A
Summary History
of
New-England,
from the
first settlement at Plymouth,
to the acceptance of the
Federal Constitution.
Comprehending
a general sketch of the
American War.
By .
Dedham:
Printed for the , by
H. Mann and
J. H. Adams.
1799M.DCC.XC.IX.
To the Reader.
Many, especially in early life, may wish
to peruse a sketch of American affairs, before they have
time or ability to acquire more enlarged knowledge. Though
the compiler of the ensuing work is impressed with the many
difficulties attending it, yet she hopes the charge of arrogance
will not be incurred, since her design is merely to encourage
and gratify such a wish, by giving the outlines of the interesting
history of New-England. In the prosecution of this
work, she has, with great care and assiduity, searched the
ancient Histories of New-England. She has also had recourse
to various manuscripts, particularly, those which
throw light on the history of Rhode-Island. For more modern
information, she has recurred to Belknap’s History of
New-Hampshire, Trumbull’s
History of Connecticut, Ramsay’s
History of the American Revolution, Gordon’s History
of the American War, Minot’s History of the Insurrection,
and his Continuation of Hutchinson; Williams’ History of
Vermont, Sullivan’s
History of the District of Maine, and
Morse’s Geography. In abridging the works of those excellent
authors, she is sensible of her inability to do them justice,
and has sometimes made use of their own words. The
reader is always referred, for further information, to those
ingenious performances; and the highest ambition of the
compiler is, that her imperfect sketch may excite a more
general attention to the large and valuable histories of the
country. In giving a sketch of the American war, her
ignorance of military terms has rendered it necessary to
transcribe more literally from the word of the authors,
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than in other parts of the history. But though a female
cannot be supposed to be accurate in describing, and must
shrink with horror in relating the calamities of war, yet she
may be allowed to feel a lively interest in the great cause, for
which the sword was drawn in America. The compiler is
apprized of the numerous defects of the work, and sensible
it will not bear the test of criticism. Her incapacity for executing
it has been heightened by a long interval of ill health,
which has precluded much of that studious application,
which, in a work of this kind, is indispensably necessary.
She hopes, therefore, that generous humanity will soften the
asperity of censure, and that the public will view with candor
the assiduous, though, perhaps, unsuccessful efforts of
a female pen.
Chapter I.
Discovery of America by Columbus. Divisions in
England after the reformation. Persecution under
the reigns of Elizabeth and James. Mr. Robinson
and his congregation remove to Holland.
Part of his congregation embark for America.
Their settlement at Plymouth, and the hardships
they endured. They are joined by a small party.
Treaty of alliance with the Indian princes. Death
and character of Mr. Robinson. A number of the
Leyden congregation arrive at Plymouth. The colony
obtain a patent. Character, government and
religion of the settlers.
The discovery of America is one of
the most celebrated achievements in the annals
of history. Christopher Columbus, the discoverer,
was a native of the Republic of Genoa. He
was born in 14471447, and, at the age of fourteen,
entered upon a seafaring life, in which profession
he was eminently distinguished. After a long and
fruitless application to several courts of Europe,
his plan of exploring new regions obtained the approbation
of Isabella, Queen of Castile. Through
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her patronage he set sail, 14921492, with three small
vessels, which contained one hundred and twenty
seamen. The formidable difficulties, which attended
his voyage to regions hitherto unexplored,
were, at length, surmounted by his astonishing
fortitude and perseverance. After discovering several
of the West-India islands, he built a fort, and
left a garrison of thirty-five men in Hispaniola, to
maintain the Spanish pretensions in that country.
He set out on his return to Spain in 14931493, and
arrived in March, with the joyful intelligence of a
new world, excelling the kingdoms of Europe in
gold and silver, and blest with a luxuriant soil.
The voyages of Columbus paved the way for
other European adventurers, who were stimulated
by ambition and avarice to make further discoveries;
till, finally, the rich empires of Mexico
and Peru were subdued by lawless invaders. The
feeling heart bleeds in reviewing the history of
South-America, and is filled with horror at the
successful villainy of its intrepid conquerors.
The history of North-America exhibits a very
different scene. Many of the first settlers of this
country were animated, by the desire of possessing
religious liberty, to abandon their native land,
where they enjoyed ease and affluence; and to
struggle through a variety of hardships, in an uncultivated
wilderness inhabited by savages.
The settlements of New-England, which are
the particular object of the ensuing history, owe
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their rise to the religious disputes that attended
the reformation in England.
When King Henry VIII. renounced the papal
supremacy, he transferred to himself the spiritual
power which had been exercised by the
Bishops of Rome. He set up himself as supreme
head of the English church, and commanded all
his subjects to pay allegiance to him in his newly
assumed character.
This claim was maintained by his son and successor
Edward VI. in whose reign the reformation
made great progress, and a service book was
published by royal authority, as the standard of
worship and discipline. His sister Mary, who succeeded
him, restored the papal supremacy, and
raised such a violent persecution against the reformers,
that numbers of them fled into Germany
and the Netherlands, where they departed from
the uniformity established in England, and became
divided in their sentiments and practice respecting
religious worship.
At the accession of Elizabeth, they returned
to their native country with sanguine hopes of reforming
the church of England, according to the
respective opinions which they had embraced in
their exile. But they soon found that the Queen
was fond of the establishment made in the reign of
her brother, Edward, and strongly prejudiced in
favor of pomp and ceremony in religion. She
asserted her supremacy in the most absolute terms,
and erected an high commission court, with extensive
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jurisdiction in ecclesiastical affairs. In consequence
of the rigorous measures which were pursued
to enforce uniformity, a separation from the
established church took place. Those who were
desirous of a further reformation from the Romish
superstitions, and of a more pure and perfect
form of religion, were denominated Puritans.
During the reign of Elizabeth, the Puritans, or
Non-Conformists, as they were called, from their
refusing to conform to the ceremonies of the
church of England, were severely persecuted.
Some were cast into prison, where a number perished;
others were banished, and a few were put
to death. Those Protestants who, during the
bloody reign of Mary, suffered all the rigor of
persecution, now encountered each other with the
same cruel animosity. The manner of proceeding
was indeed softened; banishment, fines and imprisonment
were substituted for the unrelenting
vengeance of the stake. But the principle was
the same, and produced a similar effect. In both
reigns the number of those who refused to conform
to the established worship increased.
The persecution of the Puritans was continued
with great severity during the reign of James I.
until, despairing of redress, they determined to
seek an asylum in a foreign land, where they
could enjoy the free exercise of their religious
opinions.
At the period, when the persecution in this
reign had arisen to its highest degree under Archbishop
Bancroft, Mr. Robinson, a dissenting clergyman
in England, with part of his congregation,
removed to Amsterdam, in Holland, and, with
permission of the magistrates, settled at Leyden
the subsequent year. There they formed a church,
and enjoyed religious liberty. After twelve years
residence in Holland, they meditated a removal to
America, because they judged it unsafe to educate
their children in a country, where the day devoted
by Christians to religious rest, was treated, by too
many of the inhabitants, as a day of levity and
diversion. The other motives, which induced them
to emigrate to America were, to preserve the morals
of the youth; to prevent them from leaving
their parents, and engaging in business unfriendly
to religion, from want of employment at
home; to avoid the inconvenience of incorporating
with the Dutch; to lay a foundation for propagating
the gospel in the remote parts of the
world; and, by separating from all the existing
establishments in Europe, to form the model of a
pure church, free from the admixture of human
additions; and a system of civil policy unfettered
by the arbitrary institutions of the old world.
As the new world appeared the proper theatre
for the execution of their designs, after serious
and repeated addresses to Heaven for direction,
they resolved to cross the Atlantic. They applied
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to the Virginia company for permission to establish
themselves in America within their limits,
and petitioned King James to allow them liberty
of conscience.
The Virginia company freely consented to give
them a patent, with as ample privileges as were
in their power to grant. But such was the prevailing
bigotry of the age, that the solicitations of
some of the most respectable characters in the kingdom
could not prevail on the King and Bishops
to allow the refugees liberty of conscience under
the royal seal. His Majesty, however, at last
gave private assurance, that they should live unmolested,
provided they behaved peaceably, but
persisted in refusing to tolerate them by public authority.
The hope that the distance of their situation
would secure them from the jurisdiction of
ecclesiastical courts, induced them, notwithstanding,
to put their plan in execution; and, after
long attendance, much expence, and labor, they
obtained a patent.
Whilst preparations were making for the departure
of the adventurers for New-England, a
day was appointed for solemn prayer, on which
occasion Mr. Robinson, in a discourse from the
1st of Samuel, xxiii. 3—4, endeavoured to
dispel
their apprehensions, and inspire them with Christian
fortitude. As it was not convenient for all
to remove at first, the majority, with their pastor,
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concluded to remain for the present in Leyden.
Mr. John Brewster, assistant to Mr. Robinson,
was chosen to perform ministerial offices
to the first adventurers. Two ships were prepared,
one of which was fitted out in Holland, the other
hired in London. When the time of separation
drew nigh, their pastor preached a farewell discourse
from Ezra viii. 21. A large concourse of
friends from Leyden and Amsterdam accompanied
the emigrants to the ship, which lay at Delft-Haven.
The night was spent in fervent and affectionate
prayers, and in that pathetic intercourse
of soul, which the feeling heart can better conceive
than describe. The affecting scene drew
tears even from the eyes of strangers. When the
period, in which the voyagers were about to depart,
arrived, they all, with their beloved pastor, fell
on their knees, and, with eyes, hands and hearts
raised to heaven, fervently commended their adventuring
brethren to the blessing of the Lord.
Thus, after mutual embraces, accompanied with
many tears, they bade a long, and to many of
them a final adieu.
On the 1620-07-2222d of July, they sailed for Southampton,
where they met the ship from London, with
the rest of the emigrants.
On the 1620-08-055th of August, both vessels proceeded
to sea, but returned twice into port, on account
of defects in the one from Delft, which was dismissed.
An ardent desire of enjoying religious liberty
finally overcame all difficulties. A company of an
hundred and one persons betook themselves to the
London ship, and sailed from Plymouth the 1620-09-066th
of September. After many delays, difficulties and
dangers, they made Cape-Cod on the 1620-11-099th of November,
at break of day, and entered the harbor
on the 1620-11-1010th.
It was their intention to settle at the mouth of
Hudson’s River; but the Dutch, with the view of
planting a colony in that place, bribed the pilot
to conduct them to these northern coasts, and
then, under various pretences, to discourage them
from prosecuting their former plan.
As they were not within the limits of their patent
from the Virginia company, they saw the
necessity of establishing a separate government for
themselves. Accordingly, having offered their devout
and ardent acknowledgements to God for
their safe arrival, they formed themselves into a
body politic, under the crown of England, whilst
on board, for the purpose of establishing “just
and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions
and offices.” On the 1620-11-1010th of November the adventurers
subscribed this contract, thereby making
it the basis of their government. They chose
Mr. John Carver, a gentleman of piety and approved
abilities, to be their governor the first
year; and the practice of an annual election continued
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unchanged during the existence of their
government.
The first object of the emigrants, after disembarkation,
was to fix on a convenient place for
settlement. In this attempt they were obliged to
encounter numerous difficulties, and to suffer
incredible hardships. Many of them were sick in
consequence of the fatigues of a long voyage;
the provisions were bad; the season was uncommonly
cold; the Indians, thought afterwards
friendly, were now hostile, and the adventurers
were unacquainted with the coast. These difficulties
they surmounted, and on the 1620-12-3131st of December
were all safely landed at a place, which
they called Plymouth, in grateful remembrance of
the last town they left in their native country.
The historians of New-England relate two
remarkable events, which wonderfully facilitated
the settlement of Plymouth and Massachusetts.
The one was a war begun by the Tarratenes, a
nation who resided eastward of Penobscot. These
formidable people surprised the chief sachem at his
head-quarters, and destroyed him with all his family;
upon which all the other sachems, who were
subordinate to him, contended among themselves
for the sovereignty; and in these dissensions many
of them, as well as their unhappy people perished.
The other was a mortal and contagious distemper
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which prevailed among the Indians two or three
years previously to the arrival of the English at
Plymouth, and proved fatal to such numbers,
that some tribes were almost extinct. The extent
of this pestilence was between Penobscot in
the east, and Narraganset in the west. These two
tribes escaped, while the intermediate people were
wasted and destroyed.
The prospects and situation of the Plymouth
settlers were gloomy beyond expression. The
whole company, which landed consisted of but one
hundred and one souls. They were three thousand
miles from their native country, with a dreary
winter in prospect, in an uncultivated wilderness,
surrounded with hostile barbarians, and without
any hope of human succour. Their only civilized
neighbors were a French settlement at Port Royal, and an English settlement at
Virginia; the
nearest of which was five hundred miles distant,
much too remote to afford a hope of relief in a
time of danger or famine. To obtain a supply of
provisions by cultivating the stubborn soil required
an immensity of previous labor, and was, at
best, a distant and uncertain dependence. They
were denied the aid or favor of the court of England
—without a patent—without a public promise
of a peaceable enjoyment of their religious liberties.
In this melancholy situation, forty-five of
their number died before the opening of the next
spring, of disorders occasioned by their tedious
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voyage, with insufficient accomodations, and
their uncommon exertions and fatigues.
The new colony supported these complicated
hardships with heroic fortitude. To enjoy full liberty
to worship God, according to the dictates of
their consciences, was esteemed by them the greatest
of blessings. And the religious fervor, which
induced them to abandon their native country fortified
their minds, and enabled them to surmount
every difficulty, which could prove their patience,
or evince their firmness.
To their unspeakable satisfaction, their association
in England sent them a supply of necessaries, and
a reinforcement of colonists the subsequent year.
The prudent, friendly and upright conduct of
the Plymouth settlers towards the natives secured
their friendship and alliance. As early as 1621-03March
Massassoiet, one of the most powerful sagamores
of the neighboring Indians, with sixty attendants,
paid them a visit, and entered into a treaty of
peace and amity. They reciprocally agreed, to
avoid injuries, to punish offenders, to restore stolen
goods, to afford mutual assistance in all justifiable
wars, to promote peace among their neighbors,
&c. Massassoiet, and his successors, for fifty years
inviolably observed this treaty. His example was
followed by others. On the 1621-09-1313th of September
nine sachems declared allegiance to King James.
Massassoiet and many of his sub-sachems, who inhabited
round the bays of Plymouth and Massachusetts,
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subscribed a writing, acknowledging subjection
to the king of England.
The Plymotheans early agreed, and purchased
a right to the lands, which they cultivated from the
Indian proprietors.
For several years after their arrival the whole
property of the colony was in common, from
which every person was furnished with necessary
articles. In the beginning of each year a certain
quantity of land was selected for planting, and
their proportion of labor was assigned to each one.
At the close of the year 16241624 the plantation
consisted of one hundred and eighty persons.
They had built a town consisting of thirty-two
dwelling houses, erected a citadel for its defence,
and laid out farms for its support.
The following year the new colony received
the melancholy intelligence of the death of the
Rev. Mr. Robinson, who died at Leyden in the
moth of 1625-03March, in the 50th year of his age.
The character of this excellent man, who was distinguished
both by his natural abilities and an
highly cultivated mind, was greatly dignified by
the mild and amiable virtues of Christianity. He
possessed a liberality of sentiment which was uncommon
for the age, in which he lived. He was
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revered and esteemed by the Dutch divines, venerated
and beloved by his people; and the harmony
which subsisted between them was perfect and
uninterrupted. His death was greatly lamented
by the people at Plymouth, who were flattering
themselves with the pleasing hope of his speedy arrival
in New-England. In the beginning of the
year 16291629, they chose Mr. Ralph Smith for their
pastor. Previously to his ordination, Mr. Brewster,
who had been ruling elder to the church at
Leyden, performed all the ministerial offices among
them, except administering the sacraments.
After the death of Mr. Robinson, another
part of his congregation joined their brethren in
America.
When the plantation amounted to about three
hundred persons, they obtained a patent from the
council of Plymouth. By this grant their lands
were secured against all English claims.
It is a distinguished trait in the settlements of
New-England, that they were established from religious
motives, by persons of piety and information.
The Plymotheans were a plain, industrious,
conscientious and pious people. Though their
piety was fervent, yet it was also rational, and
disposed them to a strict observance of the moral
and social duties. The leading characters among
them were men of superior abilities and undaunted
fortitude. The respectable names of Carver,
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Bradford, Winslow,
Prince and others, are immortalized
in the annals of New-England.
Respecting their civil principles, an ardent
love of liberty, an unshaken attachment to the
rights of men, with a desire to transmit them to
their latest posterity, were the principles, which governed
their conduct.
They made the general laws of England their
rule of government, and never established a distinct
code for themselves. They added, however,
such municipal laws as were, from time to time,
found necessary to regulate new and emergent
cases, which were unprovided for by the common
and statute laws of England.
During the infancy of the colony, the whole
body of male inhabitants were frequently assembled,
to determine affairs both legislative and judicial.
When their increase rendered this method
impracticable, the governor and assistants were the
supreme judiciary power, and sole in judging high
offences. Crimes of less magnitude were cognizable
before inferior courts and single magistrates;
and in civil matters appeals could be made from
inferior jurisdictions to the supreme. In the year
16391639, they established a house of representatives,
composed of deputies from the several towns.
As the professed design of the settlement of the
colony was the advancement of religion, their
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principal object was to form churches on what
they supposed to be the gospel plan. Part of the
Plymouth settlers had imbibed the opinions of the
Brownists; but the instructions of Mr. Robinson
lessened their attachment to their former sentiments,
and they embraced the congregational system,
which was maintained by this pious and benevolent
divine. They were of opinion, that no
churches or church officers had any power to controul
other churches or officers; and that all church
members had equal rights and privileges. Their
church officers were pastors, ruling elders and
deacons. In doctrinal points they agreed with the
articles of the church of England, which are
strictly Calvinian.
Agreeably to the prevailing prejudices of the
age in which they lived, they asserted the necessity
of uniformity in religious worship. Yet, however
rigid the Plymotheans might have been at
their first separation from the church of England,
they never discovered so great a degree of intolerance
as, at a subsequent period, was exhibited in
the Massachusetts colony.
Chapter II.
Persecution in England. Settlement of the Massachusetts
colony. A charter obtained. Salem is
founded, and a church incorporated. Large additions
are made to the plantation. Sufferings of
the emigrants. Boston founded. Correspondence
settled between Plymouth and Massachusetts. Great
numbers arrive from England. Of the Massachusetts
government. Of the religion of the first
settlers of that colony. Their character.
Whilst
the first settlers of New-
England were encountering various difficulties,
their brethren, the Puritans, in England were suffering
a severe persecution. Under the reign of
Charles I. the government of the church was
committed to Archbishop Laud, a man of warm
passions and strong prejudices. Through his influence
the royal prerogative was strained to the
highest despotism. He was ambitious in his administration
to imitate the splendor of the church
of Rome. He entertained exalted ideas of the
authority of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and was
determined to support it by coercive measures.
His aversion to the Puritans impelled him to prosecute
them with rigorous severity. In the high
commission court and star-chamber they were imprisoned,
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fined and banished, in an arbitrary and
illegal manner.
“The Laudean persecution, which caused the
destruction of thousands in England, proved to be
a principle of life and vigor to the infant settlements
in America.” The oppressive government,
which was exercised in England, both in church
and state, induced several men of eminence to
meditate a removal to America, if the measures
they pursued for establishing civil and religious liberty
in their native country should prove abortive.
For this purpose, they solicited and obtained grants
of land in New-England, and were assiduously engaged
in settling them. Among these patentees
were the Lords Brook, Say and Seal, the Pelhams,
the Hampdens, and the Pyms; names
which have since been greatly distinguished in the
annals of their country.
Actuated by religious motives, a small party
emigrated from the west of England, under the
conduct of Mr. Roger Conant. They first came
to Plymouth, and, upon their removal from
thence, in the year 16261626, they settled on that
part of the American coast, which afterwards acquired
the name of Salem. The various difficulties
which they were obliged to encounter induced them
to form the design of abandoning their settlement,
and returning to England. In the mean time the
Rev. Mr. White, minister of Dorchester, had
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projected an asylum for the silenced Non-Conformist
clergy in Massachusetts-Bay. In order to facilitate
his design, he used all his influence to persuade
Mr. Conant and his party to remain, promising
to send them speedily a patent, necessaries
and friends. Relying on these assurances, and
encouraged under their present hardships by the
soft persuasions of hope, they determined to await
the event.
Mr. White engaged a number of influential
characters to interest themselves in his plan. On
the 1627-03-1919th of March, Sir Henry Roswel, and several
other gentlemen, who dwelt about Dorchester,
received a patent of Massachusetts-Bay from the
council of Plymouth.
These gentlemen petitioned for a royal charter,
under the idea that their existence and powers
would be thereby secured and promoted. They
succeeded; and a charter of incorporation was
granted by King Charles I. constituting them a
body politic, by the name of “the Governor and
Company of the Massachusetts-Bay, in New-England,”
with as ample powers as any other corporation
in the realm of England. The patent recited
the grant of American territory to the council
of Plymouth in 16201620. It re-granted Massachusetts-Bay
to Sir Henry Roswel and others.
The whole executive power of the corporation was
invested in a governor, deputy-governor, and eighteen
assistants; and, until the annual election of
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the company could commence, the governor, deputy-governor,
and eighteen assistants were specified.
The governor and seven or more assistants
were authorized to meet in monthly courts, for
dispatching such business, as concerned the company
or settlement. But the legislative powers of
the corporation were vested in a more popular assembly,
composed of the governor, deputy-governor,
the assistants and freemen of the company.
This assembly, to be convened on the last Wednesday
of each of the four annual terms, by the title
of the general court, was empowered to enact laws
and ordinances for the good of the body politic,
and the government of the plantation, and its inhabitants,
provided they should not be repugnant
to the laws and statutes of England. This assembly
was empowered to elect their governor, deputy-governor,
and other necessary officers, and to
confer the freedom of the company. The company
was allowed to transport persons, merchandize,
weapons,&c. to New-England, exempt from duty,
for the term of seven years; and emigrants
were entitled to all the privileges of Englishmen.
Such are the general outlines of the charter.
About the time in which the patent of Massachusetts
received the royal confirmation, Captain John
Endicot, with one hundred persons, was sent over
by the patentees, to prepare the way for the settlement
of a permanent colony in that part of
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New-England. After their arrival, they began a
settlement, which they named Salem. This was
the first town in Massachusetts, the second in New-
England.
The subsequent year, two hundred persons
came over and joined Mr. Endicot’s colony. Soon
after an hundred of the planters removed, and
settled Charlestown.
Agreeably to the professed design of their
emigration, the colony made it their primary concern
to form a church at Salem, upon a similar
plan of order and discipline with that of their
brethren at Plymouth. The church of Plymouth
was convoked to be present by their messengers at
the ordination of Messrs. Shelton and Higginson.
The day was spent in fasting and prayer. Thirty
persons, who desired to join the communion, professed
their assent to a confession of faith prepared by
Mr. Higginson, and subscribed a covenant drawn up
by the same gentleman. Messrs. Shelton and Higginson
were then ordained pastor and teacher. The
Plymouth messengers gave the right hand of fellowship,
by which ceremony the two churches
professed mutual affection and communion.
Several gentlemen of fortune and distinguished
reputation made proposals to the Massachusetts
company for settling with their families in America,
on condition that the government should be
transferred to the inhabitants, and not continued
in the hands of the company in London. Mr.
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Matthew Craddock, the governor, communicated
this proposal to the general court. After some
debate, their plan was accepted, and the company
proceeded to a new election of officers, who were
to repair to and settle in New-England. John
Winthrop, Esq. of Groton, in Suffolk, a gentleman
of distinguished piety and ability, was chosen
governor. Mr. Thomas Dudley was elected deputy-governor;
and other worthy characters were
chosen for their council. The business of transferring
the patent and corporation, and procuring
new settlers, was prosecuted with vigor.
