeavoured
to pick up some Gleanings of his ruined Estate;
it chanced that the Widow of Charles Lord
Mansfield
, My Lords Eldest Son, afterwards Duchess
of Richmond
, to whom the said Lord of Mansfield had
made a joynture of 2000 l. a Year, died not long after
her second marriage; for whose death, though My
Lord was heartily sorry, and would willingly have
lost the said Money, had it been able to save her life;
Yet discoursing one time merrily with his Friends, was
pleased to say, That though his Earthly King and Master
seem’d to have forgot him, yet the King of Heaven
had remembred him, for he had given him 2000 l.
a Year.

Some Ccc1r 191

Some Few
Notes
of the
Authoresse.

I.

It was far more difficult in the late Civil Wars, for
my Lord to raise an Army for His Majesties Service,
then it was for the Parliament to raise an Army
against His Majesty: Not onely because the Parliament
were many, and my Lord but one single Person;
but by reason a Kingly or Monarchical Government
was then generally disliked, and most part of the Kingdom
proved Rebellious, and assisted the Parliament
either with their Purses or Persons, or both; when as
the Army which my Lord raised for the defence and
maintenance of the King, and his Rights, was raised
most upon his own and his Friends Interest: For it is
frequently seen and known by woful Experience, that
rebellious and factious Parties do more suddenly and
nuumerously flock together to act a mischievous design, then Ccc1v 192
then loyal and honest men to assist or maintain a just
Cause; and certainly ’tis much to be lamented, that
evil men should be more industrious and prosperous
then good, and that the Wicked should have a more
desperate Courage, then the Virtuous, an active Valour.

II.

I have observed, That many by flattering Poets,
have been compared to sar, without desert; but this
I dare freely and without flattery say of my Lord,
That though he had not sars Fortune, yet he wanted
not sars Courage, nor his Prudence, nor his
good Nature, nor his Wit; Nay, in some particulars
he did more then sar ever did; for though sar
had a great Army, yet he was first set ouut by the State
or Senators of Rome, who were Masters almost of all
the World; when as my Lord raised his Army (as before
is mentioned) most upon his own Interest (he
having many Friends and Kindred in the Northern
parts) at such a time when his Gracious King and Soveraign
was then not Master of his own Kingdoms, He
being over-power’d by his rebellious Subjects.

III.

I have observed, That my Noble Lord has always had Ddd1r 193
had an aversion to that kind of Policy, that now is
commonly practised in the world, which in plain
tearms is Dissembling, Flattery and Cheating, under
the cover of Honesty, Love and Kindness: But I
have heard him say, that the best Policy is to act justly,
honestly and wisely, and to speak truly; and
that the old Proverb is true; “To be wise is to be honest”:
For, said he, That man of what Condition, Quality
of Profession soever, that is once found out to deceive
either in words or actions, shall never be trusted
again by wise and honest men. But, said he, A wise
man is not bound to take notice of all Dissemblers, and
their cheating Actions, if they do not concern him;
nay, even of those he would not always take notice, but
chuse his time; for the chief part of a wise man is to
time business well, and to do it without Partiality and
Passion. But, said he, The folly of the world is so
great, that one honest and wise man may be overpowred
by many Knaves and Fools; and if so, then
the onely benefit of a wise man consists in the satisfaction
he finds by his honest and wise actions, and that
he has done what in Conscience, Honour and Duty
he ought to do; and all successors of such worthy Persons
ought to be more satisfied in the worth and
merit of their Predecessours, then in their Title and
Riches.

Ddd IV. I Ddd1v 194

IV.

I have heard that some noble Gentleman, (who was
servant to His Highness then Prince of Wales, our
now Gracious Soveraign, when my Lord was Governour)
should relate, that whensoever my Lord
by his prudent inspection and foresight did foretell
what would come to pass hereafter; it seemed so improbable
to him, that both himself and some others
believed my Lotrd spoke extravagantly: But some few
years after, his predictions proved true, and the event
did confirm what his Prudence had observed.

V.

I have heard, That in our late Civil Warres there
were many petty Skirmishes, and Fortifications of
weak and inconsiderable Houses, where some small
Parties would be shooting and pottering at each other;
an action more proper for Bandites or Thieves,
then stout and valiant Soldiers; for I have heard my
Lord say, That such small Parties divide the Body of
an Army, and by that means weaken it; whereas the
business might be much easier decided in one or two
Battels, with less ruine both to the Country and Army:
For I have heard my Lord say, That as it is dangerous
to divide a Limb from the Body; so it is also dan- Ddd2r 195
dangerous to divide Armies or Navies in time of
Warr; and there are often more men lost in such petty
Skirmishes, then in set-Battels, by reason those
happen almost every day, nay every hour in several
places.