Previously to leaving their native country,
the new adventurers agreed upon a respectful address
to their brethren of the church of England.
Their object was to remove prejudices, conciliate
the minds of the disaffected, and recommend themselves
and their expedition to the favorable regards
of serious Christians of the Episcopal persuasion.
In this address they desired to be called their brethren;
they requested their prayers; and, in energetic
language, professed the most affectionate regard
for their welfare.
On the 1630-06-1212th of June, the company arrived at
Salem, with the governor, deputy-governor, assistants
and charter. Before the close of the year
the number of passengers amounted to seventeen
hundred. In this and the preceding year two
thousand planters arrived in New-England. These
settled about nine or ten towns and villages.
Many of the first settlers of Massachusetts were
possessed of large fortunes in their native country,
and enjoyed the elegant accommodations of life.
The striking contrast between their former ease
and affluence, and the hardships they now endured,
must have augmented their distress. They were
obliged to dispose of their large and valuable estates
to make provision for their enterprize. The
rigor of the climate, together with the fatigues and
exertions unavoidable in a new settlement, occasioned
diseases, which proved fatal to a large number
the first winter after their arrival. Their stock
of provisions falling short, the dreadful apprehension
of perishing by famine was added to their
other calamities.
Towards the close of the year the colony of
Charlestown removed to a peninsula, to which
they gave the name of Boston, from a town in
Lincolnshire, in England, the native residence of
some of the first settlers, and from whence they
expected the Rev. John Cotton, a celebrated Puritan
clergyman. They established a civil government,
and congregational church, over which the
Rev. John Wilson officiated as the first pastor.
The subsequent summer a number of passengers
arrived from England, among whom was the Rev.
John Elliot. This eminent divine spent his first
year in Boston, and performed ministerial offices
to the church in that place, in the absence
of Mr. Wilson, then on a voyage to England. A
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number of his particular friends having formed a
settlement, and collected a church, in a town
which they called Roxbury, he was ordained their
pastor the year after his arrival in New-England.
In order to establish a union between the colonies,
the governor, accompanied by Mr. Wilson,
and other gentlemen, walked forty miles through
the woods as far as Plymouth. Mr. Bradford,
the governor of Plymouth, received them with
great respect; and the interview produced a permanent
friendship between the two plantations.
In the three following years great additions
were made to the Massachusetts colony. Among
which were several famous Non-Conformist divines,
viz. the Rev. John Cotton, Thomas Hooker,
and Samuel Stone. Mr. Cotton was immediately
chosen assistant to Mr. Wilson, in Boston,
and continued with him till his death. Mr. Hooker
was elected pastor of a church in Newtown,
since called Cambridge, and Mr. Stone was his assistant.
The settlement of these celebrated clergymen,
joined with the unrelenting severity of Archbishop
Laud’s administration, produced great emigrations.
New plantations were formed, and congregational
churches established in various parts of
the country.
Sir Henry Vane, who afterwards acted so conspicuous
a part in his native country, was among
the passengers who arrived at this period. In compliment
to his talents and family, he was chosen
governor the subsequent year.
The settlers of Massachusetts purchased their
lands of the native proprietors, and gave what was
deemed by those savages an adequate compensation.
The soil was to them of small value, as
they subsisted chiefly by hunting, and did not possess
the patient industry, which agriculture requires.
In the year 16331633, the colony passed an
act, prohibiting the purchase of the lands from
the natives, without having previously obtained a
licence from government.
After the governor and company removed
from London to Massachusetts, the change of place
and circumstances induced them to vary in certain
instances from the directions of the charter.
“They apprehended themselves subject to
no other law or rule of government, than what
arose from natural reason and the principles of
equity, except any positive rules from the word of
God.” Influential characters among them maintained,
“that birth was no necessary cause of subjection;
for that the subject of any prince or state
had a natural right to emigrate to any other state,
or quarter of the world, when deprived of liberty
of conscience, and that upon such removal his allegiance
ceased.” They called their own a voluntary
civil subjection, arising merely from a mutual
compact between them and the king, founded upon
the charter. They acknowledged that this
compact obligated them not to be subject to, or
seek protection from, any other prince, nor to
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enact laws repugnant to those of England,&c.
On the other hand, they maintained, that they
were to be governed by laws made by themselves,
and by officers of their own electing.
When the Massachusetts colony completed their
system of government, instead of making the laws
of England the foundation of their code, they preferred
the laws of Moses. They also created a representative
body of their own motion in six years
after the grant of their charter, which was wholly
silent upon so important an institution. And although
it gave them no power to judge and determine
capital offences, the judicatories they established
assumed this act of sovereign authority. In
the same manner they supplied a defect of authority
to erect judicatories for the probate of wills;
to constitute courts with admiralty jurisdiction; to
impose taxes on the inhabitants, and to create
towns and other bodies corporate.
In 16441644, the general courts were reduced to
two in a year; and except in this, and a few other
unimportant circumstances, the government continued
the same until the people were deprived of
their charter.
Most of the Massachusetts settlers had, while
in their native country, lived in communion with
the established church. The rigorous severity used
to enforce ceremonies, by them deemed unlawful,
occasioned their removal to New-England. The
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Massachusetts churches, in general, were formed
on the congregational model, and maintained Calvinian
doctrines. The colony had no settled plan
of church discipline till after the arrival of Mr.
Gordon, whose opinion, in civil and sacred concerns,
was held in the highest estimation. He
gradually modelled all their church administrations,
and determined their ecclesiastical constitutions.
This great man earnestly pleaded, “that the
government might be considered as a theocracy,
wherein the Lord was judge, lawgiver, and king;
that the laws he gave Israel might be adopted, so
far as they were of moral and perpetual equity;
that the people might be considered as God’s people,
in covenant with him; that none but persons
of approved piety and eminent abilities should be
chosen rulers; that the clergy should be consulted
in all matters of religion; and that the magistrates
should have a superintending and coercive power
over the churches.”
In consequence of the union thus formed between
the church and state, on the plan of the
Jewish theocracy, the ministers were called to sit
in council, and give their advice in matters of religion,
and cases of conscience, which came before
the court, and without them they never proceeded
to any act of an ecclesiastical nature. As
none were allowed to vote in the election of rulers
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but freemen, and freemen must be church members;
and as none could be admitted into the
church but by the elders, who first examined, and
then propounded them to the brethren for their
vote, the clergy acquired hereby a vast ascendency
over both rulers and people, and had, in effect, the
keys of the state as well as the church in their
hands. The magistrates, on the other hand, regulated
the gathering of the churches, interposed
in the settlement and dismission of ministers, arbitrated
in ecclesiastical controversies, and controuled
synodical assemblies. This coercive power in
the magistrates was deemed absolutely necessary
to preserve the order of the gospel.
The rigorous measures which, agreeably to
these principles, were used to enforce colonial uniformity,
and the effects they produced, will be related
in a future chapter.
Though the conduct of our ancestors, in the
application of the power of the civil magistrate to
religious concerns, was fraught with error, and
the liberal sentiments of the present age place their
errors in the most conspicuous point of view; their
memory ought ever to be held in veneration.
And while we review the imperfections which, at
present, cast a shade over their characters, we
ought to recollect those virtues, by which they
gave lustre to the age in which they lived, viz.
their ardent love of liberty when tyranny prevailed
in church and state; the fortitude with which they
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sacrificed ease and opulence, and encountered complicated
hardships in order to enjoy the sacred
rights of conscience; their care to lay a foundation
for solid learning, and establish wise and useful
institutions in their infant state; the immense
pains they took in settling and cultivating their
lands, and defending the country against the depredations
of surrounding Indians; and, above all,
their supreme regard for religion. As an eminent
author observes, “Religious to some degree of
enthusiasm it may be admitted they were, but this
can be no peculiar derogation from their character,
because it was at that time almost the universal
character not only of England, but of Christendom.
Had this, however, been otherwise, their
enthusiasm, considering the principles, on which it
was founded, and the ends, to which it was directed,
far from being a reproach, was greatly to
their honor. For I believe it will be found universally
true, that no great enterprize for the honor
and happiness of mankind was ever achieved
without a large mixture of that noble infirmity.
Whatever imperfections may be justly ascribed to
them, which, however, are as few as any mortals
have discovered, their judgment in forming their
policy was founded on wise and benevolent principles;
it was founded on revelation and reason too;
it was consistent with the best, greatest and wisest
legislators of antiquity.”
The Massachusetts colony rapidly increased. A
dreary wilderness in the space of a few years had
become a comfortable habitation, furnished with
the necessaries and conveniences of life. It is remarkable
that previously to this period, all the attempts
at settling the northern patent, upon secular
views, proved abortive. They were accompanied
with such public discouragement as would probably
have lost the continent to England, or have permitted
only the sharing of it with the other European
powers, as in the West-India islands, had
not the spirit of religion given rise to an effectual
colonization.
Chapter III.
Of the settlement of New-Hampshire, and the District
of Maine. The plantation and civil government
of Connecticut and New-Haven. Of their attention
to the promotion of learning and religion. The
religious tenets in which the New-England settlers
were agreed. The king and council in England
prohibit the Puritans from embarking for America.
Whilst religious principles animated
the settlers of Plymouth and Massachusetts
to encounter hardships in a dreary wilderness,
a spirit of enterprize and ambition induced others
to attempt settlements in different parts of the
new world. As early as 16221622, grants of land had
been made by the Plymouth council to two of
their most active members, viz. Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, and Captain John Mason. The subsequent
year they, in conjunction with several English
merchants, who stiled themselves “the company
of Laconia,” attempted the establishment of
a colony and fishery at the river Piscataqua. This
was the beginning of the settlement known since
by the name of New-Hampshire.
Several years after, some of the scattered
planters in the Bay of Massachusetts procured a
general meeting of the Indians at Squamscot falls,
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where they obtained from the Indian sachems
deeds of a tract of land between the rivers Piscataqua
and Merrimak. These lands, at a future
period, afforded an asylum for a number of exiles
whom persecution had driven from Massachusetts.
In this, and the two following years, the Plymouth
council made several grants of the lands on
the river Piscataqua to different proprietors. Dispirited
by the difficulties they were obliged to encounter,
the major part of the other adventurers
either relinquished their design, or sold their shares
to Mason and Gorges, who were more sanguine
than the rest, and became, either by purchase, or
tacit consent of the others, the principal, if not
sole, proprietors. These gentlemen renewed their
exertions with greater vigor; sent over a fresh supply
of servants and materials for carrying on the
settlement; and appointed Francis Williams, a
gentleman of good sense and discretion, to be
their governor.
The new settlers formed themselves into a body
politic, and entered into a voluntary association
for government.
Voluntary agreements formed a very important
title in the ancient jurisprudence of New-England.
Wherever the British emigrants settled a
colony without the authority of a charter, they
founded their police on a contract to which every
one agreed.
The District of Maine was settled by Sir Ferdinando
Gorges in nearly the same period with New-
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Hampshire. This gentleman was of an ambitious
and enterprizing spirit, a firm royalist, and strongly
attached to the national church. The adventurers
who repaired to this plantation entertained similar
opinions, though in the neighborhood of the
other colonies, they began to waver in their sentiments.
Gorges united with Mason, who was also
a royalist and Episcopalian, in an unsuccessful
attempt to obtain a general government over the
New-England settlements, which were intended to
be divided into twelve districts. When he found
his plan could not be effected, he solicited and obtained
a charter from King Charles I. This patent
of the crown to Gorges, is said to have contained
more and greater powers than had ever been
granted by a sovereign to a subject. It enjoined
little else, in particular, than an establishment of
the Episcopal religion. Under this delegated authority,
Gorges appointed counsellors for the ordering
the affairs of the settlement. To perpetuate
his reputation, as land proprietor, he gave the
plantation of York the name of Gorgiana.
There was never any religious persecution in
the District of Maine, nor was it considered an object
of great importance to establish a regular support
for the clergy. The early want of religious
instruction proved highly detrimental to the inhabitants
of this country.
The rapid increase of Massachusetts settlement
induced a number from that colony to form the
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design of effecting a new plantation on Connecticut
river; the land there situated being celebrated
for its luxuriancy. The first grant of this
country was made by the Plymouth council to the
Earl of Warwick, in 16301630, and confirmed by his Majesty
in council the same year. The succeeding year
the Earl assigned the grant to Lords Say and Seal,
Lord Brook, and nine others, who reserved it as
an asylum for the Puritan emigrants from England.
Several families from Roxbury,
Dorchester,
Cambridge and Watertown, began to remove their
families to Connecticut. After a tedious and difficult
journey through swamps and rivers, over
mountains and rough grounds, which were passed
with great difficulty and fatigue, they arrived safely
at the places of their respective destination; and
commenced the settlement of the towns of Windsor,
Hartford
and Weathersfield. The Rev.
Mr. Hooker, a respectable and pious clergyman,
was the leader in this enterprize.
“The hardships and distresses, of the first
planters of Connecticut,” says Dr. Trumbull,
“scarcely admit of a description. To carry much
provision or furniture through a pathless wilderness
was impracticable. Their principal provisions
and household furniture were therefore put on
board several small vessels, which by reason of delays
and the tempestuousness of the season, were
either cast away, or did not arrive.” Several vessels
were wrecked on the coast of New-England,
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by the violence of the storms. Every resource appeared
to fail, and the people were under the
dreadful apprehension of perishing by famine.”
They supported themselves, in this distressing period,
with that heroic firmness and magnanimity
for which the first settlers of New-England had
been so eminently distinguished.
The Connecticut planters at first settled under
the general government of Massachusetts; but
finding themselves without the limits of their patent,
and being at full liberty to govern themselves
by their own institutions, they formed themselves,
by voluntary compact, into a distinct commonwealth.
The constitution of Connecticut ordained, that
there should be annually two general courts, or assemblies;
one on the second Thursday in April,
and the other on the second Thursday in September;
that the first should be the court of election,
in which should be annually chosen, at least six magistrates,
and all other public officers. It ordained,
that a governor should be chosen distinct from the
six magistrates, for one year, and until another
should be chosen and sworn; and that the governor
and magistrates should be sworn to a faithful
execution of the laws of the colony, and in cases
in which there was no express law established, to
be governed by the divine word. Agreeably to
the constitution, the choice of these officers was
to be made by the whole body of freemen convened
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in general election. It provided that all
persons, who had been received as members of the
several towns, by a majority of the inhabitants,
and had taken the oath of fidelity to the commonwealth,
should be admitted freemen of the colony.
This was the most material point, in which the constitution
of Connecticut differed from that of Massachusetts,
which confined the privileges of freemen
to the communion of the churches.
Agreeably to the constitution, the freemen
convened at Hartford on the second Thursday in
April, and elected their officers for the ensuing
year. John Haynes, Esq. a gentleman of unblemished
integrity, sound judgment and eminent piety,
was chosen for the governor of the colony.
About the time of the above mentioned emigration
from Massachusetts, the frontiers of Connecticut
were strengthened by the exertions of the
Puritan noblemen Lords Say and Brook. After
having obtained a grant, they deputed George
Fenwick, Esq. who conducted their affairs, to
build a fort near the confluence of the river Connecticut.
He called the building Saybrook, in
honor of his noble patrons. John Winthrop, jun.
Esq. son of the first governor of Massachusetts, assisted
him in this undertaking, and was appointed
governor. Some of the grantees contemplated
transporting their families and effects to this territory;
but relinquished their design when affairs
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began to take a new turn in their native country.
After the ardor of emigration ceased, Mr. Fenwick,
agent for Lords Brook and Say, was authorised
to dispose of their lands, which were purchased
in 16441644 by the people who had removed
from Massachusetts.
Whilst the planters of Connecticut were thus
exerting themselves in prosecuting and regulating
the affairs of that colony, another was projected
and settled at Quinnipiak, afterwards called New-
Haven. This year two large ships arrived in the
Massachusetts-Bay, with passengers from London
and its vicinities. Amongst these passengers were
a number of celebrated characters, in particular
Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins, who had been opulent
merchants in London, and were eminent for
abilities and integrity, and Mr. John Davenport,
a famous clergyman in the city of London, who
was distinguished for piety, learning, and the uprightness
of his conduct.
The reputation and opulence of the principal
gentlemen of this company, made the people of
Massachusetts exceedingly desirous of their settlement
in that commonwealth. To effect this purpose
great pains were taken by particular persons
and towns; and the general court offered them
their choice of a place of residence. Influenced,
however, by the delightful prospects, which the
country afforded, and flattering themselves that
by removing to a considerable distance, they
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should be out of the jurisdiction of a general governor,
with which the plantations were then threatened,
they were determined to settle a distinct colony.
In the autumn of this year Mr. Eaton and
others, who were of the company, made a journey
to Connecticut, to explore the lands and harbors
on the sea coast. They pitched upon Quinnipiak
for the place of their settlement.
On the 1638-04-1818th of April
they kept their first Sabbath
in New-Haven. The people assembled under
a large spreading oak, and Mr. Davenport preached
to them from Matthew iv. I.
The New-Haven adventurers were the most
opulent company, which came into New-England,
and they designed to plant a capital colony. They
laid out their town plat in squares, designing it
for a great and elegant city. In the centre was a
large, beautiful square. This was compassed with
others, making nine in the whole.
The colony, like Connecticut, formed a government
by voluntary agreement, without any
charter or authority from the crown. On the 1639-07-044th
of July all the free planters assembled at Quinnipiak,
to lay the foundations of their civil and religious
policy.
The Rev. Mr. Davenport introduced this important
transaction, by a discourse from Proverbs
ix. I. His design was to shew, that the church,
or house of God, should be formed of seven pillars,
or principal brethren, to whom all the other
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members of the church should be added. After
this discourse the planters formed a number of
resolutions, the fundamental article of which was,
that the scriptures hold forth a perfect rule for
the direction and government of all men in their
civil and religious duties, as well in families and
commonwealth, as in ecclesiastical affairs. Hence
the people bound themselves to settle civil government
according to the divine word. After full
deliberation it was determined,
That church members only should be free
burgesses; and that they only should chuse magistrates
among themselves, to have power of transacting
all the public civil affairs of the plantation;
of making and repealing laws, dividing inheritances,
deciding of differences, and transacting all
business of a similar nature.
That civil officers might be chosen, and government
proceed according to these resolutions, it
was necessary a church should be formed. Without
this there could be neither freemen nor magistrates.
Mr. Davenport then proceeded to make
proposals relative to the formation of a church,
and it was resolved to this effect:
That twelve men should be chosen, that their
fitness for the foundation work might be tried;
and that it should be in the power of these twelve
men to chuse seven to begin the church.
It was agreed that if seven men could not be
found among the twelve qualified for the foundation
work, that such other persons should be taken
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into the number, upon trial, as should be judged
most suitable. The form of a solemn charge,
or oath, was drawn up and agreed upon at this
meeting, to be given to all the freemen.
Further, it was ordered, that all persons,
who should be received, as free planters of that
corporation, should submit to the fundamental
agreement above related, and in testimony of their
submission should subscribe their name among the
freemen. After a proper term of trial, a number
of the most distinguished characters were chosen
for the seven pillars of the church.
On the 1639-10-2525th of October, the court, as it was
termed, consisting of these seven persons only, convened,
and, after a solemn address to the Supreme
Being, they proceeded to form the body of freemen,
and to elect their civil officers.
In the first place, all former trust, for managing
the public affairs of the plantation, was declared
to cease, and to be utterly abrogated. Then
all those who had been admitted to the church after
the gathering of it, in the choice of the seven
pillars, and all the members of other approved
churches, who desired it, and offered themselves,
were admitted members of the court. A solemn
charge was then publicly given them, to the same
effect as the freemen’s charge, or oath, which
they had previously adopted. Mr. Davenport expounded
several scriptures to them, describing the
characters of civil magistrates given in the sacred
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oracles. To this succeeded the election of officers.
Theophilus Eaton, Esq. was chosen the first
governor of this colony.
It was decreed by the freemen, that there
should be a general court annually in the plantation,
on the last week in October. This was ordained
a court of election, in which all the officers
of the colony were to be chosen. This court
determined, that the word of God should be the
only rule for ordering the affairs of government
in that commonwealth.
This was the original, fundamental constitution
of the government of New-Haven. All government
was vested in the church. The members
of the church elected the governor, magistrates
and all other officers. The magistrates, at first,
were not more than assistants of the governor; they
might not act in any sentence or determination of
the court. No deputy-governor was chosen, nor
were any laws enacted, except the general resolutions
which have been noticed; but as the plantation
enlarged, and new towns were settled, recent
orders were given; the general court received another
form; laws were enacted, and the civil policy
of this jurisdiction gradually advanced, in its
essential parts, to a near resemblance of the government
of Connecticut.
The first settlers in New-Haven had all things
common; all purchases were made in the name,
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and for the use, of the whole plantation; and the
lands were apportioned out to each family, according
to their number and original stock.
The colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven
from their first settlement rapidly increased. From
1635–16401635 to 1640, six towns were settled, viz. Windsor,
Hartford and Weathersfield, in Connecticut;
New-Haven, Milford and Stamford, in New-Haven.
They subsisted two distinct governments till
they were united by one charter.
Connecticut and New-Haven were embarrassed
with no political restrictions. They were
free settlers under Lord Say’s patent, which granted
the privilege of purchasing the native right of
the Aboriginals, and reserved no jurisdiction for
the crown, as in the charter of Massachusetts.
Dr. Trumbull observes, “that the fathers of
Connecticut, as to politics, were republicans.
They rejected with abhorrence the doctrines of
the divine right of kings, passive obedience, and
non-resistance. With Sidney, Hampden, and
other great writers, they believed that all civil
power and government was originally in the people.
Upon these principles they formed their
civil constitutions.”
Laws were enacted, both by Connecticut and
New-Haven, prohibiting all purchases of the Indians
by private persons or companies, without
the consent of their respective general courts.
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These were to authorise and direct the manner
of every purchase.
From their first plantation, schools were instituted
by law in every town and parish of Connecticut
and New-Haven. Indeed the settlers of New-
England, in general, were distinguished by the attention,
which they paid to the promotion of learning.
They early instituted schools, and made the
education of youth an important object.
This country was originally designed as an
asylum for the Puritan religion; and the planters
of both colonies, from their first rise, were assiduously
engaged in gathering congregational churches,
and settling pastors and church officers. Besides
a pastor, a teacher and deacons, ruling elders
were established in each church, whose business
was to assist the pastor in church government,
to pray with the congregation, and expound the
scriptures in his absence. In the next succeeding
churches, teachers and ruling elders were disused.
The New-England churches agreed in adopting
Calvinian doctrines—in maintaining the power of
each particular church to govern itself—the validity
of presbyterian ordination, and the expediency
of synods on certain great occasions. From their
commencement, they used ecclesiastical councils
convoked by particular churches for advice, but
not for the judicial determination of controversies.
The persecution in England still continued, and
occasioned such numbers of Puritans to go over
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to New-England, that the king and council, by a
proclamation dated 1637-04-30April 30, forbade any further
emigration. An order was dispatched to detain
eight ships lying in the river Thames, which were
prepared to sail. Among the passengers on board
were Sir Arthur Hazeltig, John Hampden, John
Pym, and Oliver Cromwell. Disgusted with the
present administration, they had determined to
abandon their native country, and seek an asylum
in America; but by this impolitic severity they
were detained, and were afterwards the cause of
the king’s ruin, and the overthrow of the ecclesiastical
hierarchy. Notwithstanding this prohibition
(so difficult is it to restrain men whose minds
are agitated by fear or hope) great numbers found
means to elude the vigilance of government, and
transported themselves to Massachusetts. From
the same motives, the establishment of the colony
of New-Haven was undertaken, and extensive settlements
in New-England formed at this period.
From reviewing the above settlements, we are
led to admire the wisdom of Divine Providence,
in rendering the bigotry and intolerance of the
English nation subservient to the planting of flourishing
colonies in the new world. By these means,
the regions before inhabited by savages, now became
peopled by men of piety and information.
Hence a scene opened unparalleled in the annals
of history. No nation ever enjoyed so much liberty
and opportunity of forming civil and religious
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establishments, as the first settlers of New-England.
The increase of their numbers was rapid
beyond example. No other influence can be produced
of any other people, who at their first settlement,
were so assiduously engaged in promoting
useful learning, and in making early improvements
in the arts and sciences. It is remarkable, that at
this period, when the emigration from England
ceased, the settlements were still further extended
by similar means, viz. the bigotry and intolerance
of the new settlers. This gave rise to the plantations
of Providence and Rhode-Island, an account
of which will be given in the subsequent chapter.
Chapter IV.
Of the intolerant principles of the Massachusetts colony.
Banishment of Mr. Roger Williams, and his
settlement at Providence. Of the Antinomian dissensions
in Massachusetts, and the settlement of
Rhode-Island. Of the plantations of Exeter, Hampton
and Warwick. The inhabitants of Narraganset-Bay
obtain a patent from the crown of
England.
The inhabitants of New-England,
who abandoned their native country, and encountered
a variety of hardships to avoid persecution,
soon discovered a determined resolution to enforce
uniformity in religious worship, among all who inhabited
their territories. At the first general court
which was held in Massachusetts, 16301630, a number
had been admitted to the privileges of freemen
who were not in communion with the churches.
But as early as the second general court, after
the arrival of the governor and company, they
resolved, that in future, none should be admitted
to the freedom of the body politic, but such as
were church members. They soon after concluded,
that none but such should share in the administration
of civil government, or have a voice in
any election. A few years after, they so far forgot
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their own sufferings as to persecute those who
refused to accede to their religious sentiments.
Mr. Roger Williams, a Puritan clergyman, arrived
this year from England at Salem, where he
was immediately chosen assistant to Mr. Shelton.
The magistrates opposed his settlement, because he
refused to join with the church at Boston, unless
they would make a public declaration of their repentance
for maintaining communion with the
church of England while in their native country.
This occasioned Mr. Williams’ removal to Plymouth,
where he was elected assistant to Mr.
Smith, in which office he continued between two
and three years. Upon a disagreement with some
of the most influential characters in this church,
and an invitation to Salem, he requested a dismission,
and returned to that town. As Mr. Shelton,
the former clergyman, was now deceased,
he was chosen to succeed him. The magistrates
still opposed his settlement, as they had previously
done. They made great objections to his sentiments.
He was charged by his opponents with
maintaining, “That it is not lawful for a godly
man to have communion in family prayer, or in
an oath, with such as they judge unregenerate;
therefore he refused the oath of fidelity, and taught
others to follow his example; that it is not lawful
for an unregenerate man to pray; that the
magistrate has nothing to do in matters of the first
table; that there should be general and unlimited
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toleration of all religions, and that to punish
a man for following the dictates of his conscience
was persecution; that the patent which was granted
by King Charles was invalid, and an instrument
of injustice which they ought to renounce,
being injurious to the natives; the king of England
having no power to dispose of their lands to
his own subjects.” On account of these sentiments,
and for refusing to join in communion with
the Massachusetts churches, he was, at length,
banished the colony, as a disturber of the peace of
the church and commonwealth.
Whilst Mr. Williams resided at Plymouth and
Salem, he cultivated an acquaintance with the Indians
in those towns, and learned their language.
Previously to his leaving the colony, he presented
a variety of gifts to Canonicus and Osamaquin, two
Narraganset sachems, and privately treated with
them for land, with which they assured him he
should be supplied, provided he would settle in
their country. This encouraged him, after his
banishment, to remove with four companions to
Narraganset-Bay. He first came to Seconk, now
Rehoboth, and obtained a grant of the land from
Osamaquin, the chief sachem at Mount-Hope. As
this grant was within the limits of Plymouth patent,
Mr. Winslow, the governor, in a friendly
manner, advised him to remove. He then crossed
Seconk river, and landed among the Indians, by
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whom he was most hospitably received. He named
the place of his residence Providence, “in a
sense of God’s merciful providence to him in his
distress.” Strongly impressed with the importance
of religious liberty, the grand object, which he
asserts he had in view, was, “to provide a refuge
for persons destitute for conscience sake.”
This small company was soon augmented by
parties from Massachusetts. The new emigrants
greatly suffered through fatigue and want. They
supported their affliction with heroic fortitude, and
effected a settlement, the government of which was
founded on the broad basis of universal toleration.
Mr. Williams embraced the sentiments of the
Baptists a few years after his arrival in Providence,
and was instrumental in forming a church of that
denomination, which was the first Baptist church
in New-England. He soon after relinquished
their opinions, and became a Seeker. But, though
his strong feelings, and deep researches in the
mazes of speculation, led him to be wavering and
undecided in his religious sentiments, yet his conduct
exhibited the goodness of his heart, and purity
of his intentions. He exerted himself to the
utmost that others might enjoy that freedom of
opinion which he himself exercised; and uniformly
condemned every kind and degree of persecution
on account of religion.
“He justly claims the honor of being the first
legislator in the world, in its latter ages, who effectually
provided for and established a free, full
and absolute liberty of conscience.”
Mr. Williams generously made twelve of his
companions equal proprietors with himself, both
in the lands given by the sachem, and those he
purchased of him. The next settlers of Providence
were admitted to be equal sharers in the
greater part of his lands for thirty pounds, until
the whole number of proprietors amounted, at
length, to an hundred.
The first form of government established by
Mr. Williams and the people of Providence appears
to have been a voluntary agreement, that
each individual should submit to, and be governed
by, the resolutions of the whole body. All public
matters were transacted in their town-meetings,
and there all private disputes and controversies
were heard, adjudged and finished.
Mr. Williams lived in Providence almost half
a century, part of which period he enjoyed the
authority of chief magistrate. He employed himself
continually in acts of kindness to those who
had endeavoured to deprive him of the sacred
rights of conscience; in affording relief to the distressed,
and offering an asylum to the persecuted.
Soon after the settlement was begun in Providence,
the commonwealth of Massachusetts was
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disturbed by intestine divisions. The male members
of the church in Boston had been accustomed
to convene, in order to repeat and debate on the
discourses which were delivered on Sundays. Mrs.
Anne Hutchinson, a very extraordinary woman,
established a similar meeting for her own sex, founding
her practice on Titus ii. 4. Her custom was to
repeat passages of Mr. Cotton’s sermons, and make
her remarks and expositions. These lectures for
some time were received with general approbation,
and were attended by a numerous audience. At
length it appeared, that she distinguished the ministers,
and members of churches through the country,
a small part of whom she allowed to be under
a covenant of grace, and the others under a covenant
of works. The whole colony was soon divided
into two parties, differing in sentiment, and
still more alienated in affection. They stiled each
other Antinomians and Legalists. Mrs. Hutchinson
was charged with maintaining, that “the Holy-Ghost
dwells personally in a justified person;
and that the sanctification is not an evidence to believers
of their justification.”
The Antinomians exerted themselves to keep
in office Sir Henry Vane, who adopted their sentiments,
and protected their preachers. On the
other hand, the opposite party used every effort to
discontinue him, and substitute John Winthrop,
Esq. After some difficulty, they succeeded in the
election of this gentleman.
The disputes which divided the country were,
according to Dr. Mather, “about the order of
things in our union to our Lord Jesus-Christ; the
influence of our faith in the application of his
righteousness; the use of our sanctification in evidencing
our justification; and the consideration of
our Lord Jesus-Christ by men yet under the covenant
of works; briefly, they were about the points
whereupon depend the grounds of our assuredness
of blessedness in a better world.”
Those religious tenets were disputed with so
much warmth, that it was judged advisable to call
a synod to give their opinion upon the controverted
points. A council was accordingly called to
meet at Newtown the 1637-08-3030th of August. This was
the first synod appointed in New-England. Ministers,
delegates, and also magistrates, under pretence
of keeping the peace, were present on this
occasion; and as many of the people as chose were
permitted to attend the debates. After disputing
for three weeks, the synod condemned eighty erroneous
opinions, said to have been maintained in
the colony. The result was signed by all the
members except Mr. Cotton, who, though he declined
censuring the whole, expressed his disapprobation
of the greater part of these opinions.
The general court, at their session the 1637-10-022d of
October, cited the principals of the Antinomian
party to appear before them. The court was held
in Newtown, since Cambridge, from an apprehension
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that the Antinomians had a large number
of partisans in Boston. The Rev. John Wheelright,
brother to Mrs. Hutchinson, was first convoked
before this assembly. He had been a preacher
at Braintree, which was then part of Boston,
and was a gentleman of learning, piety and zeal.
He had warmly advocated the new doctrines, and
in a late discourse severely censured the magistrates
and ministers in the colony. Upon his refusal either
to acknowledge his offence, or to go into voluntary
exile, the court sentenced him to be disfranchised,
and banished the jurisdiction.
Mrs. Hutchinson was next cited to her trial before
the court, and a large number of the clergy.
Her sentence upon record is as follows: “Mrs.
Hutchinson, the wife of Mr. William Hutchinson,
being convented for traducing the clergymen and
their ministry in the country, she declared voluntarily
her revelations, and that she should be delivered
and the court ruined with their posterity; and
thereupon was banished, and in the mean time
was committed to Mr. Joseph Weld, of Roxbury,
until the court should dispose of her.” Having
received her sentence from the court, she was
obliged to undergo a further trial in the church.
She was first admonished, and presented to the
church a recantation of the errors with which she
was charged; yet at the same time professed she
never maintained any other sentiments than what
were there exhibited. Upon this she was excommunicated
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as a lyar by the church of Boston, to
which she belonged.
Mrs. Hutchinson, with a large number of the
Antinomian party, some of whom had been banished,
and other disfranchised, removed from the
jurisdiction of the Massachusetts colony. Mr.
Roger Williams received and entertained them
with the most friendly attention at Providence.
His benevolence was ever active, and with the
assistance of Sir Henry Vane, he procured for
them Aquednock, now Rhode-Island, of the Indian
sachems. On the 1638-03-2424th of March they signed
a deed, conveying this island to the English.
Though Mr. Williams, and a number of his
friends, with the permission of the Narraganset sachems,
had been settled at Providence almost two
years, the first deed of the place, now extant, is
dated the same day with that of Rhode-Island.
The exiles from Massachusetts found a comfortable
asylum in that country, and soon effected
a settlement. They formed themselves into a body
politic, and entered into a voluntary association
for government.
Mr. William Coddington was chosen to be
their judge and chief magistrate. This gentleman
was one of the most distinguished characters among
the exiles. He came over to America in 16301630,
settled at Boston, and was one of the principal
merchants in that town. After his removal to
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Rhode-Island, he embraced the sentiments of the
Friends. He appears to have been a warm advocate
for liberty of conscience.
Mr. John Clark was another leading character
among the settlers of Rhode-Island. In order to
enjoy peace and liberty of conscience, he voluntarily
abandoned the colony of Massachusetts. He
was chosen agent for the newly established plantation,
and, after the restoration of King Charles II.
was instrumental in procuring a charter.
The settlement of this island was commenced
on the north-easterly side, opposite to Mount-
Hope, and was named Portsmouth, from the narrow
entrance of the harbor. The same year considerable
numbers arrived from Massachusetts. At
the opening of the next year they moved towards
the south-western part of the island. There they
began a settlement, and, having found another
fine harbor, they named the place Newport. The
fertility of its lands, its beautiful situation, the
convenience of its harbor, and the affluent circumstances
of its first inhabitants, conspired to
render it more pleasant than the other settlement.
It became in a few years the metropolis of the colony.
Mr. John Clark, and some others, in 16441644,
formed a church in this town, on the principles of
the Baptists.
The government established in Rhode-Island was
said to be similar to that of Providence. For,
though the people chose one chief magistrate, or
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governor, and four assistants, yet these appear,
like the deputies in Providence, to have been vested
only with some of the executive powers. The
chief of the legislative, executive and judiciary
powers were exercised by the body of the people
in their town-meetings.
Four years after Massachusetts
settled Providence,
the inhabitants of that colony began a plantation
at Patuxet, a place adjoining, and comprehended
within their grant.
The settlements of Providence and Rhode-Island
at different periods received large accessions
from the denominations of Baptists and Friends,
who were persecuted in the other colonies.
The settlers of this country emigrated from
England with the same views as the other Puritans,
and they left Massachusetts to pursue the objects
of their removal to America.
Dr. Belknap observes, that
“the distinguishing
trait in this colony is, that it was settled on a plan
of entire religious liberty; men of every denomination
being equally protected and countenanced,
and enjoying the honors and office of government.”
The intolerance of Massachusetts, which gave
rise to the settlement of Rhode-Island and Providence
Plantations, proved the occasion of enlarging
New-Hampshire. The Rev. John Wheelright,
after his banishment, sought an asylum in that colony.
He had previously purchased lands of the
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Indians at Squamscot falls; and with a number of
his adherents he now began a plantation, which,
according to the agreement made with Mason’s
agents, was called Exeter. Having obtained a
dismission from the church in Boston, they formed
themselves into a church, and judging themselves
without the jurisdiction of Massachusetts,
they associated under a separate government, and
chose rulers and assistants, who were sworn to the
due discharge of their office, and whom the people
were sworn to obey.
About the same time a number of persons,
chiefly from Norfolk, in England, made a settlement
in a place which they called Hampton.
They began by laying out a township in one hundred
and forty-seven shares; and, having formed
a church, chose one Stephen Bachelor for their
minister, with whom Stephen Dalton was soon
after associated. The number of the first inhabitants
was fifty-six.
Religious tenets similar to those which caused
dissensions in Massachusetts, were, in nearly the
same period, taught in Plymouth by one Samuel
Gorton, who arrived in Boston in 16361636, and from
thence removed to Plymouth, where he treated
their pastor, Mr. Smith, in such a manner that
the authority required him to give bonds for his
good behavior. This occasioned his departure to
Rhode-Island; where his disrespectful behavior to
the court involved him in recent difficulties. From
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Rhode-Island he removed to Providence; and
was received by Roger Williams, with that humanity,
which distinguished his character. Gorton,
and a number of his friends, then settled at Patuxet,
which excited great uneasiness in some of
the inhabitants, who complained to the government
of Massachusetts of his conduct, and solicited
the protection of that colony. Upon this, he
and his associates were cited to appear at the court
in Boston. They refused to obey; and alledged
that they were out of the jurisdiction, both of
Plymouth and Massachusetts. The next step taken
by Gorton, and his friends, was the purchasing
of Miantinomo, a Narraganset sachem, a tract
of land called Shawomet, and removing to that
place. This land was claimed by the government
of Plymouth. Two of the Narraganset sachems,
who dwelt there, and at Patuxet, came to Boston
to complain of Gorton for infringing on their property;
and submitted themselves, and their country,
to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. This
caused him to be again cited to court; and, upon
his peremptory refusal to obey the summons, he,
and a number of his adherents, were apprehended,
conveyed to Boston, and imprisoned. They were
charged with being virulent enemies to religion
and civil government. The writings of Gorton
and his party were produced as evidence against
them.
Gorton was ordered to be confined to hard
labor at Charlestown; and to wear such bolts and
irons as might prevent his escape. If he broke
his confinement, or endeavoured to make proselytes
to his religious sentiments; if he should reproach
the churches, or civil government in the
colonies, after conviction thereof, upon by trial by
jury, it was ordained, that he should suffer death.
The associates of Gorton were confined in different
towns, upon similar conditions.
A message was sent to Miantinomo, the Narraganset
sachem, of whom Gorton and his party
had purchased Shawomet, to repair to Boston.
He obeyed, but the court refused to admit the
justice of his claim to the Indian country.
After a severe confinement during the winter,
Gorton and his friends were banished from the jurisdiction
of Massachusetts, and from the lands
they had purchased of the Indian sachem. Gorton’s
next resource was to repair to England, and,
having obtained an order from the British government
that he should be suffered to possess the lands
he had purchased in Narraganset-Bay, returned
and there effected a settlement. The chief town
was named Warwick, in honor of his patron the
Earl of Warwick.
The inhabitants of Narraganset-Bay being destitute
of a patent or any legal authority, Mr.
Williams went to England as their agent, and,
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by the assistance of Sir Henry Vane, jun. obtained
of the Earl of Warwick (then governor and
admiral of all the plantations) and his council, a
free and absolute charter of civil incorporation of
Providence Plantations, in Narraganset-Bay.
They were empowered to form their own government,
and enact laws agreeable to the laws and
statutes of England.
Chapter V.
Of the war with the Pequod Indians. Cambridge college
founded. Of the union of New-Hampshire
with Massachusetts. The Province of Maine submits
to Massachusetts’ jurisdiction. Settlement of Martha’s
Vineyard. The confederation of four of the
New-England colonies. The civil war in England
puts a stop for the present to the further increase
of the plantations. Noble speech of Governor
Winthrop.
When our ancestors had, with
unconquered perseverance, surmounted the obstacles
to their first settlement, they had still an arduous
task to secure themselves from the malevolence
and jealousy of the natives. They had taken every
precaution to avoid a war; and the interposition
of Divine Providence was visible in restraining
the savages from destroying their infant settlements.
In the spring of 16301630, a great conspiracy was
entered into by the Indians from the Narragansetts
to the eastward, to extirpate the English. The
colony of Plymouth was the principal object of
this conspiracy. They well knew that if they
could effect the destruction of Plymouth, the infant
settlement at Massachusetts would fall an easy
sacrifice. They laid their plan with much art.
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Under color of having some diversion at Plymouth,
they intended to fall upon the inhabitants, and
thus to effect their design. But their plot was disclosed
to the people of Charlestown by John Sagamore,
an Indian, who had always been a great
friend to the English. The preparations made to
prevent any such fatal surprize in future, and the
firing of the great guns, so terrified the Indians
that they dispersed, relinquished their design, and
declared themselves the friends of the English.
At length, when the colonies had acquired
some degree of strength, they were involved in
a war with the Pequods, a powerful Indian tribe,
who inhabited the south-east part of Connecticut,
and were governed by Sassacus, a prince of an
haughty, independent spirit. They had the sagacity
to see their own destruction in the progress of
the English. Both the English and Indians courted
the friendship of the Narragansets with the
greatest assiduity. The Pequods urged them to
forget their former animosity; and represented
that one magnanimous effort would, with facility,
and without danger, oblige the strangers to abandon
the lands, which they had seized with such
avidity. They expressed their apprehensions, that
without their friendly assistance both tribes would
be destroyed. These cogent reasons had such an
effect on the Narraganset Indians, that they began
to waver. But as they had recently been engaged
in war with the Pequods, the love of revenge, so
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congenial to the savage mind, overpowered all
interested motives, and induced them to join the
English.
Actuated by the most inveterate hatred to
the colonists, the Pequods surprized and killed several
of the settlers on Connecticut river. Alarmed
at these hostile proceedings, the colonies of
Massachusetts, Plymouth and Connecticut united
their forces, in order to carry the war into their
country, and attempt the entire destruction of the
whole tribe. Troops were accordingly raised in
all the colonies, but those of Connecticut, on account
of their vicinity to the enemy, were first in
motion. Captain Mason, with ninety Englishmen
and seventy Indians from Connecticut river, proceeded
by water to the Narraganset country, where
he was joined by two hundred of that tribe. During
the summer of this year the war was conducted
with great energy. The Pequods were entrenched
in two strong forts, one of which was
situated on the banks of the river Mystic. The
other, eight miles further, was the head quarters
of Sassacus, their sachem. It was determined first
to assault Mystic fort. One of the Pequods, who
resided with the Narragansets, conducted the army
in their march to the destruction of his countrymen.
The attack commenced on the morning
of the 1637-05-2222d of May. The Indians after a midnight
revel were buried in a deep sleep. The barking
of a dog discovered the approach of their enemies.
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The battle was warm and bloody; and
though the Pequods defended themselves with the
spirit of a people contending for their country and
existence, yet the English gained a complete victory.
The fort was taken; about seventy wigwams
were burnt, and five or six hundred Indians
perished. Of all who belonged to the fort, seven
only escaped, and seven were made prisoners.
Sassacus and his warriors at Pequod were filled
with consternation at the news of this defeat.
They demolished their principal fort, burnt their
wigwams, and fled with precipitation to the westward.
Captain Stoughton, from Massachusetts,
arrived at Saybrook the latter part of June. He
with his forces joined Captain Mason, and surrounded
a large body of Indians in a swamp near
Fairfield. A sachem, with a company of two
hundred old men, women and children, came voluntarily
and surrendered to the English. Terms
of peace were offered to the rest. The Pequod
warriors rejected them with disdain, and, upon
the renewal of hostilities, fought with obstinate
bravery. They were, however, overpowered by
the English. Part escaped by the darkness of the
night; the rest were killed or taken captive. Sassacus
fled to the Mohawks, by whom he was
murdered. Many of the Indian captives were sent
to Bermudas, and sold as slaves. About seven
hundred of the Pequods were destroyed. This
successful expedition terrified the remaining Indians
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to such a degree, as restrained them from
open hostilities nearly forty years.
The Pequod war was the most formidable attempt
ever made by the Indians to extirpate the
English, considering the infant state of the colonies.
On this occasion Mr. Roger Williams did
New-England essential service. By his great application
he made himself master of the Indian language;
and his exertions prevented the Narraganset
sachems from joining the Pequods.
Though surrounded with dangers, and embarrassed
with a variety of difficulties, yet our ancestors
paid great attention to the interests of learning.
“They were,” says an eminent author,
“convinced by their knowledge of human nature,
derived from history and their own experience,
that nothing could preserve their posterity from
the encroachments of tyranny but knowledge diffused
generally through the whole body of the people.
Their civil and religious principles, therefore,
conspired to prompt them to use every measure,
and take every precaution in their power to
propagate and perpetuate knowledge. They made
an early provision by law, that every town consisting
of so many families, should be always furnished
with a grammar school. They made it a
crime for such a town to be destitute of a grammar
schoolmaster for a few months, and subjected
it to a heavy penalty.”
In the year 16361636, the general court of Massachusetts
contemplated a public school at Newtown;
and appropriated four hundred pounds for that object.
But Mr. John Harvard, minister of Charlestown,
dying two years after, increased this sum by
the addition of a great part of his state, valued at
seven or eight hundred pounds. Thus endowed,
this school was exalted to a college. Like those
of Europe it took the name of its founder; and
Newtown was changed to Cambridge, in compliment
to the college, and in memory of the place
where many of our fathers received their education.
After the college was erected, a foundation
was laid for a public library; the first furniture of
which was the works of Dr. William Ames, the
famous professor of divinity at Franequar, whose
widow and children, after the Doctor’s death,
transported themselves and their effects to New-
England. Several English gentlemen made valuable
presents, both of books and mathematical instruments,
to this new university. Before the
close of the century, the number of books it contained
amounted to between three and four thousand
volumes.
This year the general court granted the income
of Charlestown ferry as a perpetual revenue
to the college; and the same year the Rev. Henry
Dunster was appointed president, there having
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been before that time only a preceptor or professor,
and an assistant.
About two years after, the first class finished
their literary course, and the degree of Bachelor
of Arts was conferred on them. The general
court passed an act constituting a board of overseers,
“for the well ordering and managing of the
said college, consisting of the governor and deputy-governor
for the time being, and all the magistrates
of the jurisdiction, together with the teaching
elders of Cambridge, Watertown, Charlestown,
Boston, Roxbury, and Dorchester, and
this president of the college for the time being.”
In 16501650, the college received its first charter
from the court, appointing a corporation consisting
of seven persons, viz. a president, five fellows
and a treasurer, to have perpetual succession by
election to their offices. Their style is, The President
and Fellows of Harvard College. To this
body were committed all the affairs of the college,
and they have the care of all donations and
bequests to the institution. After this charter was
granted, the board of overseers continued a distinct
branch of the government; and these two
bodies form the legislature of the college.