VI.

Many in our late Civil-Warres, had more Title
then Power; for though they were Generals, or chief
Commanders, yet their Forces were more like a Brigade,
then a well-formed Army; and their actions were
accordingly, not set-battels, but petty Skirmishes between
small Parties; for there were no great Battels
fought, but by my Lord’s Army, his being the greatest
and best-formed Army which His Majesty had.

VII.

Although I have observed, That it is usual Custom
of the World, to glorifie the present Power
and good Fortune, and vilifie ill Fortune and low
conditions; yet I never heard that my Noble Lord
was ever neglected by the generality; but was on the
contrary, alwayes esteemed and praised by all;
for he is truly an Honest and Honourable man, and
one that may be relied upon both for Trust and
Truth.

VIII. Ddd2v 196

VIII.

I have observed, That many instead of great Actions,
make onely a great Noise; and like shallow
Fords, or empty Bladders, sound most when there is
least in them; which expresses a flattering Partiality,
rather then Honesty and Truth; for Truth and Honesty
lye at the bottom, and have more Action then
Shew.

IX.

I have observed, That good Fortune adds Fame
to mean Actions, when as ill Fortune darkens the
splendor of the most meritorious; for mean Persons
plyed with good Fortune, are more famous then Noble
Persons that are shadowed or darkned with ill
Fortune; so that Fortune, for the most part, is Fame’s
Champion.

X.

I observe, That as it would be a grief to covetous
and miserable persons, to be rewarded with Honour,
rather then with Wealth, because they love Wealth,
before Honour and Fame; so on the other side, Noble,
Heroick and Meritorious Persons, prefer Honour
and Fame before Wealth; well knowing, That as Infamyfamy Eee1r 197
is the greatest Punishment of unworthiness, so
Fame and Honour is the best Reward of worth and
merit.

XII.XI.

I observe, that spleen and malice, especially in this
age, is grown to that height, that none will endure
the praise of any body besides themselves; nay, they’l
rather praise the wicked then the good; the Coward
rather then the Valiant; the Miserable then the Generous;
the Traytor, then the Loyal: which makes
Wise men meddle as little with the Affairs of the
world as ever they can.

XIIIXII.

I have observed, as well as former Ages have done,
That Meritorious persons, for their noble actions, most
commonly get Envy and Reproach, instead of Praise
and Reward; unless their Fortunes be above Envy,
as sars and Elexanders were; But had these two
Worthies been as Unfortunate as they were Fortunate,
they would have been as much vilified, as they
are glorified.

XIV.XIII.

I have observed, that it is more easie to talk, then to
act; to forget, then to remember; to punish, then to Eee reward Eee1v 198
reward; and more common to prefer Flattery before
Truth, Interest before Justice, and present service before
past.

XV.XIV.

I have observed, that many old Proverbs are very
true, and amongst the rest, this: It is better to be at
the latter end of a Feast, then at the beginning of a Fray;
for most commonly, those that are in the beginning of
a Fray, get but little of the Feast; and those that have
undergone the greatest dangers, have least of the
spoils.

XVI.XV.

I have observed, That Favours of Great Princes
make men often thought Meritorious; whereas without
them, they would be esteemed but as ordinary Persons.

XVII.XVI.

I observe, That in other Kingdoms or Countries, to
be the chief Governour of a Province, is not onely
a place of Honour, but much Profit; for they have a
great Revenue to themselves; whereas in England, the
Lieutenancy of a County is barely a Title of Honour,
without Profit; except it be the Lieutenancy or Government
of the Kingdom of Ireland; especially since
the late Earl of Stafford enjoyed that dignity, who setled Eee2r 199
setled that Kingdom very wisely both for Militia
and Trade.

XVIII.XVII.

I have observed, That those that meddle least in
Wars, whether Civil or Foreign, are not onely most
safe and free from danger, but most secure from Losses;
and though Heroick Persons esteem Fame before Life;
yet many there are, that think the wisest way is to be
a Spectator, rather then an Actor, unless they be necessitated
to it; for it is better, say they, to sit on the
Stool of Quiet, then in the Chair of Troublesome
Business.

Finis.

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