In the mean time the colony of Massachusetts
was increasing; and a number of new townships
were formed. In 16371637, Dedham was incorporated
into a township, and in 16381638 a church was
there gathered. In 16501650, Medfield was made a
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township. The other colonies were also increasing
in riches and population.
In 16441644, South-Hampton, on Long-Island, was,
by the advice of the commissioners, taken under
the jurisdiction of Connecticut. This town was
settled in 16401640. The inhabitants of Lynn, in Massachusetts,
became so much straitened at home, that,
about the year 16391639, they contracted with the
agent of Lord Sterling, for a tract of land on
the west side of Long-Island. They also made a
treaty with the Indians, and commenced a settlement;
but the Dutch gave them so much trouble,
that they were obliged to desert it and remove
farther eastward. They collected nearly an
hundred families, and effected a permanent settlement
at South-Hampton. By the advice of the
general court of Massachusetts, they entered into a
combination among themselves to maintain civil
government. A number of them regularly formed
themselves into a church state, before they removed
to the island, and called Mr. Abraham
Pierson to be their pastor.
Four distinct governments (including one at
Kittery, on the north side of the river) were formed
on the several branches of Piscataqua. These
being only voluntary associations, and liable to be
broken, or subdivided, on the first popular discontent,
there could be no safety in their continuance.
The most considerate amongst them advised
to apply to Massachusetts, and solicit their
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protection. The subsequent year the settlements
voluntarily submitted themselves to the jurisdiction
of that government, upon condition that they
might enjoy all the privileges with the inhabitants
of Massachusetts, and have a court of justice erected
amongst them. An union having been formed
between the settlements on the Piscataqua, and the
colony of Massachusetts, their history, for the succeeding
forty years, is in a great measure blended.
At this period, Sir Ferdinando Gorges incorporated
the plantation of Gorgiana into a city,
to be governed by a mayor and eight aldermen;
his cousin, Thomas Gorges, was appointed mayor
of the city, but had no successor in the office.
The civil dissensions in England, with the subsequent
events, obliged Sir Ferdinando Gorges to
relinquish the idea of obtaining a general government
over the colonies. He had ever been a firm
royalist, and engaged personally in the service of
the crown, till his own ruin was involved in that
of the royal cause which he espoused. From the
commencement of the civil wars, Gorges neglected
the concerns of his plantation. The towns in
the Province of Maine fell into a state of confusion.
Most of the commissioners, who had been
appointed to govern the province, deserted it;
and the remaining inhabitants were, in 16491649,
obliged to combine for their own security. The
Massachusetts embraced this opportunity to encourage
the disposition which prevailed in many of the
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inhabitants, to submit to their jurisdiction. As a
powerful motive to induce them to take this step,
they granted them greater privileges, than their
own colonists enjoyed, admitting them to be freemen
upon taking the oath of allegiance only, and
not requiring them to be of the communion of
any church. After this province had submitted to
Massachusetts, in 16521652, it was made a county by
the name of Yorkshire, and the towns sent representatives
to the general court at Boston. Though
the majority were persuaded to consent, yet great
opposition was made by some principal persons,
who severely reproached Massachusetts for the
measures they had taken to reduce the province.
The people, however, in general, were contented,
and experienced the benefit of the regulation.
So great was the diligence and industry of the
New-England settlers, that they had already settled
fifty towns and villages, erected between
thirty and forty churches, and a larger number of
parsonage houses. They had built a castle, forts,
prisons,&c. and had founded a college, all at
their own expence. They had furnished themselves
with comfortable dwelling-houses, had laid
out gardens, orchards, corn-fields, pastures and
meadows, and lived under the regular administration
of their own government and laws.
The population of the country increased with
such rapidity, that it was time to take possession of
the islands upon the coast. Mr. Mayhew having
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obtained a grant of Martha’s
Vineyard, Nantucket
and Elizabeth’s Isles, settled his son in the former
of these islands, with a small number of planters.
The New-England colonies were sensible of the
advantages of an union, at a very early period.
The commissioners from Massachusetts, Plymouth,
Connecticut and New-Haven, held both stated
and occasional meetings, and kept regular journals
of their proceedings, which have acquired the
name of the records of the United Colonies of
New-England. Rhode-Island was desirous of joining
in the confederacy, but Massachusetts, for particular
reasons, refused to admit their commissioners.
The civil wars, which raged in England at
this period, retarded for a time the further increase
of the colonies. Though the settlers of
New-England were on the parliament side, their
situation precluded them from taking an active
part. As distant spectators, they beheld their native
country involved in the horrors of civil war,
while they enjoyed the blessings of peace and
plenty in their American asylum.
The affairs of New-England were at this period
in so flourishing a situation, that the people
were intoxicated with prosperity, and the liberty
they enjoyed threatened their ruin. The inhabitants
of Hingham, in Suffolk county, having broken
the peace, Mr. Winthrop, the deputy-governor
of Massachusetts, committed the rioters to prison
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for refusing to give bond to appear at the quarter
sessions, and to answer for words spoken in defamation
of the general court of Massachusetts. This
produced a petition from the inhabitants of the
town, signed by seven of them, of whom six, being
cited to the court, appealed to the English parliament,
and offered bail for standing to its award.
The members of the general court were sensible
that this was a dangerous precedent, and fined and
imprisoned the petitioners, whose chief complaints
were leveled against the deputy-governor Winthrop.
The general court, however, with a true
republican spirit, commanded Winthrop to descend
from his dignity on the bench, to clear his conduct
at the bar. He complied, and made the following
speech, which the authors of the Universal
History observe, “is equal to any thing of antiquity,
whether we consider it as coming from a
philosopher or a magistrate.”
“Gentlemen,
I will not look back to the past proceedings
of this court, nor to the persons therein concerned;
I am satisfied that I was publicly accused, and
that I am now publicly acquitted; but give me
leave to say something on the occasion, that may
rectify the opinion of the people, from whom these
distempers of the state have arisen. The questions,
that have troubled the country of late have been
about the authority of the magistrate, and the liberty
of the people. Magistracy is certainly an appointment
of God, and I entreat you to consider
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that you chuse your rulers from among yourselves,
and that we take an oath to govern you according
to God’s laws and the laws of our country, to the
best of our skill; if we commit errors, not willingly,
but for want of ability, you ought to bear with
us. Nor would I have you mistake your own liberty.
There is a liberty in doing what we list,
without regard to law or justice; this liberty is indeed
inconsistent with authority; but civil, moral,
federal liberty consists in every one’s enjoying his
property, and having the benefit of the laws of his
country; this is what you ought to contend for
with the hazard of your lives; but this is very consistent
with a due subjection to the civil magistrate,
and paying him that respect which his character
requires.”
This noble speech was of equal benefit to the
reputation of Mr. Winthrop, and the peace of the
colony. It settled him firmly in the esteem and
the affections of the people, and the general court.
A severer fine was added to the punishment of the
offenders; and, by his well timed condescension,
the governor became more powerful than ever.
New-England was at this period in a state of perfect
tranquility, which was improved for the conversion
of the Indians, an account of which will be
given in the subsequent chapter.
Chapter VI.
Of the natives of New-England, and their conversion
to Christianity by the Rev. Mr. Eliot. A society
is established for propagating the gospel in New-
England. The town of Natick built. An Indian
church formed. Conversion of the Indians at Martha’s
Vineyard, and at Plymouth. Number of Indian
churches. Of the synod held at Cambridge,
and their platform of church discipline. The colonies
of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-Haven
and Rhode-Island, establish a code of laws.
When the European adventurers
first settled in New-England, the natives were
a wild and savage people. Their mental powers
were wholly uncultivated; their passions strong,
impetuous and ungoverned; and they were immersed
in the thickest gloom of ignorance and superstition.
Their religious ideas were extremely weak
and confused. They admitted, however, the existence
of one Supreme Being, whom they denominated
the Great Spirit, the Great Man above, and
appeared to have some general, but very obscure
ideas of his government, providence, universal
power and dominion.
The immortality of the soul was universally believed
among the Indian tribes. Hence it was
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their general custom to bury with the dead their
bows, arrows, spears, and some venison, which
they supposed would be beneficial to them in a future
state.
They believed in a number of subordinate deities.
Their priests began and dictated their religious
worship, and the people joined alternately in
a laborious exercise, till they were extremely fatigued,
and the priests exhausted even to fainting.
They had neither temples, altars, nor any fixed
seasons for devotional exercises.
The planters of New-England were assiduously
engaged in endeavouring their conversion to
Christianity. This was one of the obligations of
their patent, and one of the professed designs of
their settlement. Among those, who exerted themselves
with the greatest energy in this work, the
Rev. John Eliot, of Roxbury, claims a distinguished
rank; and he was stiled the apostle of the
American Indians.
In order to prosecute this benevolent design,
he applied himself with persevering diligence to
studying the Indian language, and became so complete
a master of it, as to publish an Indian grammar.
Thus prepared, he began, on the 1646-10-2828th of
October, to instruct the natives in the Christian
religion at Nonantum, which, at present, is included
in the town of Newton. His reception
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among them encouraged him to hope for success.
The Indians welcomed his arrival, heard him with
attention, and asked a variety of questions respecting
the important subjects of his discourse.
Actuated by a disinterested concern for the
salvation of the natives, Mr. Eliot continued indefatigably
to labor for their conversion. He frequently
preached to the different tribes, and, in
order to facilitate his design, endeavoured to civilize
their manners, and teach them a more regular
method of living. He procured the establishment
of schools to instruct them in reading and
writing, and supplied them with suitable school
books, which he translated into their language.
In his ministerial capacity he travelled through
all parts of Plymouth and Massachusetts, as far as
Cape-Cod. In these fatiguing excursions his life was
in continual danger, from the inveterate enmity of
the Indian princes and priests, who were bent upon
his destruction, and would certainly have subjected
him to the most tormenting death, if they
had not been awed by the power and strength of
the English colonies. However, he received innumerable
insults and affronts from the Indian sachems
and priests, who had conspired to retard
the progress of Christianity.
Notwithstanding various discouragements,
the Christian religion spread both in Massachusetts
and Plymouth. The new converts were distinguished
by the name of the praying Indians. After
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they removed paganism, they abandoned their
savage way of living, and imitated the habits and
manners of their civilized neighbors.
In order to encourage the design of converting
the Indians, the parliament of England this year
passed an act, incorporating a number of persons,
by the name of the President and Society for propagating
the Gospel in New-England. The affairs
of this society were conducted by a president, a
treasurer, and fourteen assistants. By authority of
this act of Parliament, a collection was made in
all the parishes in England, which produced such
a sum of money, as enabled the society to purchase
an estate in land of between five and six
hundred pounds a year. Their first president was
Judge Steele, and first treasurer Mr. Henry Ashhurst.
Upon the restoration of King Charles II. they
solicited and obtained a new charter, which ordained,
“that there be forever hereafter, within
the kingdom of England, a society or company
for propagating the gospel in New-England, and
the parts adjacent in America.” The members
of this society were not to exceed forty-five. They
were made a body corporate, and empowered to
appoint commissioners residing in New-England
to transact affairs relating to the benevolent design
of converting the natives. The new charter
substituted a governor for a president, and the
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Honorable Robert Boyle was elected to that
office.
In 16501650, the corporation were at the expence
of erecting another building near the former college,
in order to give the Indians a liberal education.
But though a few of them were there educated,
yet it was found impracticable to persuade
the Indian youth to a love of literature.
This year a number of Mr. Eliot’s converts
united and built a town, which they called Natick.
Having formed a settlement, they established a
civil government upon the scripture plan. The
new converts continued several years under the
character of catechumens, during which time Mr.
Eliot, and some other divines, were indefatigable
in instructing them in the principles of Christianity.
At length, upon their repeated desires, after
a strict examination, they were formed into a regular
church. Mr. Eliot was held in the highest
veneration by the new converts; they loved him
with ardent affection, exerted themselves to serve
him, and consulted him as an oracle in all difficult
cases.
Mr. Eliot labored with persevering industry to
translate the Bible into the Indian language. In
the year 16641664, he accomplished this arduous work,
which does immortal honor to his memory.
Whilst Mr. Eliot was employed in converting
the Indians within the Massachusetts jurisdiction,
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Mr. Leverich was promoting the same benevolent
design in Plymouth, and Mr. Mayhew in Martha’s
Vineyard, Nantucket and
Elizabeth’s Isles.
The first convert to Christianity in Martha’s Vineyard
was one Hiaccomes, a man of about thirty
years of age. His religion exposed him to
the contempt of his countrymen, till, in the year
16451645, a general sickness prevailed in the island,
from which Hiaccomes and his family were exempted.
This event induced the Indians to entertain
a favorable opinion of the Christian religion.
A number of them desired to receive instructions
from Hiaccomes. Some time after, the
sachem sent for Mr. Mayhew, and requested
him, in his own and in his people’s names, to
teach them the principles of Christianity, in the
Indian language. Mr. Mayhew readily complied,
and his labors were crowned with great success.
He informs us, that numbers of Indian families
resorted to him, “desiring that they and their
houses might serve the Lord; that eight priests
and two hundred and eighty adult persons had embraced
the Christian faith.”
Mr. Mayhew’s method of instructing the natives
was similar to Mr. Eliot’s. He catechised
their children, prayed, preached and sung psalms
in their public meetings, and then answered their
questions. He pursued his design with unwearied
application for ten or fourteen years; till at length
intending a short voyage to England, he sailed in
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16571657; but the ship and passengers were both lost.
The death of Mr. Mayhew was exceedingly lamented
by his Indian converts.
Mr. Mayhew’s father, though no clergyman,
assisted his son in the execution of his mission. By
his influence, within a few years a civil government
was established among the new converts.
The princes, with their nobles, submitted to the
king of England, reserving, as subordinate princes,
the privilege of governing their people, according
to the laws of God and the king.
In 16661666, three Indian churches were established.
One at Plymouth, another at Nantucket, and
one at Martha’s Vineyard, under the pastoral care
of Hiaccomes.
The light of the gospel was introduced into
Nantucket, and an Indian church established in
that island, under the pastoral care of Mr. John
Gibbs.
The Rev. Abraham Pierson, and the Rev.
James Fitch, preached the gospel to the Connecticut
Indians. But neither of these gentlemen met
with great success.
Mr. Roger Williams was highly venerated and
beloved by the Indians, and endeavoured to convert
the natives of Providence and Rhode-Island to
the Christian religion; but his exertions were,
in general, unsuccessful.
Mr. Richard Bourne preached the gospel to
the Indians at Plymouth, and converted large
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numbers. In the year 16851685, the praying Indians
in that plantation amounted to fourteen hundred
and thirty-nine, besides children under twelve
years of age, who were supposed to have been
more than three times the number.
Mr. Eliot, in a letter to the Hon. Mr. Boyle,
dated 16841684, asserts, that the Indians had four
stated places for worship in Massachusetts, six in
Nantucket, ten in Plymouth, and ten in Martha’s
Vineyard.
A letter of Dr. Increase Mather, to Dr.
Leusden, of Utrecht, dated 16871687, gives an idea
of the progress of the gospel among the Indians
for twenty years. In this letter he says, that
“there are six churches of baptised Indians in
New-England, and twelve assemblies of catechumens.
There are twenty-four Indian preachers,
and four English ministers, who preach in the Indian
language.”
Dr. Cotton Mather asserts, that in the year
16951695, there were three thousand adult Indian converts
in the islands of Martha’s Vineyard and
Nantucket. That there were three churches in
Nantucket, and five constant assemblies. That in
Massachusetts alone there were above thirty Indian
congregations, and more than three thousand converts;
and that their numbers were very considerable
in other parts of the country.
It does not appear that the Christian Indians
returned to paganism, but that they gradually
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wasted away, till at length they became almost
extinct.
The religious character of the inhabitants of
New-England was also exhibited, by their solicitude
to establish their churches on what they supposed
to be the scripture foundation. In 16481648,
a synod was convened at Cambridge, for the
formation, or rather declaration of their churches’
faith, order and discipline. This synod adopted
the confession of faith published by the assembly of
divines at Westminster, and recommended it to
the consideration and acceptance of the New-England
churches.
The principal object of the synod was, to agree
upon a model of church discipline. To accomplish
this design, they chose the Rev. John Cotton,
Richard Mather and Ralph Partridge, three
celebrated divines, to form separately a scriptural
plan of church government. All these performances
were presented to the synod for their revision
and correction; and from them the New-
England platform of church discipline was collected;
and being approved of by the majority of
the synod, was recommended to the general court
and to the churches.
The fundamental article in the platform of
church discipline, is, that each particular church
has authority from Christ, for exercising government,
and enjoying all the ordinances of worship
within itself. Ecclesiastical councils were to be
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convoked for advice, on emergent occasions. The
platform maintained, that the offices of pastors,
teachers and ruling elders were distinct. Pastors
were to attend to exhortations, and teachers to
doctrine; yet both were to administer ordinances
and church censures. Ruling elders were, in a
special manner, to assist the pastors and teachers
in the discipline of the church.
In the next general council in New-England,
ten years after, the ministers and churches of Connecticut
and New-Haven were present, and united
in the form of church government, which it recommended.
The churches of New-England, in
general, acceded to this platform of church discipline
for more than thirty years. This, with the
ecclesiastical laws, formed the religious constitution
of the colonies.
Whilst the colonies were increasing in numbers
and settlements, regular codes of laws were
necessary for the advancement, order and happiness
of their respective jurisdictions.
In the year 16421642, the capital laws of Connecticut
were nearly completed, and put upon record.
TheThe several passages of scripture on which they
were founded were particularly noticed in the
statute.
At a general court in New-Haven, the 1643-04-055th of
April, 1643, a considerable progress was made in
the laws of that colony. Deputies were sent to
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the general court, and an addition was made to
the number of magistrates.
At this period, the general assembly of the
province of Rhode-Island established a code of laws
agreeable to the English statute books, and erected
a form of civil government, for the administration
of these laws, and for enacting such others as
should be found necessary. The supreme power
was vested in the people assembled; a court of
commissioners, consisting of six persons, chosen
by the four towns of Providence, Portsmouth,
Newport and Warwick, had a legislative authority.
Their acts were to be in force, unless repealed
within a limited period, by the vote of the major
part of the freemen of the province, to be collected
at their respective town-meetings, appointed
for that purpose.
A president and four assistants were annually
chosen, to be preservers of the peace, with all civil
power. By a special commission, they were
judges of the court of trials, assisted by the two
wardens or justices of the particular town, in which
the court from time to time was convened.
Each town chose a council of six persons, to
conduct their affairs, and their town court had
the trial of small cases; but with an appeal to the
court of the president and assistants.
This year the colony of Massachusetts first published
their code of laws. At the request of the
general court, the Rev. John Cotton had compiled
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a system, founded chiefly on the laws of Moses,
which was published in London, 16451645. This
abstract was considered by the legislative body as
the general standard, though they never formally
adopted it, and even varied from it in many instances.
They professed to follow Moses’ plan,
so far only as it was of a moral nature, and obligatory
on all mankind.
At the session of the general court of Connecticut,
a code of laws was established, and this colony
had the appearance of a well regulated commonwealth.
Until this time punishments, in many
instances, had been left wholly to the discretion
of the court. But from this period, the laws,
in general, became fixed, and the punishment of
particular crimes was specified, so that delinquents
might know what to expect, when they had the
temerity to transgress.
The celebrated John Winthrop, Esq. died the
beginning of this year, aged sixty-three. His death
was greatly lamented in Massachusetts, and he was
stiled, the Father of the colony. He was educated
in the profession of the law, in which he was eminent
for his abilities and integrity. The high
place he held in the public esteem was evinced by
his being appointed justice of peace at the early
age of eighteen. When a number of influential
characters formed the design of removing to New-
England, he put himself at the head of the undertaking,
and devoted his estate and strength to the
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public service. The inhabitants of Massachusetts
manifested their high sense of his worth, by chusing
him eleven times to be their governor.
Prudence and justice marked his conduct in
that station. He was distinguished for temperance,
frugality and economy, and ever exhibited
a supreme regard for religion. The only
error which has been charged upon his administration
resulted from his maintaining the necessity
of using coercive measures in religion. However,
he finally rose superior to the prejudices of the age
in which he lived, and, in his dying moments,
feelingly regretted that his conduct had been tinged
by the spirit of religious intolerance.
The fatal effects, which were produced by enforcing
uniformity in religious worship, will be
related in the subsequent chapter.
Chapter VII.
Of the intolerant principles of the settlers of New-
England. Of the separation of the Baptists, and
the persecution they suffered. The Quakers began
to resort to Massachusetts colony. Severe laws
enacted against them. Four Quakers put to death
in Boston. Conduct of the other colonies towards
them. King Charles II. puts a stop to the further
execution of the sanguinary laws.
In the preceding chapter we had the
satisfaction of seeing our pious ancestors assiduously
engaged in converting the Indians to the Christian
religion; in forming a model of church discipline,
and establishing a regular code of laws, on
what they supposed to be the scripture foundation.
We must, at present, contemplate them in a light
which strongly exhibits the imperfection of human
nature, and the influence of error and prejudice
upon the mind.
Actuated by the mistaken idea, that it was
their duty to use coercive measures to suppress erroneous
opinions, the colony of Massachusetts had
already manifested a determined resolution to enforce
uniformity in religion. They had already
proceeded a step farther than the hierarchy in their
native country had ever attempted. No test law
had as yet taken place in England; but they had
at one blow cut off all but those of their own communion
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from the privileges of civil offices, however
otherwise qualified. They had banished from
their jurisdiction those who were charged with
maintaining Antinomian tenets. We shall now see
their intolerant sentiments produce farther extremes
in conduct.
Notwithstanding all their precaution to
maintain colonial uniformity, they found a number
who took the liberty to dissent from their religious
opinions. This year some of the inhabitants
of Rehoboth adopted the sentiments of the
Baptists, withdrew from the established worship,
and set up a separate meeting. Upon this Mr.
Obadiah Holmes, one of the principal dissenters,
was first admonished, and afterwards excommunicated
by the Rev. Mr. Newman, minister of
Rehoboth. Immediately after, he and two of his
associates were cited to appear before the court at
Plymouth, where four petitions were lodged against
them. One from their native town, signed by
thirty-five persons; one from the church at Taunton;
another from all the clergymen but two in
Plymouth colony; and a fourth from the court
at Boston, under their secretary’s hand, urging
the Plymouth rulers speedily to suppress this growing
schism.
With these stimulations to severity, the court
of Plymouth charged Holmes and his friends to
desist from their separation; and neither to ordain
officers, administer the sacraments, or assemble
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for public worship. They viewed these restrictions
as arbitrary violations of their Christian liberty,
and alledged, that they were actuated by the
conviction of their own consciences, and that it
was better to obey God than man.
Some time after Mr. Clark (who had founded
a Baptist church in Rhode-Island) with Mr. Holmes
and Mr. Cranfield, travelled into the jurisdiction
of Massachusetts. They were all apprehended
when assembled for public worship on the Lord’s
day. The constable took them into custody, and
in the afternoon carried them, by compulsion, to
the congregational meeting. Mr. Clark had previously
assured him, that, if forced to a meeting,
which he disapproved, he should be obliged publicly
to declare the reasons of his dissent. He pulled
off his hat when he entered the assembly, but,
after he was seated, he put it on again, and employed
himself in reading while the minister was
praying. The officers took off his hat, but he
positively refused to join in the service. After sermon,
he addressed the congregation, and assigned
the reasons of his conduct.
About a fortnight after, the court of assistants
passed the following sentences, viz. that Mr. Clark
should pay a fine of twenty pounds, Mr. Holmes
of thirty, and Mr. Cranfield of five pounds, or be
publicly whipped upon their refusal to pay their
fines. The prisoners agreed to refuse, and to receive
corporeal punishment. Some of Mr. Clark’s
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friends paid his fine without his consent, and Cranfield
was released upon his promise to appear again
at the next court; but the sentence of the law
was executed on Holmes. Several of his friends
were spectators; among others John Spurr and
John Hazell, who, as they were attending him
back to prison, took him by the hand in the market
place, and praised God for his courage and
constancy. For this offence they were cited before
the general court the next day, and each of
them sentenced to pay a fine of forty shillings, or
be publicly whipped. They refused to pay the
money; but it was paid by their friends. They
were then dismissed, and returned to Rhode-
Island.
The following law was enacted against the Baptists,
on this occasion, by the general court of
Massachusetts:
“It is ordered by the court and authority
thereof, that if any person or persons within this
jurisdiction shall either openly condemn or oppose
the baptising of infants, or go about secretly to seduce
others from the approbation or use thereof,
or shall purposely depart the congregation at the
administration of the ordinance, or shall deny the
ordinance of magistracy, or their lawful right or
authority to make war, or punish the outward
breaches of the first table, and shall appear to
the court wilfully and obstinately to continue
therein after due means of conviction, every
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such person or persons shall be sentenced to banishment.”
Neither this, nor other severe penal laws
made against sectaries, could prevent the increase
of the Baptist denomination.
After the settlers of New-England had exerted
themselves to suppress the Baptists, they exhibited
similar intolerant principles in their behavior
to the Quakers. The first of this society who came
into Massachusetts were Mary Fisher and Anna
Austin, who arrived from Barbados the beginning
of 1656-07July. The books, which these women brought
over, were burnt by the hangman, and they were
committed to prison by the deputy-governor. It
is asserted, that they gave rude and contemptuous
answers to the questions put to them by the court
of assistants; and this is the reason assigned, by
the opposite party, for their imprisonment.
On the other hand, an historian of their own
denomination affirms, that “the deputy-governor
committed them to prison, upon no other proof
of their being Quakers, than that one of them said
thee to him; and that their confinement was so
rigorous, that no person was permitted to converse
with them even through the window.” After
about five weeks confinement, one William Chichester,
master of a vessel, was bound in a bond of
one hundred pounds, to carry them back to Barbados;
and the jailer kept their beds and their bible
for his fees.
A few days after the departure of these women,
eight others of the same profession arrived at
Boston. After some examination, the were sentenced
to banishment, and to be detained in prison
till they could be conveyed out of the colony.
They were imprisoned about eleven weeks, the
jailer being empowered to search their boxes for
pen, ink and paper as often as he thought proper,
and take them away. When they were in prison,
a law was enacted to punish them, which was the
first general law against the Quakers.
By this law it was enacted, that if any master
or commander of any ship, bark,&c. should
thenceforth bring into any harbor within their jurisdiction
any Quakers, he should pay the sum of
one hundred pounds to the treasurer of the county,
or be imprisoned till the payment should be
made or secured. That any Quaker coming into
the country, should be committed to the house of
correction, severely whipped, constantly kept to
hard labor, and debarred of all intercourse with
any person whatever.
This act, and the banishment of the Quakers,
proving insufficient, other sanguinary laws were
enacted, as cutting off the ears, and boring the
tongue with an hot iron. Through a mistaken
zeal to extirpate heresy, these cruel laws were, in
various instances, put in execution.
The severity, with which this denomination was
treated, appeared rather to invite than to deter
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them from flocking to the colony. The persecution
exercised against them had a direct tendency
to increase their numbers. People first compassionated
their sufferings, admired the fortitude
with which they endured them; and, from these
causes, were induced to examine and embrace
their sentiments.
Large numbers in Boston,
Salem and other
places, joined this society. Their rapid increase
induced the magistrates to resort to the last extremity,
and to enact a law to banish them upon pain
of death. Great opposition, however, was made
to this law, and it was finally passed by a majority
of only one person.
Four Quakers were put to death in Boston, by
this unjust and impolitic law. They died with the
utmost fortitude, professing the satisfaction and
joy they felt in suffering for the cause of truth.
They protested, in the most solemn manner, that
their return from banishment was by divine direction,
to warn the magistrates of their errors, and
entreat them to repeal their unjust laws. They
denounced the judgment of God upon them for
shedding innocent blood, and foretold that others
would rise up in their room. Mary Dyer, one of
the prisoners, was reprieved at the gallows by the
intercession of her son, and conveyed to Rhode-
Island. But, to use the words of Gouth,
“finding
herself under a necessity laid on her from
the requirings of the spirit of the Lord to go
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back to Boston, she returned and was executed.”
The colony of Plymouth copied after Massachusetts
in their treatment of the Quakers, but
did not carry their severity to such an extent as
to put any of them to death.
The general court of Connecticut, in 1656-10October,
1656, passed an act, which prohibited the towns
in their jurisdiction from entertaining any Quakers,
Ranters, or other heretics, or suffering them to
continue in any town above fourteen days, upon
the penalty of five pounds per week. Those towns
were empowered to imprison such persons till they
could conveniently be sent out of their jurisdiction.
All masters of vessels were forbidden to land this
denomination; and after landing them, were obliged
to transport them out of the colony, upon penalty
of twenty pounds.
The court at New-Haven passed a similar law.
In 16581658, both courts made an addition to this law,
increasing the penalties, and prohibiting all conversation
of the common people with any of those
heretics, and all persons from giving them any entertainment
upon the penalty of five pounds. The
law, however, was of short continuance, and nothing
of importance appears to have been transacted
upon it in either of the colonies.
When the colony of Rhode-Island was applied
to, by the four united colonies, in 16561656, “to
join them in taking effectual methods to suppress
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the Quakers, and prevent their pernicious doctrines
being spread in the country,” the assembly
returned for answer, “we shall strictly adhere to
the foundation principle on which this colony
was first settled.”
These unhappy disturbances continued till the
friends of the Quakers in England interposed,
and obtained an order from King Charles II. requiring
that a stop should be put to all capital or
corporeal punishment of his subjects, called Quakers.
This occasioned a repeal of the cruel laws
which had been enacted against them.
To us, who live in an enlightened age, where
the principles of religious toleration are clearly understood,
the conduct of the early settlers of New-
England must appear truly astonishing; and we
may be led to asperse them with unmerited censure.
In reviewing the conduct of those, who have
appeared on the theatre of life before us, we ought
ever to consider the influence which the prevailing
prejudices of the age, in which they lived, must
naturally have had upon their minds. It was late
before the true grounds of liberty of conscience
were known by any party of Christians. The
bloody persecutions in the annals of Popery, fill
the mind with horror; and we find traits of the
same intolerant spirit in the conduct of the reformers.
The church of England, by enforcing uniformity
in religion, had driven the Puritans to
seek an asylum in the new world, where, after
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suffering various hardships, they had established a
religious system, to which they were warmly attached.
Influenced by the prejudices of education,
they considered it as a duty to suppress those religious
tenets, which they supposed diametrically opposite
to Christianity, and subversive of the peace
and happiness of the newly established colonies.
The principles they had imbibed appeared to them
in a light so important, that they took every precaution
to transmit them pure and uncorrupted to
the latest posterity.
The inhabitants of New-England were not,
however, distinguished by their intolerance from
other American settlers. “Several acts of the
Virginia assembly of 16591659,
16621662, and 16631663, had
made it penal in the parents to refuse to have
their children baptised; had prohibited the unlawful
assembling of Quakers; had made it penal for
any master of a vessel to bring a Quaker into the
state; had ordered those already there, and such
as should come thereafter, to be imprisoned till
they should abjure the country; provided a milder
punishment for their first and second return,
but death for the third; had inhibited all persons
from suffering their meetings in or near their
houses, entertaining them individually, or disposing
of books which supported their tenets. If no
capital punishment took place here as in New-
England, it was not owing to the moderation of
the church, or spirit of the legislature, as may be
inferred from the law itself; but to historical circumstances
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which have not been handed down to
us.” A review of the distressing scenes, which
persecution has occasioned, both in Europe and
America, ought to inspire our minds with the most
lively gratitude to Divine Providence, for the entire
liberty of conscience, which is at present enjoyed
by each individual state; and which constitutes
a distinguished excellence in the federal constitution.
As Judge Minot observes, in his ingenious
continuation of Hutchinson, “The intellect
of men, in its progress in this country, first
discovered the absurdity of religious tests, and
wiped away this blot upon human reason, whilst
the mother country remains, in this respect, in
her ancient absurdity.”
Chapter VIII.
The colonies congratulate King Charles II. on his
restoration. Of the second synod in New-England.
Act of uniformity takes place in England. A number
of Dissenters seek an asylum in the colonies.
Two of the judges of Charles I. take refuge in
New-Haven. Connecticut and New-Haven are
united by a charter. Of the charter granted to
Rhode-Island. Four commissioners sent to New-
England by the King. Persecution of the Baptists
revived. The dissenting clergy in England
intercede in favor of the Baptists and Quakers.
During the frequent changes
in the government of England, for the last twenty
years, the colonies acted with great caution and
prudence. They acknowledged subjection to parliament,
and afterwards to Cromwell, only so far
as was necessary to escape their resentment. After
Cromwell’s death, they avoided joining with
any of the prevailing parties, and waited till a permanent
settlement could be established. Upon the
restoration of King Charles II. the general court
of Massachusetts dispatched Simon Bradstreet, Esq.
and the Rev. John Norton with a loyal address of
congratulation to his majesty, in which they endeavoured
to justify the conduct of the colony,
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and petitioned for the continuance of their civil
and religious liberties.
The reception of the agents was favorable, and
they returned next autumn with the king’s answer
to the address. His majesty confirmed the charter,
and promised to renew it under the great seal.
He granted pardon to all his subjects for treasons
committed during the late troubles, those only excepted,
who were attainted by act of parliament.
But he required the general court to review its ordinances,
and to repeal such laws, as were repugnant
to the royal authority. He also ordered, that
the oath of allegiance should be duly administered;
that the administration of justice should be
performed in his name; that liberty should be
granted to all who desired it, to perform their devotions
after the manner of the church of England;
that all persons of honest lives and conversation
should be admitted to the sacrament of the
Lord’s supper, according to the book of common
prayer, and their children to baptism; that in the
office of governor and assistants the only influential
consideration should be the wisdom, virtue and
integrity of the persons, without any reference to
their distinguishing religious tenets; that all freeholders,
not vicious, and of competent estates,
should be allowed to vote in the election of officers,
civil and military, though of different persuasions
respecting church government; and, finally,
that this letter should be published.
Many of the requisitions contained in the king’s
letter were exceedingly disagreeable to our ancestors.
The favors obtained by the agents were depreciated,
and their merits were soon obliterated.
It was supposed that they had neglected the interest
of their country, and made unnecessary concessions.
Mr. Norton was so much affected with this treatment,
that it occasioned a melancholy habit, which
is supposed to have hastened his death.
At this session of the general court, the only
compliance with the king’s orders, except publishing
his letter, was giving directions that all
writs, processes,&c. should be in his majesty’s
name. A committee was afterwards appointed to
consider the propriety of conforming to the other
particulars, and liberty was given to the clergy
and the other inhabitants to transmit their opinions.
Whilst the colonies were alarmed with apprehensions
for their civil liberties, their churches
were agitated by religious controversies. Great
debates arose among the clergy, concerning the
right of the grand-children of church members to
the sacrament of baptism, whose immediate parents
had not entered into the communion. This
dispute commenced in the colony of Connecticut,
and spread with rapidity through New-England.
In order to settle the controverted points, the
general court in Massachusetts convoked a synod,
or general council of all the churches, to be assembled
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at Boston. The two leading questions referred
to their decision were as follows:
-
1st. Who are the subjects of baptism?
-
2d. Whether, according to the word of God,
there ought to be a consociation of churches; and
in what manner should such an union be formed?
In answer to the first question, the majority
of the synod agreed, that the children of good
moral parents, who solemnly owned the covenant
before the church, though not in full communion,
might be admitted to baptism.
However, the council were not unanimous;
several learned and pious clergymen protested
against the determination relative to baptism. The
Rev. Charles Chauncey, president of Harvard college,
Mr. Increase Mather, Mr. Mather, of North-
Hampton, and others, were warmly in the opposition.
President Chauncey wrote a tract against
the resolutions respecting baptism, entitled, Anti-
Synodalia. Mr. Increase Mather also wrote in opposition
to the council. Mr. Davenport, and all
the ministers in the colony of New-Haven, and
numbers in Connecticut, were against the resolutions.
Mr. Davenport wrote against them. The
churches were more generally opposed to them
than the clergy.
The general court of Connecticut took no notice
of the synod, nor of the dispute, but left
the elders and churches at liberty to act their own
sentiments. They were attempting to form an
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union with New-Haven, and as the ministers and
churches of that colony were unanimous in their
opposition to the synod, they, probably, judged it
impolitic, at that time, to decide any thing relative
to these ecclesiastical points.
The churches, at this period, professed to maintain
communion with each other in the following
particulars.
- 1st, In affectionate care, and fervent
prayer for each other. - 2dly, In affording reilief,
by communicating their gifts in temporal and spiritual
necessities. - 3dly, In maintaining unity and
peace, by mutually recounting their public actions
when requested, in order to strengthen one
another in their regular administrations, in particular,
by a concurrent testimony against persons
justly censured. - 4thly, To seek and accept help
from, and afford assistance to each other in divisions
and contentions, and in their most important
concerns; such as ordaining, installing, removing
and deposing pastors and teachers; in rectifying
mal-administration, healing error and scandal, and
deciding difficult questions, both doctrinal and
practical. - 5thly, In charitably noticing the errors
and difficulties of another church, and, when the
case manifestly requires it, to administer help,
even though they should so far neglect their duty
as not to seek assistance. - 6thly, In admonishing
one another when there is sufficient cause, and after
a due course of means patiently to withdraw
from a church, or peccant party therein, obstinately
persisting in error or scandal.
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At this time the persecution was renewed in
England against the Puritans. By an act of uniformity
which took place on St. Bartholomew’s
day, about two thousand clergymen were turned
out of their benefices, destitute of the smallest provision
for themselves and families. Soon after
they were banished at five miles distance from every
corporation in England. A number were imprisoned
for exercising their ministry contrary to
law; several died in confinement, and others
sought asylum in New-England. The learned
divine, Dr. John Owen, was shipping his effects
for that country, where he was invited to be president
of Harvard college. He was, however,
prohibited from leaving England by an express order
from King Charles II.
Many of the clergymen who received this ignominious
treatment were distinguished by their
abilities and zeal, and had labored indefatigably
for his majesty’s restoration.
Just before the restoration of Charles II. generals
Whaley and Goffe, two of the judges of Charles
I. took refuge in New-England. They were gentlemen
of distinguished abilities, and had moved
in an exalted sphere. They arrived at Boston in
1660-07July, 1660, and came to New-Haven the following
year, and retired and concealed themselves behind
West Mountain, three miles from New-Haven.
They soon after removed to Milford, where
they lived concealed until 1664-10October, 1664, when
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they returned to New-Haven, and immediately
proceeded to Hadley, where they remained concealed
for about ten years, in which time Whaley
died, and Goffe soon after fled. In 16651665, John
Dixwell, Esq. another of the king’s judges, visited
them while at Hadley, and afterwards proceeded
to New-Haven, where he lived many years, and
was known by the name of John Davids. Here
he died, and was interred in the public burying-
place, where his grave-stone is standing to this
day.
Connecticut and New-Haven had continued
two distinct governments for many years. At
length the general court of Connecticut determined
to prefer an address and petition to Charles II.
professing their submission and loyalty, and soliciting
a royal charter. John Winthrop, Esq. who
had been elected governor, was appointed to negociate
the affair with the king. He succeeded,
and obtained a charter, which constituted the two
colonies one united commonwealth, by the name
of the Governor and Company of Connecticut.
New-Haven for some time declined the union; but
at length all difficulties were amicably settled. At
this period, the united colonies consisted of eighteen
towns.
By the royal charter every power, legislative,
judicial and executive, was vested in the freemen
of the corporation, or their delegates, and the colony
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was under no obligation to communicate the
acts of their local legislature to the king. The
government, which they had previously exercised,
was established, and when the other New-England
states renovated their politics, the charter of Connecticut
was continued as the basis of their unchanging
policy, and remains so to the present
day.
The royal charter which was granted to Rhode-
Island and Providence Plantations the subsequent
year, was similar to that of Connecticut. They
differed, however, in one respect; the charter of
Connecticut was silent with regard to religion;
by that of Rhode-Island liberty of conscience was
granted in its fullest extent.
By the charter of Rhode-Island, the supreme
legislative power was vested in an assembly, the
constituent members of which were to consist of the
governor, the assistants, and such of the freemen
as should be chosen by the people. This assembly
was empowered to enact laws, and forms of
government and magistracy, provided they were
not repugnant to the laws of England. They
were to erect such courts of justice as they should
see fit, to determine matters within the colony.
To regulate the manner of election to places of
trust, and of freemen to the assembly. To impose
lawful punishments, and grant pardon to
such criminals as they should think proper.
At this period an act was passed, declaring the
privileges of the inhabitants of Rhode-Island. “No
freeman shall be imprisoned, judged or condemned
but by the judgment of his peers or laws of the
colony. And no tax shall be levied on any of
his majesty’s subjects within the plantation, or upon
their estates, or any pretence whatever, but
by the act or assent of the general assembly.”
From the commencement of the reign of
Charles II. the general court of Massachusetts entertained
alarming apprehensions of being deprived
of their privileges. Their enemies in England
gave exaggerated accounts of every interesting occurrence,
and the king was prejudiced by their representations.
Notwithstanding all his fair pretensions,
the world was convinced, soon after his
restoration, that he designed to reign upon the
same principles, which had brought his father to
the scaffold. His intention with regard to the colonies
was, to reduce them to the plan of twelve
royal provinces, according to the ideas adopted by
his father in 16351635, and to have a viceroy over the
whole. Agreeably to this design he dispatched
commissioners this year, with authority to reduce
the Dutch settlements on the Hudson, to settle
peace, and to establish good government in the
colonies. Colonel Richard Nevils, who was afterwards
governor of New-York, was joined with
Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright, and Samuel
Marverick in the commission.
The authority of these commissioners was highly
disrelished by the colonies, who entertained
a strong aversion to arbitrary power. The inhabitants
of New-England may emphatically be said
to be born free. They were settled originally upon
the principle expressed at this day in all their
forms of government, that “all men are born
free, equal and independent.”
When the commissioners arrived in Massachusetts,
their proceedings excited the irritability natural
to a people jealous for their liberty; and they
supposed the powers granted them an infringement
of their charter. The general court, however,
altered the law that all freemen should be church
members; and having resolved to bear true allegiance
to their sovereign, and adhere to their patent,
they agreed upon an address to the king,
in which they professed their loyalty and subjection
to his majesty, described the difficulties they
had encountered in settling the country; and appealed
to Heaven that they were not actuated by
interested motives. They asserted that they had
done all to satisfy his majesty, that they supposed
consistent with their duty towards God, and the
just liberties and privileges of their patent. They
expressed a determined resolution to struggle for
their privileges, which they declared were “far
dearer to them than life.” They exhibited the
same firmness of mind and resolution in their
conduct to the commissioners, who, after much
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altercation, left the colony dissatisfied and enraged.
The commission was also exceedingly disagreeable
to the inhabitants of New-Hampshire, at that
time under the government of Massachusetts.
When the commissioners arrived in that colony,
they flattered a party who were dissatisfied with
Massachusetts’ government, with being freed from
their jurisdiction; and prevailed on them to sign a
petition to the king for that purpose. But as the
majority of the people exhibited a determined opposition
to a separation, the design proved abortive.
The commissioners were as unsuccessful in Connecticut
as in Massachusetts. They were more favorably
received at Plymouth and Rhode-Island.
They sat as a court at Providence and Warwick,
and spent some time in the colony, examining the
purchases and titles of lands from the Indians;
hearing the allegations of Gorton and his party
against Massachusetts; enquiring into the proceedings
of the executive powers of the plantation,
and receiving complaints from disaffected persons.
When the commissioners arrived in New-England,
the former claim under Gorges began to
revive. They came into the Province of Maine,
and attempted to erect a government. They appointed
courts, and commissioned magistrates under
the Duke of York, and in the name of the
king. This kind of government continued till
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the year 16681668, when some of the principal inhabitants,
being greatly oppressed with the tyranny
of the commissioners in their support of Gorges’
claim, made application to the general court of
Massachusetts to take the country again under their
protection and jurisdiction.
When the commissioners had concluded their
business, they were recalled by an order from the
king. His majesty was highly displeased with the
treatment they received from the government of
Massachusetts. By a letter to the colony, he ordered
them to send over four or five agents, promising
to hear all the allegations, that could be
made in their behalf, and intimating that he was
far from desiring to invade their charter. He
commanded that all things should remain, as the
commissioners had settled them, till his further orders;
and that those persons who had been imprisoned
for petitioning or applying to the commissioners,
should be released.
Neither the gloomy aspect of their civil affairs,
nor their experience of the pernicious tendency
of intolerant measures, could deter the colony
of Massachusetts from reviving the persecution
against the Baptists. This denomination had gathered
one church at Swansey, and another at Boston.
The general court was very severe in executing
the penal laws, in consequence of which
many worthy characters were ruined by fines, imprisonment
and banishment. Complaints of this
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severity were transmitted to England, which induced
the dissenting clergy in London to appear,
at length, in their favor. A letter was accordingly
sent to the governor of Massachusetts, subscribed
by Dr. Owen, Mr. Nye, Mr. Caryl, and nine
other celebrated Puritan ministers. They earnestly
requested, that those, who were imprisoned
on account of their religious tenets, might be restored
to liberty, and that the severe laws might
not in future be executed. This excellent letter
produced no salutary effect. The prisoners were
not released, nor the execution of the penal laws
suspended.
The Quakers, also, about this time made heavy
complaints of the sufferings of their friends in
New-England. Though since the king’s letter in
16611661, none of the penal laws had been executed
against them; yet the government treated their
itinerant preachers as vagabonds. The chief of
the London Quakers obtained a letter, signed by
eleven of the most eminent dissenting clergymen,
in favor of their brethren. But intolerant principles
were so deeply implanted in the inhabitants of
New-England, that all efforts to eradicate them
at this period proved ineffectual.
Chapter IX.
Rise and progress of the war with Philip, king of
the Wampanoags. The death of Philip puts a period
to hostilities. His character. Of the war
with the Eastern Indians. Peace ratified with
all the Indian tribes. Flourishing state of New-
England. Of the third synod in Massachusetts.
Since the contest with the Pequod
Indians, the terror of the English arms had
restrained the natives from hostilities. In the
mean time, Providence had smiled upon the New-
England settlements, and multiplied their churches.
The season was now arrived, in which the
colonies were alarmed with the gloomy prospect
of being again involved in an Indian war.
It was the prevailing opinion of the English at
this period, that Philip, sachem of the Wampanoags,
an artful and aspiring man, partly by intrigue,
and partly by example, excited his countrymen
to a general combination against them.
There is, however, a constant tradition among the
posterity of those people, who lived near, and
were familiarly conversant with him, and with
those of his Indians who survived the war, that he
was impelled to hostile measures by his young
men, entirely against his own judgment and that
of his chief counsellors. Though he had penetration
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enough to foresee that the English would, in
time, establish themselves, and extirpate the Indians,
yet he thought making war upon them
would only hasten the destruction of his own people.
When he found it impossible to resist any
longer the importunity of his warriors, he used
every exertion to render their enterprize effectual;
especially by his early endeavours to persuade the
other Indians to unite their forces against the colonies.
It is said, he dissembled his hostile purposes,
and was ready, upon every suspicion of his
infidelity, to renew his submission, and testify it
even by the delivery of his arms, till he had secretly
infused a cruel jealousy into many of the
neighbouring Indians, which excited them to attempt
recovering their country by extirpating the
new possessors.
The war was precipitated by the revenge which
Philip caused to be taken upon John Sausaman, a
praying Indian. He had been educated in the
profession of the Christian religion, was some
time at college, and employed as a schoolmaster at
Natick. At length, upon some misconduct, he
fled to Philip, who made him secretary, chief
counsellor and confidant. He remained several
years with this Indian prince, till Mr. Eliot, who
had been his spiritual father, prevailed upon him
to return to the Christian Indians at Natick.
There he manifested public repentance for his
apostacy, became a preacher, and was dispatched
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upon the Wampanoag mission. Having discovered
the Indian conspiracy, he revealed it to the
English governor. Not long after, he was murdered
by some of Philip’s counsellors, while travelling
the country. An Indian, who was accidentally
on a hill at some distance, saw the
murder committed. The murderers were apprehended,
and, being tried upon the Indian’s testimony,
and other circumstances, were convicted
and executed.
This event excited the keenest resentment in
King Philip, and he determined to be revenged.
The Indians resorted to him from various parts,
which animated him with fresh courage, and stimulated
him to commence hostilities. He first
threatened the English at Swansey, then killed
some of their cattle, and at length rifled their
houses. Irritated by this insult, one of the English
discharged his gun, and wounded an Indian.
When the governor of Plymouth received intelligence
that the war was begun, he dispatched a
party for the defence of those parts; and proclaimed
a general fast throughout the colony. As
the inhabitants of Swansey were returning from
public worship, a number of Indians, who lay in
ambuscade, fired upon them, killed one of their
company, and wounded another. They next intercepted
and killed two men, who were sent for
a surgeon. The same night they entered the town
of Swansey, and murdered six men.
As the war was now inevitable, the governor
of Plymouth demanded assistance from the confederated
colonies. Massachusetts detached Capt.
Prentice, with a troop of horse, and Capt. Henchman,
with a company of foot. They were followed
by a number of volunteers, under Capt. Moseley.
They marched to Swansey, and joined the
Plymouth forces, who were commanded by Capt.
Cudworth. The Indians, who seldom could be
induced to engage the Europeans in their own
manner, soon retreated with precipitation; while
the English took possession of Mount Hope, and
ravaged the adjacent country.
The Massachusetts forces marched into the Narraganset
country, and compelled the inhabitants to
renounce their alliance with King Philip, and sign
a treaty of peace and amity with the English.
They engaged to exert themselves to destroy Philip
and his adherents, and deliver up his subjects,
who should enter their territories.
As a reward, they were promised two coats for
every living, and one for every dead Wampanoag,
and twenty valuable coats for Philip’s head.
In the mean time Capt. Cudworth, with the
Plymouth forces, was detached to deter the Pocasset
Indians from joining with Philip; but upon
his arrival, he found they had already taken an
active part. Capt. Church, of Plymouth colony,
who published an account of his exploits, with
Capt. Fuller, and two small detachments, ranged
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the woods, in order to engage the enemy. They
were overpowered by an army of twenty times
their number. Capt. Fuller and his men fled to
an house by the water side, which they endeavoured
to defend till a sloop from Rhode-Island relieved
them from that dangerous situation. Capt.
Church, with fifteen men, was surrounded in a
pease-field by two hundred Indians. Notwithstanding
the inequality of numbers, he fought
with invincible courage and resolution. At length
he arrived at the water side, and defended himself
behind a barricado of stones, till he was removed
in a sloop to Rhode-Island, without the
loss of one of his men. When he had refreshed
his men a few days in the island, he passed over
to the continent, and borrowing three files of men
from the Massachusetts forces, again engaged the
Pocasset Indians, and killed thirteen or fourteen
upon the spot. This event terrified them to such a
degree, that the remainder retired into the woods,
and appeared no more in a body in the open
country.
The detachment, which was sent against the Pocassets,
joined the army as soon as the treaty with
the Narragansets was completed. At that period,
information being given by some deserters, that
Philip and his men were in a swamp at Pocasset,
it was determined to besiege him. The English
army resolutely entered the thicket, but when they
had advanced a few paces, the Indians fired upon
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them from behind the bushes, and at one discharge
killed five, and mortally wounded six or seven of
their number. This induced them to turn their
attack into a blockade, which they formed with an
hundred men, hoping that famine would in that
case oblige the Indian prince to surrender.
Philip had the address to baffle this attempt.
There was a large river, which ran by the side of
the thicket, which a party of English, posted on the
other side, were to observe. Philip and his men,
having cut down some rafts of timber, took advantage
of a low tide, and in the night crossed the
river without being observed, and escaped into
the Nipmuck country.—One hundred of his warriors,
however, were made prisoners.
The Nipmuck Indians inhabited the inland
parts between the sea coasts and Connecticut river,
within the jurisdiction of the colony of Massachusetts.
The English had in vain endeavoured to
detach them from Philip’s interest. After they
heard of that prince’s arrival in their country, they
fired upon Capt. Hutchinson, one of the officers
sent to negociate with them. He was mortally
wounded, eight of his men killed on the spot,
and the rest obliged precipitately to retreat. Philip,
who was reinforced, pursued and drove about
seventy of them into an house, where they must
probably have been taken or burnt, had they not
fortunately been relieved by Major Willard, who
engaged the Indians with a small party, killed
eighty of them, and obliged Philip and his army
to retreat.
During the remainder of the year, this bloody
war spread over New-England. The Indians in
the several colonies were roused to arms, and their
progress through the country was marked with terror
and desolation. Philip and his allies conducted
the war with energy, in this, and part of the
following year. In 1675-09September, they burnt and destroyed
the plantation of Deerfield. Encouraged
by this success, they soon after burnt thirty-two
houses at Springfield, and, had not their design
been discovered, would have massacred all the inhabitants.
They also laid the town of Mendon in
ashes. On the 1676-02-1010th of February, they plundered
the town of Lancaster, burnt several houses, and
killed and captured forty-two persons.
Soon after they did great mischief in Marlborough,
Sudbury and Chelmsford. On the 1676-02-2121st of
February, two or three hundred Indians surprized
Medfield, burnt half the town, and killed twenty of
the inhabitants. Four days after, they burnt seven
or eight houses in Weymouth. In the beginning
of 1676-03March they burnt the whole town of Groton.
The same month they burnt five houses, and killed
five persons in Northampton; surprized part of the
town of Plymouth, and murdered two families in
the night. They laid the town of Warwick in
ashes, burnt forty houses in Rehoboth, and thirty
in Providence.
On the other hand, large numbers of Indians
were destroyed by the colonists. Particularly in
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16751675, when Philip and his army retreated into
the Narraganset country, the English pursued
them, and attacked a fort, which the Indians
deemed impregnable. The fort was burnt down,
and the fortifications levelled; seven hundred Indian
warriors perished in the action, among whom
were above twenty of their chief captains. There
were also three hundred who died of their wounds,
besides a vast number of defenceless old men, women
and children, who had repaired to the fort
for refuge. The English had six captains and
eighty-five men killed; and an hundred and fifty
men wounded.
In 16761676, the affairs of the colonists were a less
gloomy aspect. In 1676-05May and
1675-06June, the Indians
appeared in arms in various parts of the country,
but their energy abated, and their distresses for
want of provisions increased. At the same period a
war with the Mohawks deranged all their measures.
It is reported, that after Philip had in vain urged
every motive to induce this nation to commence
hostilities with the colonies, he killed a party of
their men, and informed their prince, that the
English had invaded his lands, and were murdering
his subjects. He expected by this artifice to
irritate them against the colonies; but one of the
Indians, who was left for dead, revived, and escaped
to his countrymen, and informed them of
the truth. This event exasperated them to the
highest degree against Philip, and stimulated them
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to revenge. They immediately formed an alliance
with the English, which was of essential service to
their affairs.
After this event the arms of the Connecticut,
Massachusetts and Plymouth forces, were, in various
instances, crowned with success. No commander
performed greater exploits in this war, than Capt.
Church, of Plymouth colony. But Philip was
the soul of the Indian confederacy. Upon his life
or death war or peace depended. The colonies
received intelligence, that, after a year’s absence,
he had returned to Mount Hope, and that large
numbers of Indians were repairing to him, with
intent to assault the neighboring towns. Massachusetts
and Plymouth ordered their forces to pursue
Philip. The former returned to Boston, without
accomplishing the most important purpose of their
expedition; but they had killed and captured an
hundred and fifty men, and the Indians were so dispirited,
that they were continually arriving and
surrendering themselves, upon promise of mercy.
Philip was at this time in an extremely melancholy
situation. He was obliged to flee for safety from
one swamp to another. He had lost his chief counsellors,
his uncle and sister, and, at length, his wife
and son were taken prisoners. One of his allies,
the queen of Pocasset, on being surprized by the
English, magnanimously animated her men to hold
out to the last extremity; but they meanly deserted
her, and she was drowned in endeavouring to
escape.
Soon after this event, Philip himself was betrayed
by one of his friends and counsellors, whom
he had exasperated by killing an Indian, who presumed
to mention to him an expedient for making
peace with the colonies. He effected his escape
to Rhode-Island, and discovered where Philip
was concealed, and the means by which he might
be surprized. Capt. Church, on receiving this
intelligence, went with a small party, and found
him in a swamp near Mount Hope. He attempted
in vain to escape; one of his men whom he
had offended, and who had deserted to the English,
shot him through the heart.
Thus died Philip, sachem of the Wampanoags,
an implacable enemy to the English nation.
He has been represented as “a bold and daring
prince, having all the pride, fierceness and cruelty
of a savage in his disposition, with a mixture of deep
cunning and design.” But that undaunted courage,
energy of mind, and love of country which
adorned his character, and which have immortalized
monarchs in the civilized world, have been little
celebrated in this Indian prince; and we have been
led to contemplate only his vices, which, destitute
of the colorings of polished life, appear in their
native deformity.
About the same period in which Philip began
hostilities in Plymouth colony, the eastern Indians
were insulting the inhabitants of New-Hampshire
and the Province of Maine. The fraudulent
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methods of trading with the natives, and some
other injuries, were alledged as the grounds of
this war. The Indians for some time dissembled
their resentment, but the insurrection at Plymouth
inspired them with courage, and they spread distress
and desolation in their extensive ravages. To
describe the effects of the war in the words of an
elegant author, “All the plantations at Piscataqua,
with the whole eastern country, were now
filled with fear and confusion; business was suspended,
and every man was obliged to provide
for his own and his family’s safety. The only
way was to desert their habitations, and retire
together within the larger and more convenient
houses, which they fortified with a timber
wall and flankarts, placing a sentry-box on the
roof. Thus the labor of the field was exchanged
for the duty of the garrison, and they, who had
long lived in peace and security, were upon their
guard night and day, subject to continual alarms,
and the most fearful apprehensions.”
The narrow limits of this work will not admit
of giving particular accounts of the Indian
wars. The autumn of this year was spent in small
but irritating assaults and skirmishes, till the end
of 1675-11November, when the number of people killed
and taken from Kennebec and Piscataqua amounted
to upwards of fifty.
The subsequent winter, the severity of the season,
and the scarcity of their provisions, reduced
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the Indians to the necessity of suing for peace.
By the mediation of Major Waldron, to whom
they applied, a peace was concluded with the
whole body of eastern Indians, which continued
till the next 1677-08August.
The renewal of hostilities, induced the Massachusetts
government to send a body of troops to
the eastward in the beginning of autumn. They
surprized four hundred Indians, at the house of
Major Waldron, with whom they had made the
peace, and whom they considered as their friend
and father. They were seized and disarmed without
the loss of a man on either side. A separation
was made, and those Indians who had previously
joined in concluding a peace were peaceably
dismissed. Two hundred of those who had
fled from the southward, and taken refuge among
them, were made prisoners; and being sent to
Boston, seven or eight of them, who were known
to have killed several Englishmen, were condemned
and executed; the rest were transported and
sold for slaves in foreign parts.
The war was continued the remainder of this,
and the subsequent year; in which period the Indians
ravaged the country, and greatly reduced
the eastern settlements.
In the spring of this year, commissioners were
appointed to settle a formal treaty of peace with
the Indian chiefs, which was done at Cafco, whither
they had brought the remainder of the captives.R
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It was stipulated in the treaty, that the
inhabitants should return to their deserted settlements,
on condition of paying one peck of corn,
annually, for each family, by way of acknowledgment
to the Indians for the possession of their lands,
and one bushel to Major Pendleton, who was a
great proprietor. Thus an end was put to a tedious
and distressing war, which had subsisted three
years.
After the ratification of peace, commerce began
to flourish, and the population of the country
rapidly increased. Several new towns were settled
in New-Hampshire and the Province of Maine.
Rhode-Island also greatly increased, and the townships
of Kingstown,
East-Greenwich and
Jamestown,
were incorporated in that colony.
Whilst the New-England forces were in the
field, the churches frequently observed days of
fasting and prayer, for the success of their arms.
After peace was established, a licentiousness of
manners prevailed, which was highly alarming
to serious and devout people. The general court
of Massachusetts convened a synod to examine the
state of religion, and prevent the increase of profaneness
and impiety. The synod agreed, that
there was a general decay of piety, and a prevalence
of pride, intemperance, profaneness and
other vices. They advised, that in order to promote
a reformation, the clergy should be exhorted
to bear the strongest testimony against the vices
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131
of the age, in their public discourses, and that the
magistrates should be vigilant in putting the laws
in execution.
In the same synod the platform of church discipline,
prepared in the year 16581658, was recognized
and confirmed by the following vote. “A
synod of the churches of the colony of Massachusetts
being called to meet at Boston, 1679-09September,
1679, having read and considered a platform of
church discipline agreed upon by the synod assembled
at Cambridge, 16581658, do unanimously approve
of the same platform as to the substance of it, desiring
that the churches may continue stedfast in
the order of the gospel, according to what is therein
declared from the word of God.”
This year, the agents of Massachusetts being
in England, the general court presented several
addresses to the king, and made several laws to remove
some of the exceptions which were taken
against them by the British government.
Annotations
Textual note 2
History of the Puritans.
— History of New
Hampshire, Vol. I. p. 61, 62, 63.
Go to note 2 in context.
Textual note 18
Memorial,
p. 18, 19, 20.
American Biography, Vol. I. p.358
[Gap in transcription—1 lineflawed-reproduction]
Go to note 18 in context.
Textual note 25
Plymouth.
Go to note 25 in context.
Textual note 29
See Robinson’s farewell charge to his flock, when embarking
for America, in History of New-England, Vol. I. p. 84.
Go to note 29 in context.
Textual note 34
See an account of the church in Plymouth, in the Historical
Collections for the year 17941794. See also Dr. Robbins’ anniversary
Sermon preached in Plymouth, 17961796.
Go to note 34 in context.
Textual note 47
See Massachusetts Colony Charter, in
Collection
of Papers, p. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7.
Go to note 47 in context.
Textual note 97
See original constitution of Connecticut, formed by voluntary
compact, in Appendix to History,
p. 528.
Go to note 97 in context.
Textual note 109
in the original constitution of New-Haven, in Appendix to
History, p. 633.
Go to note 109 in context.
Textual note 122
, Vol. I. p. 37.
History of New-England,
Vol. I. p. 158.
Go to note 122 in context.
Textual note 124
second deed to the settlers,
16611661.
Plea to the
Court of Commissioners, 16771677.
Go to note 124 in context.
Textual note 126
See letter from to
Major Mason, published in
Collections of the Historical Society for 17921792.
Go to note 126 in context.
Textual note 142
Appendix to History.
Go to note 142 in context.
Textual note 146
See Letter to the Governor of New-England,
written in 16741674, in
Sufferings of the Quakers.
Go to note 146 in context.
Textual note 170
Narrative of the Indian Wars,
p. 21.
,
p. 290.
,
Vol. I. p. 65.
Go to note 170 in context.
Textual note 178
p. 13.
Go to note 178 in context.
Textual note 203
Modern Universal History, Vol. XIX. p. 292, 293. Book II. p. 12, 13.
Go to note 203 in context.
Textual note 205
England. See Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society
for 17941794.
Go to note 205 in context.
Textual note 212
See this chapter in the appendix to Life of Boyle, p.
319, 335.
Go to note 212 in context.
Textual note 216
, p. 196.
See Letters from to Mr. Boyle.
See Collections of the Historical Society for 17941794.
Go to note 216 in context.
Textual note 228
See the platform of church government, in Magnalia,
Book V. p. 23. See an abridgment of the platform in
History,
Vol. II. Appendix, p. 294.
Go to note 228 in context.
Textual note 243
, Vol. I. p. 299.
Narrative of the New-England
Persecution.
Go to note 243 in context.
Textual note 257
, Vol. I. p. 198.
New-England judged
by the Spirit of the Lord.
Go to note 257 in context.
Textual note 282
See the late History of the Judges, and
Geography, Vol. II. p. 458.
Go to note 282 in context.
Textual note 286
See an account of the Constitution of Connecticut, in Constitutions
of the United States, p. 46. An account of the charter in
, p. 259.
Go to note 286 in context.
Textual note 317
, Vol. I. p. 67.
History of Philip’s War, p.
18, 19, 20.
Go to note 317 in context.
Textual note 324
, Book VII. p. 50.
Modern Universal History,
Vol. XIX. p. 305.
Go to note 324 in context.
Chapter X.
The government of New-Hampshire separated from
Massachusetts, and made a royal province. Of
Cranfield’s oppressive government. The colonies
are deprived of their charters. Colonel Dudley
appointed president of New-England. He is superseded
by Sir Edmund Andros, who is appointed
governor. His arbitrary proceedings. The revolution
in England puts a period to the oppression of
the colonies.
Whilst the Indian tribes
were endeavouring to extirpate the English, enemies
of another kind were using every effort to deprive
them of their privileges, by artful and exaggerated
accounts of their conduct to the government
of England.
New-Hampshire had long subsisted under the
government of Massachusetts, and the union was,
in general, satisfactory to both colonies. This
year a separation took place, by means of one Mr.
Mason, who claimed a right to the country, from
his grandfather, Capt. John Mason, who had obtained
grants of New-Hampshire from the council
of New-England. Mason was assisted in his claim
by Edward Randolph, his kinsman, a man of great
address and penetration, who was resolute and indefatigable
in business. This gentleman, by severe
invectives, inflamed the prejudices which had
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been conceived in England against the colony;
and though agents were dispatched to obviate the
effects of his misrepresentations, yet his artful and
malevolent attempts were crowned with success.
On the 1679-09-1818th of September, a commission passed
the great seal for the government of New-Hampshire,
which separated this colony from the jurisdiction
of Massachusetts. A president and council
were appointed by the king for the government
of the province. The said president and every
succeeding one to appoint a deputy to preside in
his absence; the president or his deputy, with any
five, to be a quorum. They were to meet at
Portsmouth in twenty days after the arrival of the
commission, and publish it. They were constituted
a court of record for the administration of justice,
according to the laws of England, so far as
circumstances would permit; reserving a right of
appeal to the king in council for actions of fifty
pounds value. They were empowered to appoint
military officers, and take all needful measures for
defence against enemies. Liberty of conscience
was allowed to all Protestants, those of the church
of England to be particularly encouraged. For
the support of government they were to continue
the present taxes, till an assembly could be convoked,
to which end they were, within three
months, to issue writs under the province seal,
for calling an assembly, to whom the president
should recommend passing such laws as should establish
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their allegiance, order and defence, and
raising taxes in such a manner as they should see
fit. All laws to be approved by the president and
council, and to remain in force till the king’s pleasure
should be known, for which purpose they
should be transmitted to England by the first ships.
In case of the president’s death, his deputy to succeed,
and on the death of a counsellor, the remainder
to elect another, and send over his name,
with the names of two other suitable persons, that
the king might appoint one of the three. The
king engaged, for himself and successors, to continue
the privilege of an assembly, in the same
manner and form, unless by inconveniences arising
therefrom, he or his heirs should think proper to
make an alteration.
The ingenious author of the History of New-
Hampshire observes, that “the form of government
described in this commission, considered abstractedly
from the immediate intentions, characters,
and connexions of the persons concerned,
appears to be of as simple a kind as the nature of
a subordinate government and the liberty of the
subject can admit. The people, who are the natural
and original source of power, had a representation
in a body chosen by themselves; and the
king was represented by a president and council of
his own appointment; each had the right of instructing
their representatives, and the king had
the superior prerogative of disannulling the acts of
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the whole at his pleasure. The principal blemish
in the commission was the right claimed by the
king of discontinuing the representation of the people,
whenever he should find it inconvenient, after
he had solemnly engaged to continue this privilege.”
The commission was brought to Portsmouth
on the 1680-01-011st of January, by Edward Randolph,
whose known enmity to the privileges of the people
rendered him a most unwelcome messenger.
In order to conciliate the minds of the people to
this government, the king nominated for the first
council gentlemen of the most distinguished characters,
who had sustained the principal offices, civil
and military, under the colonial government.
These gentlemen received the commission with
great reluctance; but the unavoidable necessity of
submitting to changes, and the apprehension that
upon their refusal to accept the appointment,
others would be substituted who were inimical to
their country, induced them to qualify themselves
to act in their new capacity.
This change of government gratified the discontented
few, but was greatly disrelished by the
people in general, as they saw themselves deprived
of the privilege of chusing their own rulers, which
was still enjoyed by the other colonies of New-
England, and as they expected an invasion of
their property soon to follow.
A general assembly was convoked in 1680-02February,
who at their first meeting, on the 1680-03-1616th of
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March, wrote to the general court at Boston,
gratefully acknowledging their obligations to Massachusetts,
and their entire satisfaction in their past
connexion, asserting, that submission to Divine
Providence, and his majesty’s commands, alone
induced them to comply with the present separation,
and desiring that a mutual correspondence
might be settled.
Their next care was to frame a code of laws,
of which the first, conceived in the style becoming
freemen, was, “That no act, imposition, law
or ordinance, should be made or imposed upon
them, but such as should be made by the assembly,
and approved by the president and council.”
During this administration, affairs were conducted
as nearly as possible in the same manner as
before the separation. The people kept a jealous
watch over their privileges, and every encroachment
was withstood to the utmost. Hence the
arbitrary proceedings of Randolph, who was appointed
collector, surveyor and searcher of the
customs throughout New-England, excited universal
distrust.
After Mason was convinced that the new government
would not be administered in a manner
favorable to his views, on his return to England,
he made it his business to solicit a change. He
succeeded, and Edward Cranfield, Esq. was appointed
lieutenant-governor and commander in
chief of New-Hampshire.
In this commission, which bears date the 1680-05-099th
of May, the governor was empowered to call, adjourn,
prorogue and dissolve general courts; to
have a negative voice in all acts of government;
to suspend any of the council, when he should see
just cause; (and every counsellor so suspended was
declared incapable of being elected into the general
assembly;) to appoint a deputy-governor, judges,
justices, and other officers, by his sole authority,
and to execute the powers of vice-admiral.
Cranfield arrived and published his commission
on the 1680-10-044th of October. He soon exhibited
his arbitrary principles, by removing several influential
popular characters from the council, and
appointed such as he could render subservient to
his purposes.
After this, he convoked an assembly, and dissolved
them upon their refusing to accede to his
measures. Some time after, he called another assembly,
and dissolved them in the same manner.
He with his council assumed the whole legislative
power. He even ventured to tax the people without
their consent. Those, who opposed his arbitrary
government, were imprisoned, and treated
with rigorous severity.
After Cranfield had infringed upon the civil
rights of the people, he determined to suppress
their ecclesiastical privileges. He had attempted
to impose the 1684-01-1313th of January as a fast, and restrain
them from manual labor at Christmas; but
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his capital stroke was to issue an order in council,
“that after the 1684-01-011st of January, the clergy should
admit all persons of suitable years, and not vicious,
to the Lord’s supper, and their children to baptism;
and that if any person should desire baptism
or the other sacrament to be administered according
to the liturgy of the church of England,
it should be done, in pursuance of the king’s command
to the colony of Massachusetts; and any
minister refusing so to do, should suffer the penalty
of the statutes of non-conformity.”
Mr. Moody, minister of Portsmouth, was marked
out by the governor, as an object of peculiar
vengeance. He had for some time rendered himself
obnoxious by the freedom and plainness of his
pulpit discourses, and his strictness in administering
the discipline of the church.
An instance of church discipline, by which Mr.
Moody irritated Cranfield in the highest degree,
is thus related by Dr. Belknap.
“Randolph having
seized a vessel, she was in the night carried
out of the harbor. The owner, who was a member
of the church, swore that he knew nothing
of it; but upon trial, there appeared strong suspicion
that he had perjured himself. He found
means to make up the matter with the governor
and collector; but Moody, being concerned for
the purity of his church, requested of the governor
copies of the evidence, that the offender might
be called to account in the way of ecclesiastical
discipline. Cranfield sternly refused, saying, that
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he himself had forgiven him, and that neither the
church nor minister should meddle with him; and
even threatened Moody in case he should. Not
intimidated, Moody consulted the church, and
preached a sermon against false swearing. Then
the offender, being called to account, was censured,
and, at length, brought to a public confession.”
The act, which had lately passed, afforded Cranfield
an opportunity to gratify his resentment.
He signified to Mr. Moody, that himself, with Mason
and Hinckes, intended to partake of the Lord’s
supper the next Sunday; requiring him to administer
it to them according to the liturgy. Agreeably
to their expectation, he refused a compliance.
Mr. Moody was then prosecuted, and imprisoned
for thirteen weeks. At length he obtained
a release, though under a strict charge to preach
no more within the province, upon penalty of farther
imprisonment. He then accepted an invitation
from the first church in Boston, where he
was highly esteemed, and continued till 16921692.
Upon a change of government, he returned to his
charge in Portsmouth, where he spent the remainder
of his days in usefulness, love and peace.
At length, the governor, being disappointed in
his plans of enriching himself, and fearing the issue
of the people’s remonstrances to the court of
Great-Britain, privately embarked for Jamaica,
and thence to England, where he obtained the
collectorship of Barbados. Barefoote, the deputy-
governor, succeeded at his departure.
New-Hampshire was not the only colony
which felt the oppression of arbitrary power. The
people of Massachusetts had long been viewed
with a jealous eye. Though the king had repeatedly
assured them of his protection, and solemnly
confirmed their charter privileges, yet their
spirit and principles were so totally dissonant to the
corrupt views of the court, that intriguing men
found easy access to the royal ear, with complaints
against them. Of these, the most inveterate
and indefatigable was Randolph, who made
no less than eight voyages in nine years across
the Atlantic, on this mischievous business. They
were accused of extending their jurisdiction beyond
the bounds of their patent; of invading the
prerogative by coining money; of not allowing
appeals to the king from their courts, and of obstructing
the execution of the navigation and trade
laws. By the king’s command agents were sent
over, to answer these complaints. They found
the prejudice against the colony so strong, that it
was in vain to withstand it; and solicited instructions
whether to submit to the king’s pleasure, or
resist his arbitrary designs. After a solemn consultation,
the last measure was determined upon,
and the agents quitted England.
Soon after a writ of
quo warranto was issued
against the colony, which Randolph conveyed
across the Atlantic. When arrived in Boston, the
general court once more considered the critical situation
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of affairs. The governor and majority of
the assistants, actuated by the caution of age, resolved
to submit to the royal pleasure, and prepared
an address for that purpose. The representatives,
animated by the principles natural to a republican
body, refused their assent.
This year a writ of
seire facias was presented in
the court of chancery against the governor and
company, and judgment given that the charter
should be annihilated.
Judge Minot, in his ingenious continuation of
Hutchinson’s History, observes on this occasion,
“thus fell the good old charter, valuable for its
defects so happily supplied, as well as its powers.
But with it fell not the habits it had engendered,
nor the principles which the settlement of the
country had inspired. These were for a time
slightly hidden in its fall, but soon sprung up again
more deeply rooted, and renovated with perennial
strength; nor have they ceased to flourish till,
in their turn, they have overrun, and probably
forever buried, every germ of despotism and royal
authority, in this republican soil.”
The other colonies, though less obnoxious,
shared the same fate. This year, a writ of quo
warranto was issued against the colony of Rhode-
Island, which was brought in 1686-06-26June 26, 1686.
The assembly determined not to stand suit. Their
reasons were, their poverty and inability to bear
the expence of such a lawsuit in England; and
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the example of those corporations in England,
which had surrendered their charters.
In 1685-07July a
quo warranto was issued against the
governor and company of Connecticut. The subsequent
year two writs were served by Mr. Randolph,
and after them a third in 1685-12December.
The colony received an offer of being annexed to
Massachusetts or New-York. In return, they humbly
petitioned his majesty for the continuance of
their chartered rights; but if this could not be obtained,
they expressed a preference to being annexed
to Massachusetts. This submissive language,
(which, contrary to their intentions, was construed
into a surrender of their charter) probably
prevented the quo warranto’s being prosecuted with
effect.
King Charles II. died soon after the colony of
Massachusetts was deprived of its charter. Upon
the accession of James II. Col. Joseph Dudley, a
native of the colony, was promoted, because while
agent, he had favored the views of the court.
He was appointed president of New-England, and
new counsellors were nominated by the king.
Their jurisdiction extended over Massachusetts,
New-Hampshire, Maine, and the Narraganset or
King’s country. No house of representatives was
mentioned in this commission. Dudley was received
with less reluctance, from the general apprehension
of Col. Kirk, as governor, who had
been appointed previously to the death of Charles,
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and from whom they expected something similar
to the tragedy he had been acting in the west of
England.
The people suffered little from the loss of their
privileges, during Col. Dudley’s short administration.
Their courts of justice were continued upon
their former plan. Trials were by juries as usual.
In general, the former laws and established customs
were observed, though the government which
formed them was dissolved. The intention of
these proceedings was, to conciliate the minds of
the people to the long meditated introduction of a
governor-general.
After Col. Dudley had enjoyed his new honors
eight or nine months, Sir Edmund Andros,
who had been governor of New-York, arrived in
Boston, with a large commission, appointing him
captain general and governor in chief of Massachusetts,
Plymouth, Rhode-Island, Connecticut,
&c. The governor, with four of his council,
were empowered to grant lands on such terms,
and subject to such quit-rents as should be appointed
by the king.
Sir Edmund Andros began his administration
with high professions of regard for the public welfate.
He soon, however, exhibited his arbitrary
character, and enriched himself and his followers
by the most daring violations of the rights of the
people. Those of his council, who were backward
in aiding his rapacious intentions, were neglected.
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Seven being sufficient for a full board, he selected
such only as were devoted to him, and would concur
with whatever he proposed.
The assembly of Connecticut met as usual in
1687-10October, and the government continued according
to charter till the last of the month. About
this time Sir Edmund Andros, with this suit, and
more than sixty regular troops, came to Hartford,
where the assembly were sitting, demanded the
charter, and declared the government under it to
be dissolved. The assembly were extremely unwilling
to surrender the charter, and found expedients
to protract the time for bringing it forth.
The tradition is, that governor Treat strongly represented
the great expence and hardships of the
colonists in planting the country; the blood and
treasure which they had expended in defending it;
the difficulties and dangers he himself had been
exposed to for that purpose; and that it was like
giving up his life to surrender the patent and privileges
so dearly purchased, and long enjoyed. The
important affair was debated and kept in suspence
till the evening, when the charter was brought
and laid upon the table, where the assembly were
sitting. By this time great numbers of people
were assembled, and men sufficiently bold to execute
whatever might be necessary or expedient.
The lights were instantly extinguished, and one
Capt. Wadsworth, of Hartford, in the most silent
and secret manner, carried off the charter, and
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secreted it in a large hollow tree, fronting the
house of the hon. Samuel Wyllis, then one of the
magistrates of the colony. The people appeared
peaceable and orderly. The candles were officiously
relighted, but the patent was gone, and no
discovery could be made of it, or of the person
who had conveyed it away.
Sir Edmund, however, assumed the government,
and appointed officers, civil and military,
through the colony, according to his pleasure.
Numerous were the oppressions which the
country suffered, during Andros’ government.
The press was restrained; liberty of conscience
infringed; exorbitant fees and taxes were demanded,
without the voice or consent of the people,
who had no privilege of representation. Those
who refused to assist, in collecting illegal taxes,
were threatened and imprisoned. The charter being
vacated, it was pretended, that all titles to
land were annulled. Landholders were obliged
to take out patents for their estates, which they
had possessed forty or fifty years; and for these
patents extravagant fees were extorted, and those
who would not submit to this imposition, had
writs of intrusion brought against them, and their
lands patented to others. To deter the people
from consulting about the redress of their grievances,
town-meetings were prohibited, except one
in the month of May, for the choice of town-officers.
The people were told by the judges in open
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court, that they had no more privileges left them,
than not to be sold for slaves; and that the benefit
of the laws of England did not follow them to
the end of the earth. To prevent complaints being
transmitted to England, no person was permitted
to go out of the country, without express
leave from the governor. But, notwithstanding
all the vigilance of the governor, his emissaries and
guards, the resolute and indefatigable Dr. Increase
Mather, minister of the second church in Boston,
and president of the college, sailed to England
with complaints in the name of the people, against
the governor, which he delivered with his own
hand to the king; but finding no hope of redress,
he waited the event of the revolution, which was
then expected.
The country suffered under the oppressive government
of Sir Edmund Andros about three years.
At length, the report of the prince of Orange’s
expedition into England reached Boston, and diffused
universal joy. The governor took every
precaution to conceal the change of affairs from
the people. He imprisoned the man who brought
a copy of the prince’s declaration, and published
a proclamation, commanding all persons to be prepared
to oppose any invasion from Holland. The
former magistrates and influential characters secretly
wished, and fervently prayed for the success of
the glorious undertaking, and determined quietly
to wait the event. The body of the people, however,
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were too impatient to be restrained by prudential
considerations. A rumor was spread of an
intended massacre in Boston, by the governor’s
guards, which exasperated them in the highest degree.
On the morning of the 1689-04-1818th of April, the
town was in arms, and the country flocking in to
their assistance. Andros and a number of his accomplices,
who had fled for refuge to a fort, were
obliged to surrender, and were imprisoned till
they could be conveyed to England, to be disposed
of according to the king’s pleasure. Under
pretence of the charges exhibited against them before
the king and council not being signed by
the colonial agents, both parties were dismissed,
and this tyrant of New-England was afterwards
appointed governor of Virginia.
The gentlemen who had been magistrates under
the charter, with Bradstreet, the late governor,
at their head, affirmed the name of the council
of safety, and kept up a form of government,
in the exigency of affairs, till orders arrived from
England.
The revolution at Boston, though extremely
pleasing to the people of New-Hampshire, left
them in an unsettled state. After waiting in vain
for orders from England, they chose deputies, in
order to resolve upon some method of government.
They, at length, concluded to return to their ancient
union with Massachusetts.
This union, however, was of short continuance.
In 16921692, Samuel Allein, a London merchant,
obtained a commission for the government
of New-Hampshire; and John Usher, his son-in-
law, was appointed lieutenant-governor. Mr. Allein
had, previously, purchased of Mason’s heirs
a title to the New-Hampshire lands. This event
produced new controversies, concerning the property
of the lands, which embroiled the province
several years.
The intelligence of King William and Queen
Mary’s accession to the throne, occasioned great
rejoicing in New-England. The people entertained
sanguine expectations, that under their government,
they should obtain the restoration of their
former invaluable privileges.
Chapter XI.
Of the war with the eastern Indians. Treaty concluded
with them at fort Pemaquid. The New-
England agents solicit the restoration of their charter.
A new charter is granted. Connecticut
and Rhode-Island resume their former charters.
The king compliments the agents with the nomination
of their governor. They elect Sir William
Phips. Thanksgiving appointed after his arrival
in Boston.
Previously to the revolution
in government, which was related in the foregoing
chapter, a fresh Indian war broke out in the
frontiers of New-England, in 16881688. As a pretence
for commencing hostilities, the Indians charged
the English with neglecting to pay the tribute
of corn, which had been stipulated by the treaty
of 16781678; with obstructing the fish in Saco river
with seines; with defrauding them in trade, and
with granting their lands without their consent.
The French used every effort to inflame their
resentment, in order to revenge the recent injuries
they had received from the English.
By the treaty of Breda, the territory from Penobscot
to Nova-Scotia was ceded to the French,
in exchange for the island of St. Christophers. On
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these lands the baron de St. Castine had long resided,
as an influential sachem among the Indians,
with whom he was intimately connected. The
grant which had been made to the duke of York,
who at the time of the above mentioned treaty
was called James II. comprehended all the land
between Kennebec and St. Croix.
Upon a dispute arising respecting the landing
of a cargo of wine, which the owners supposed to
be landed within the French government, a new
line was run, which took Castine’s plantation into
the duke’s territory. Upon this pretext, Sir Edmund
Andros went in the Rose frigate, and plundered
Castine’s house and fort of all his goods
and implements of war. This insult provoked the
French sachem to use all his influence with the
Indians to excite them to ravage the frontiers of
New-England.
The first acts of hostility commenced at North-
Yarmouth, by killing cattle, and threatening the
people. Justice Blackman ordered sixteen of the
Indians to be seized, and kept under guard at
Falmouth; but others continued robbing and captivating
the inhabitants. Upon this, Andros,
finding milder measures ineffectual, meant to intimidate
them with an army of seven hundred
men, which he led into the eastern country in the
month of 1688-11November. The rigor of the season
proved fatal to some of his troops, but he never
saw an Indian in his whole march, the enemy remaining
quiet during the winter.
After the revolution, the gentlemen who assumed
the government took some precaution to
prevent the renewal of hostilities. They sent messengers
and presents to several tribes of Indians,
who answered them with fair promises; but their
prejudices against the English were too inveterate
to be allayed by these measures.
Thirteen years had almost elapsed since the
seizure of the four hundred Indians at Cocheco,
by Major Waldron, during which time they
had cherished an inextinguishable thirst for revenge.
Some of those Indians, who were then seized and
sold into slavery abroad, had found their way
home, and could not rest till they had gratified
their resentment.
A confederacy, for this purpose, was formed
between several Indian tribes; and it was determined
to surprize the Major and his neighbors,
among whom they had all this time been peaceably
conversant.
There were five garrisoned houses in the town
of Dover. That in which Major Waldron was
lodged was surprized by the treachery of Mesandoit,
a sagamore, whom he had that night entertained
in a friendly manner at his house. During
the night the Indians lay in ambush in the neighboring
woods. When all was quiet the gates
were opened, and the signal given. They entered,
surprized the secure garrison, and barbarously
murdered the Major. Twenty-three people were
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killed in this surprizal, and twenty-nine were captured;
five or six houses, with their mills, were
burned, and before the people could be collected
from the other parts of the town to oppose
them, they fled with their prisoners and plunder.
The majority of the prisoners were carried to
Canada, and sold to the French.
The necessity of rigorous measures, impelled
the colonies to raise forces to check the depredations
of their savage enemies. The Massachusetts
and Plymouth forces proceeded to the eastward,
settled garrisons at convenient places, and
had some skirmishes with the natives at Casco-
Bay and Blue-Point. The Indians did much mischief
by their flying parties, but no important
actions were performed on either side during the
remainder of the year.
The greatest danger was at this time apprehended
from encouragement given to the Indians
by the French, which nation was then at war with
England. The inhabitants of New-England were
thence induced to plan an enterprize against Canada,
where the French had formed extensive settlements.
They exerted themselves to the utmost,
and equipped an armament in some degree equal
to the service.
The command of the forces employed in this
expedition was committed to Sir William Phips.
Unavoidable accidents retarded the arrival of the
fleet at Quebec till the season was too far advanced
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to prosecute their designs. The troops were
sickly and discouraged, and, after some ineffectual
parade, the enterprize was abandoned.
The inhabitants of New-England were greatly
dispirited by this disappointment. The equipment
of the fleet and army had occasioned a great expence,
which they were little able to support; and
a thousand men perished in the expedition. In this
melancholy state of the country, it was an happy
circumstance that the Indians voluntarily came in
with a flag of truce, and desired a cessation of hostilities.
A conference being held at Sagadahok,
they brought in ten captives, and settled a truce
till the 1691-05-011st of May, which they observed till the
1691-06-099th of June; then, they again commenced, and
continued their destructive ravages, during this and
the subsequent year.
In 1692-01January,
the Indians entirely destroyed the
town of York, killed fifty of the people, and carried
one hundred into captivity. To review the
cruel treatment they inflicted on their unfortunate
prisoners, must deeply wound the feelings of every
person of sensibility; and they must turn with
horror from a scene, which so strongly exhibits the
savage ferocity of which human nature is capable.
This year a peace was concluded with the Indians
at the fort of Pemaquid. They acknowledged
subjection to the crown of England; engaged
to abandon the French interest; to forbear private
revenge; to restore all captives; and even went
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so far as to deliver hostages for the due performance
of their engagements.
After the revolution in England, the general
court of Massachusetts dispatched two of their members,
to join with Sir Henry Ashhurst and Mr.
Mather, in soliciting the restoration of their ancient
charter; and endeavouring to obtain such
additional privileges, as might be beneficial to the
colony.
Whilst the colony was involved in the Indian
war, which has been briefly related, their enemies
in England took advantage of their difficulties,
by imputing them to the imprudent administration
of government, and argued thence against the restoration
of their charter. The agents, however,
pursued their business with indefatigable application,
and used all their interest in court and city to
accomplish it; but found all their endeavours to
obtain a restoration of their ancient charter ineffectual.
The king, from the first application, exhibited
a determined resolution to have the nomination of
the governor, and other officers, reserved to the
crown. He ordered his attorney-general to form
the draught of a new charter, according to his
pleasure expressed in council. This the attorney-
general presented to the council board 1691-06-08June 8.
It was rejected, and a new draught ordered to be
made, by which the people of New-England were
deprived of several essential privileges contained in
their former charter.
Mr. Mather protested against it, but was informed,
“that the agents of New-England were
not plenipotentiaries from a sovereign state.” Notwithstanding
this reprimand, the agents drew up
their objections, and transmitted them to the king,
earnestly requesting that certain clauses might be
altered. The queen herself interceded with him
in behalf of the colony; but nothing could alter
his majesty’s determined purpose. The agents succeeded
only in procuring a few articles to be added,
which they supposed would promote the welfare
of their country.
The colony of Massachusetts was made a province,
which contained the whole of the old colony.
To this were added the colony of New-Plymouth,
the Province of Maine, the Province of Nova-Scotia,
and all the country between the Province of
Maine and Nova-Scotia, as far northward as the
river St. Lawrence; also Elizabeth Islands, and
the islands of Nantucket and Martha’s Vineyard.
The colonies of Rhode-Island and Connecticut
were allowed to resume their former charters. As
no judgment had been entered against them, the
king recognized their policy as regular and legal.
The colony of Massachusetts was greatly disappointed
by the new charter, and it was considered
as a singular hardship, that the effects of the late
despotism should be felt by them alone. However,
the majority were induced to accept it, from
an apprehension of the ill consequences, which
might result from their refusal.
When the charter had passed the seals, the
king was pleased to compliment the New-England
agents, for the first time, with the nomination of
their governor. After mature consultation, they
agreed to elect Sir William Phips, who, with the
Rev. Increase Mather, arrived in Boston the 1692-05-1515th
of May. The general court appointed a day of
solemn thanksgiving for their safe arrival; and for
the settlement of the province.
The civil government of New-England sustained
a considerable alteration by their new charter.
Previously to their obtaining it, all their magistrates
and officers of state were chosen annually by
their general assembly. In the new charter, the
appointment of the governor, lieutenant-governor,
secretary, and all the officers of the admiralty,
was vested in the crown; the power of the militia
was wholly in the hands of his majesty’s governor,
as captain general. All judges, justices and
sheriffs, were to be nominated by the governor,
with the advice of the council. The governor
had a negative upon the choice of counsellors;
and upon all laws and elections made by the council
and house of representatives. The laws, even
when thus sanctioned, were subject to rejection by
the king, within the term of three years from
their passing. The difference between the old
charter and new also consisted in an express authority
for exercising powers, which had been in constant
use, from supposed necessary implication.
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These were the privilege of a house of representatives
as a branch of the legislature, the levying of
taxes, and erecting courts for the trial of capital
crimes, and the probate of wills, and granting of
administrations on intestate estates, which were expressly
given to the governor and council.
Liberty of conscience, which was not mentioned
in the first charter, was expressly granted
in the second. All the various denominations of
Christians were tolerated in the colonies after the
revolution took place in England. And the people
were informed by the best civilians, that their
religious liberties were unalterably secured.
The first act of the Massachusetts legislature,
after the arrival of the charter, was a kind of magna
charta, asserting and setting forth their general
privileges, and contained the following clause:
“No aid, tax, tollage, assessment, custom, loan,
benevolence, or imposition whatsoever, shall be laid,
assessed, imposed, or leveled on any of his majesty’s
subjects, or their estates, on any pretence whatever,
but by the act and consent of the governor,
council and representatives of the people, assembled
in general court.”
Other acts favorable to liberty, were passed
by the general court, at this session.
At the time when the colony of Massachusetts
received the new charter, seventy-two years had
elapsed since the first settlement at Plymouth.
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During this period the colonies enjoyed the privilege
of chusing their own rulers, and enacting
their own laws. They had established excellent
regulations for the promotion of learning and religion.
They had exhibited great courage in the
Indian wars, and their efforts to repel their savage
enemies were crowned with success. “After
forty years from the first settlement, the greatest
part of the early emigrants had terminated their
earthly existence.” They had, however, the satisfaction
of surviving till they beheld the fruits of
their assiduous labors in the increase of the settlements
and multiplication of the churches. “In
16431643, the first twenty thousand souls, who came
over from England, had settled thirty-six churches.
In 16501650, there were forty churches in New-
England, which contained seven thousand seven
hundred and fifty communicants.” Many of the
clergymen, who came from England at the first
settlement, were not only distinguished for their
piety, but for their abilities and learning. Among
whom we view a Cotton,
Hooker, Davenport,
Eliot,
and others, who illuminated the churches of New-
England. And though many have depreciated the
merit of our ancestors, yet a modern British author
has observed, that, “The victories they obtained
over the complicated obstructions which
they met with upon their arrival in America, have
raised their character to a level with that of the
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bravest people recorded in history, in the estimation
of the few, who can consider facts divested of
that splendor which time, place and circumstances
are apt to bestow upon them, and from which they
derive their lustre with the generality of mankind.”
Chapter XII.
Of the supposed witchcrafts in New-England. Sir
William Phips recalled. His death and character.
War with the Indians renewed. The
French project an invasion of New-England.
Peace concluded with the Indians. The Earl
of Bellamont appointed governor of the plantations
of New-York, Massachusetts and New-Hampshire.
New-England from its first settlement
never experienced such complicated difficulties
as at the commencement of Sir William
Phips’ government. The country was involved
in the war with the eastern Indians, which has been
briefly mentioned in the preceding chapter. In
the same period a new species of distress filled the
minds of the people with gloom and horror, which
in some respects appeared more replete with calamity,
than even the devastations of war.
Previously to the tragic scene at Salem, about
to be related, several persons, in different parts
of New-England, had been executed for the supposed
crime of witchcraft. Those, who think the
whole to be an imposture, account for it by the
prevailing credulity of the age; the strength of
prejudice; the force of imagination, operating on
minds not sufficiently enlightened by reason and
philosophy, which all conspired to produce this
fatal delusion.
In the year 16921692, a daughter and niece of Mr.
Parris, minister of Salem, girls of ten or eleven
years of age, and two other girls in the neighborhood,
were seized, with uncommon and unaccountable
complaints. A consultation of physicians
was called, one of whom was of opinion
that they were bewitched. An Indian woman,
who was brought from New-Spain, and then resided
with Mr. Parris, had recourse to some experiments,
which she pretended were used in her own
country, in order to discover the witch. The
children, being informed of this circumstance,
accused the Indian woman of pinching, pricking
and tormenting them in various ways. She acknowledged
that she had learnt how to discover a
witch, but denied herself to be one. This first instance
was the occasion of several private fasts at
Mr. Parris’ house, of several others, which were
observed by the whole village, and of a general fast
through the colony. The attention, paid to the
children, with the compassion, expressed by their
visitors, it is supposed, induced them, and allured
others to continue their imposture. Hence the
number of complainants, who pretended to be
seized with similar disorders, increased, and they
accused certain persons of being the authors of
their sufferings. From these small beginnings, the
distemper spread through several parts of the province,
till the prisons were scarcely capable of containing
the number of the accused.
The most effectual method to prevent an accusation
was, to become an accuser; hence the
number of the afflicted continually augmented,
and the number of the accused increased in the
same proportion.
The accused in general persisted in asserting
their innocence. Some, however, were induced
to confess their guilt, being warmly importuned
by their friends to embrace this expedient, as the
only possible way to save their lives. The confession
of witchcraft increased the number of the
suspected; for associates were always pretended
by the party confessing. These pretended associates
were immediately sent for and examined.
By these means, more than an hundred women,
many of them of fair characters, and of the most
respectable families in Salem, Beverly, Andover,
Billerica, and in other towns, were apprehended,
examined, and generally committed to prison.
Though the number of prisoners had been
augmenting, from 1692-02February to 1692-06June, yet none of
them had as yet been brought to trial. Soon after
the arrival of the charter, commissioners of oyer
and terminer were appointed for this purpose. At
the first trial, there was no colony, nor provincial
law, in force against witchcraft. The statute of
James I. must therefore have been considered
as in force, in the province, witchcraft not being
an offence at common law. Before the adjournment
of the general court, the old colony law,
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which makes witchcraft a capital offence, was
received and adopted by the whole province.
In this distressing period, nineteen persons were
executed, one prest to death, and eight more condemned;
the whole number amounted to twenty-
eight, of whom above a third part were members
of some of the churches in New-England, and
more than half sustained excellent characters.
Among those, who were executed, was Mr. Burroughs,
formerly minister at Salem, who left his
people upon some difference in religious sentiments.
All who suffered death asserted their innocence
in the strongest terms. Yet this circumstance
was insufficient to open the eyes of the people;
and their fury augmented in proportion as
the gloom of imagination increased.
Instead of acting with that deliberate coolness
and caution, which the importance of the
affair demanded, and suspecting and cross examining
the witnesses, by whose evidence the pretended
witches were condemned; the authority made
use of leading questions, which helped them to
answers. Most of the examinations, though in
the presence of one or more of the magistrates,
were taken by Mr. Parris. The court allowed
the witnesses to relate accidents, which had befallen
them twenty or thirty years past, upon some
difference with the accused.
The affairs of Massachusetts were now in such a
wretched situation, that no man was sure of his
life and fortune for an hour. An universal consternation
prevailed. Some charged themselves
with witchcraft, in order to prevent accusation,
and escape death; some abandoned the province,
and others were preparing to follow their example.
In this scene of perplexity and distress, those,
who were accused of witchcraft, were generally of
the lowest order in society. A number, however,
of respectable women still remained in prison: at
length the pretended sufferers had the audacity to
accuse several persons of superior rank and character.
The authority then began to be less
credulous. The prisoners were liberated; those,
who had received sentence of death, were reprieved,
and afterwards pardoned. The whole country
became by degrees sensible of their mistake;
and the majority of actors in this tragedy declared
their repentance for their conduct.
Whilst a review of the conduct of the inhabitants
of New-England in this distressing period induces
us to accuse them of credulity and superstition,
we ought to soften the asperity of our censure
by remembering, that, supposing the whole to
have been an imposture, they were led into this
delusion by the opinion of the greatest civilians and
divines in Europe. A similar opinion respecting
witchcraft was at the same time prevalent in Great-
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Britain; the law, by which witches were condemned,
was copied from the English statutes, and the
practice of courts in New-England, was regulated
by precedents established in the parent country.
These statutes continued in force in England some
time in the reign of George II., when it was enacted,
“That no prosecution should in future be carried
on against any person for conjuration, witchcraft,
sorcery, or enchantment.”
No public notice was taken of the authors of
this calamity; some of the supposed sufferers became
profligate characters; others passed their
days in obscurity and contempt. Mr. Parris, in
whose house the pretended witchcraft began, felt
the effects of popular resentment. Though he
made a public and private penitent acknowledgment
of his error, his congregation insisted upon
his dismission, declaring that they never would sit
under the ministry of a man, who had been the instrument
of such complicated distress.
Thus, in about fifteen months, ended an affair,
which not only confounded the minds of the people
of New-England, but filled Europe with astonishment
and horror.
The treaty, which was concluded with the Indians
at fort Pemaquid, had, for almost a twelve-
month, relieved the frontiers from the calamities of
war. Whilst the peace continued, Sir William
Phips exerted himself to the utmost to detach
them from the French interest. For this purpose
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he took a journey to the eastward; presented gifts
to their sachems; opened free trade with them;
and offered to leave a preacher, acquainted with
the Indian language, to instruct them in the Protestant
religion.
On the other hand, the French labored more successfully
to prejudice their minds against the English.
This year the Sieur de Villien was in command
at Penobscot, and with the assistance of Thury,
the religious missionary, persuaded the eastern
sachems to break their treaty, and to prepare for
hostilities.
Whilst the war with the Indians was impending,
the people became dissatisfied with
Sir William Phips’ government, and ascribed
the calamities they suffered to his misconduct.
The uneasiness arose to such a degree, that
his enemies drew up articles of impeachment
against him, which they transmitted to the king
and council. His Majesty declared he would himself
hear his cause; and cited Sir William and his
accusers to repair to Whitchall. He embarked
for England, 1694-11-17November 17, having obtained a
recommendation from the general assembly.
Previously to the hearing of his cause, he was suddenly
seized with a malignant fever, which put a
period to his life, in the fifty-fourth year of his
age.
Sir William Phips was born of poor and obscure
parents in the eastern parts of New-England.
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His education furnished him with few advantages
for improvement. His first employment was keeping
sheep; he was afterwards a ship carpenter;
but he gave up his trade, and followed the seas.
After several small adventures, he amassed a considerable
fortune, by finding a Spanish wreck near
Port de la Plata. This event introduced him to
men of rank and fortune; and he had the dignity
of knighthood conferred upon him by king James
II. Notwithstanding this, he uniformly opposed
the arbitrary measures of that monarch; and was
an ardent friend to the revolution. Though unversed
in the arts of government, and destitute of
deep penetration, yet he was a man of great industry,
enterprize and firmness. He constantly attended
the exercises of devotion; and was studious
to promote piety and virtue in others.
After Sir William Phips left the province,
the authority devolved upon lieutenant-governor
Stoughton. Previously to his entering on his
administration, the country was again involved in
the calamities of war. The French had recently
supplied the Indians with a variety of warlike
stores. At length, the necessary preparations being
made, Villien, with a body of two hundred
and fifty Indians, collected from the tribes of St.
John, Penobscot and Norridgwog, marched against
the people on Oyster River, in New-Hampshire.
Here they killed and captured between ninety
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and an hundred persons, and burned above twenty
houses, of which five were garrisons.
During the remainder of this, and the subsequent
winter, the Indians continued to ravage the
frontiers. In 16961696, they, in conjunction with
the French, took and demolished Pemaquid fort;
and, exulting in their success, threatened to involve
the country in ruin and desolation.
This year an invasion of the country was projected
by the French. A fleet was to sail from
France to Newfoundland, and thence to Penobscot,
where, being joined by an army from Canada,
an attempt was to be made on Bston, and the
sea coast ravaged from there to Piscataqua. The
fleet proceeded no further than Newfoundland,
when the advanced season, and scantiness of provision,
obliged them to relinquish the design. The
people of New-England were apprized of the danger,
and made the best possible preparations to
avert the impending evil. They strengthened their
fortifications on the coast, and raised a body of
men to defend the frontiers against the Indians,
who were expected to co-operate with the French.
After the peace at Ryswick,
between England
and France, Count Frontenac, governor of Canada,
informed the Indians, that he was no longer at
liberty to support them in their wars against the
English, with whom his nation was now at peace.
He therefore advised them to bury the hatchet,
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and restore their captives. Having suffered much
by famine, and being divided in their opinion
respecting the prosecution of the war, they were
at length brought to a treaty at Casco, where they
ratified their former engagements; and acknowledged
subjection to the crown of England.
When the war in Europe was terminated, the
king appointed the earl of Bellamont governor of
New-York, Massachusetts and New-Hampshire,
and the earl made New-York the place of his residence.
Mr. Stoughton, the lieutenant-governor,
conducted the affairs of New-England.
Thus, after a long and expensive war, attended
with the most alarming internal divisions, the affairs
of the country were settled on a solid basis.
Trade began to flourish, and peace and plenty
again blessed the New-England settlements.
Chapter XIII.
Lord Bellamont’s arrival in Boston. His character
and behavior. His death at New-York. Mr.
Dudley appointed governor. War with the French
and Indians renewed. The reduction of Port-
Royal. Unsuccessful expedition against Canada.
Peace concluded with the French and their Indian
allies. New townships incorporated in Massachusetts.
Flourishing state of the colonies.
Lord
Bellamont arrived in Boston,
from New-York,
1699-05-26May 26; to see a nobleman at
the head of government was a novelty to the inhabitants
of New-England. He was a firm friend to
the revolution, and a favorite of king William.
His religious sentiments were liberal; and though
a member of the church of England, he attended
the congregational lectures with great respect.
The politeness of his manners, and affability of
his behavior, conciliated the minds of the people,
who treated him with the utmost deference. There
was a perfect harmony in the general court whilst
he presided. By avoiding offence to particular
persons, and conforming to the prevailing disposition
and opinion, he obtained a larger salary
than either of his predecessors, or any of the subsequent
governors of the province.
He visited and published his commission in New-
Hampshire, to the great joy of the inhabitants.
Lord Bellamont this year held two sessions of
the general court. The first was on the anniversary
for the election of counsellors. The second
was occasioned by the prevailing report, that there
was a general confederacy of the Indians, for the
total extirpation of the English. Such was the
consternation in Massachusetts, that several acts
passed the general court, viz. for levying soldiers;
for punishing mutiny and desertion; for having all
the militia prepared for the war; and for enabling
the governor to march them out of the province,
from which by charter he was restrained without
an act of the assembly. The general terror soon
after subsided, which prevented the execution of
those laws.
Soon after the session of the general court in
1700-05May, Lord Bellamont took his leave of Massachusetts,
and went to New-York, where he died on
the 1701-03-055th of March the subsequent year. His death
was greatly regretted by the people in his several
governments, among whom he had rendered
himself very popular.
After the intelligence of Lord Bellamont’s
death reached England, Queen Anne, who succeeded
upon the death of king William, appointed
Joseph Dudley, Esq. formerly president of New-
England, to be governor of Massachusetts and
New-Hampshire. He was received in Massachusetts
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with ceremony and respect, even by those who
had been his greatest opposers in the reign of
James II.
Upon the accession of governor Dudley, he produced
instructions, among other things, that the salaries
of the governor and lieutenant-governor, for
the time being, should be settled and fixed; but
the consequence of this measure, as tending to establish
the control of the crown over the proceedings
of the legislature, was too well understood to be
adopted; and it was opposed both by the council
and the house of representatives.
The conduct of Lewis XIV. in proclaiming the
Pretender king of England, rendered a war with
France inevitable. There was the greatest probability
that the Indians would join. The governor
of Canada, who assumed the character of their father
and protector, instigated them to prevent the
settlement of the English on the east of Kennebec.
A French mission was established, and a
chapel erected at Norridgwog, on the upper part
of Kennebec, which served to extend the influence
of the French among the Indians.
The savage tribes were preparing for hostilities
when Dudley entered on his government. The
first summer after his arrival, he visited all the
eastern frontiers as far as Pemaquid, accompanied
with a number of gentlemen from both his provinces.
He held a conference at Casco with delegates
from a number of the Indian tribes. They gave
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him the strongest assurances of their pacific intentions,
and declared, that though the French emissaries
had endeavoured to dissolve the union, yet it
was “firm as a mountain, and should continue as
long as the sun and moon.” Notwithstanding
these fair appearances, in the space of six weeks,
five hundred of the French and Indians attacked
all the settlements from Casco to Wells, and killed
and took nearly one hundred and thirty people.
They burnt and destroyed the places before them
in their destructive ravages.
The country at this period was in terror and
confusion. The women and children retired to
their garrisons. The men went armed to their
work, and posted centinels in the fields. Troops
of horse were quartered at Portsmouth, and in
the province of Maine. Alarms were frequent;
the whole frontier country, from Deerfield on the
west, to Casco on the east, was kept in continual
terror by small parties of the enemy.
It was principally against Massachusetts-Bay and
New-Hampshire that the Indians, during a ten
years war, exerted all their strength. Rhode-
Island, from its local situation, has ever been less
exposed to the excursions of the French and Indians
than those colonies. In the wars of Philip,
of king William, and queen Anne, Connecticut
lost only the buildings and part of the effects of
one town. In the present war, not a single town
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in that colony was lost, nor had any considerable
number of the inhabitants fallen by the hands of
the enemy.
Before the close of the year, the Indians made
a descent upon Deerfield, a remote settlement on
Connecticut river. After putting forty of the inhabitants
to death, and capturing an hundred,
they departed, leaving a considerable number of
the buildings in flames. They conducted the
prisoners to Canada, and murdered about twenty
of those unfortunate captives, who were unable
to travel with the expedition they required. Vaudreuil,
the French governor of Canada, treated
the prisoners with great humanity.
The depredations of the Indians stimulated the
colonies to raise forces, to repel their savage attacks.
The chief command was given to Col.
Church, who had rendered himself famous by
his exploits in the Philipic war. By governor
Dudley’s order, he conducted his army in an expedition
to the eastern shores. At Piscataqua, he
was joined by a body of men under Major Hilton,
who did him eminent service. The English army
destroyed the towns of Minas and Chiegnecto,
and did considerable damage to the French and
Indians at Penobscot and
Passamaquody.
The governor, at this period, deputed several
gentlemen to take a journey to Canada for the exchange
of prisoners. They returned with a number
of the inhabitants of Deerfield, and other
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captives. Vaudreuil, the French governor, dispatched
a commissioner to Boston, with proposals
of neutrality, which were communicated to the
general court. As their favorite object was the
reduction of Canada, they did not discover any
disposition to accede to his plan. Dudley protracted
the negociation, under pretence of consulting
with the other governments; and thus the
frontiers were preserved tolerably quiet during the
remainder of the year.
In 1706-04April,
the Indians killed eight, and wounded
two people in an house at Oyster-River, in
New-Hampshire. The garrison was near, but not
a man in it. The women, however, seeing nothing
but death before them, fired an alarm, and
then putting on hats and loosening their hair, that
they might {Handwritten deletion: not} end of handwritten deletion appear like men, they fired so
briskly, that the enemy, apprehending the people
were alarmed, fled without burning, or even plundering
the house they had attacked.
When Col. Church went to Nova-Scotia, he
very earnestly desired leave to make an attempt on
Port-Royal; but Dudley would not consent, and
the reason he gave was, that he had written to the
ministry in England, and expected orders and naval
assistance to reduce the place. His enemies,
however, assigned another reason for his refusal;
which was, that a clandestine trade was carried
on by his connivance, and to his emolument, with
the French in Port-Royal,. This report gained
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credit, and occasioned a vehement demand for justice.
Those who were directly concerned in the
illegal traffic were prosecuted and fined; and
the governor suffered much in his reputation. To
remove these aspersions, he determined to make
an attempt upon Port-Royal, even though he
should not receive any assistance from England.
Early in the spring, the governor applied to
the assemblies of both his provinces, and to the
colonies of Rhode-Island and Connecticut, requesting
them to raise one thousand men for the expedition.
Connecticut declined; but the other three
raised the whole number. The chief command of
this army was given to Col. March. A jealousy
and disagreement among the officers, and a misapprehension
of the state of the fort and garrison,
rendered this expedition abortive.
The war continued the two following years,
during which period the colonies were greatly distressed
by the devastations of the French and their
Indian allies. In 17101710, the territory of Acadie
was subdued by the capture of Port-Royal. England,
at length, assisted the colonies, to raise a force
sufficient for the reduction of that place. The chief
command of this combined army was given to
Francis Nicolson, Esq. who had been lieutenant-
governor of Virginia. After the surrender of Port-
Royal, it was called Annapolis, in honor of the
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queen. Samuel Vetch, who had been Colonel in
the late army, was appointed governor.
The surrender of Port-Royal encouraged the
inhabitants of New-England to attempt the reduction
of Quebec. General Nicolson made a voyage
to England, to solicit for this purpose, and received
a favorable answer from the British court.
The combined army of English and Americans,
engaged in this enterprize, made a body of about
six thousand five hundred men; and the fleet consisted
of fifteen ships of war. The sanguine hopes
of success, which had been entertained by the nation,
and the colonies, were all blasted in one
fatal night. For as the fleet was on its passage to
Canada, eight transports were wrecked on Egg-
Island, near the north shore; and one thousand
people perished, among whom there was but one
man, who belonged to New-England. The expedition
was relinquished, in consequence of this
melancholy event. On this occasion the colonies
felt the keenest disappointment and regret. Some
pious minds were hence induced to give up the
idea of subjecting Canada. They imagined that
their unsuccessful attempts clearly indicated, that
Providence never designed the whole northern continent
for one European nation.
The failure of this expedition encouraged the
Indians to harrass the frontiers, as soon as the season
would permit. But the Americans had becomeY
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vigilant in discovering, and active in baffling
their plans.
In autumn, intelligence of the peace of Utrecht
arrived in America; and on the 1712-10-2929th of October
the suspension of arms was proclaimed at Portsmouth.
The Indians being informed of this event,
came in with a flag of truce to Capt. Moody, and
desired a treaty, which the governor, with the
council of each province, held at Portsmouth,
where the chiefs and deputies of the several belligerent
tribes, by a formal writing under hand
and seal, agreed upon articles of submission and
pacification.
This event was peculiarly welcome to the inhabitants
of New-England, who had been greatly
distressed by the war; Massachusetts and New-
Hampshire in particular. Their population bore
no proportion to the other colonies; the difference
was chiefly owing to the constant state of
war, in which those provinces, especially Massachusetts,
had been involved. From 16751675, when
the Philipic war commenced, to 17131713, five or six
thousand of the youth of the country had perished
by the enemy, or by distempers contracted in the
service. The province, during the war, was subjected
to heavy taxes, which they sustained without
any relief or compensation from the parent state.
Notwithstanding these difficulties retarded
the population of the province of Massachusetts,
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it greatly increased; and a number of new townships
were formed. Wrentham,
Needham,
Bellingham
and Walpole, were, at different periods,
set off from Dedham, and incorporated into
separate townships.
The New-England churches were also rapidly
increasing. In 16961696, there were an hundred and
thirty churches in the colonies, thirty-five of which
were in Connecticut.
At this period, Connecticut had settled forty-
five towns under its own jurisdiction. Forty of
them sent deputies. The house of representatives,
when full, consisted of eighty members.
The number of ordained clergymen in this colony
the present year, exclusive of those in the
towns under the government of Massachusetts, was
forty-three. Upon the lowest computation, there
was one ordained minister to every four hundred
persons, or to every eighty families. It does not
appear that there was one bereaved church in the
colony. Besides, there was a considerable number
of candidates preaching in the new towns and
parishes, in which churches were not yet formed.
The whole number of inhabitants in Connecticut,
at this time, amounted to about seventeen
thousand.
About this period, the greatest part of the town
of Boston was laid in ashes by an accidental fire.
Though the inhabitants of New-England were considerably
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in debt, on account of the late war, it
was soon rebuilt in a far more elegant and commodious
manner than before. This evinced the
prodigious acquisitions the people had made in
commerce and industry since the foundation of
the colony. The peace of Utrecht greatly increased
the wealth and happiness of New-England.
The authors of the Universal History observe,
that, “the inhabitants of those colonies, to their
native love of liberty, added now the polite arts of
life; industry was embellished by elegance; and,
what would have been hardly credible in ancient
Greece and Rome, in less than fourscore years,
colonies, almost unassisted by their mother country,
arose in the wilds of America, which, if transplanted
to Europe, and rendered an independent
government, would have made no mean figure
amidst her sovereign states.”
Chapter XIV.
Of the attention paid to the promotion of learning in
New-England. New buildings erected for the
university of Cambridge. Yale college founded,
and settled at New-Haven. The Connecticut
churches are convened in a synod at Saybrook.
The Episcopalian mode of worship is introduced into
Connecticut. Of the different religious denominations
in Rhode-Island. An Episcopalian church
is erected at Portsmouth, in New-Hampshire.
Line of jurisdiction settled between Massachusetts
and Connecticut. Death of Queen Anne, and accession
of George I. Appointment of governor
Shute. Removal and character of governor
Dudley.
It may afford some relief to the
mind, to take leave for the present of the distressing
Indian wars, and turn the attention to a more
pleasing subject.
The inhabitants of New-England, from their
first settlement, were eminently distinguished by
their attention to the promotion of learning, and
neither their frequent contests with the natives,
nor the other difficulties which they were obliged
to encounter, could divert their attention from
this important object.
The university of Cambridge was, at this period,
in a flourishing situation. The Hon. William
Stoughton, lieutenant-governor of the province,
erected a building for the accommodation of the
students, which filled the space between Harvard
and Massachusetts halls. It was called Stoughton
hall, after his name, and served to perpetuate his
memory.
In 17451745, the widow and daughters of Samuel
Holden, one of the directors of the bank of England,
were at the expence of erecting Holden
chapel, which commemorates their pious liberality.
“In no part of the world,” says Dr. Morse,
“is the education of all ranks of people more attended
to than in Connecticut. From the first
settlement of this colony, schools have been established
by law in every town and parish in it, for
instructing all the children in reading, writing and
arithmetic. The law also directs that a grammar
school should be kept in every county town.”
In 16541654, Mr. Davenport brought forward the
institution of a college, to which the town of New-
Haven made a donation of land and meadows, distinguished
to this day by the name of college land.
Upon a donation of four or five hundred pounds
sterling, by governor Hopkins, the general assembly
erected the colony school into a college, for
teaching the learned languages and sciences. Mr.
Davenport took the care of this school for several
years; till the trustees, with the magistrates and
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ministers, established the Rev. Mr. Peck, according
to act of the assembly. This gentleman met
with such a variety of discouragements, that the
college was broken up in 16641664, and terminated in
a public grammar school, which continues to this
day.
In the beginning of the present century, ten of
the principal divines in Connecticut were nominated
and agreed upon, by a general consent both
of the ministers and people, to stand as trustees,
or undertakers, to found, erect and govern a college.
The ministers, soon after their nomination,
met in New-Haven, accepted the charge, and established
the institution. The subsequent year,
they obtained a charter from the general assembly
of Connecticut, and a grant of money for the encouragement
of this infant seminary.
Soon after the reception of the charter, the
trustees met, and established certain rules for the
regulation of the seminary; and from their own
number chose the Rev. Mr. Pierson, minister of
Killingworth, to the office of instructing and governing
the collegiate school, under the title and
character of Rector. They fixed on Saybrook,
as the most convenient place, at present, for the
college; and here the first commencement was
holden, on the 1702-09-1313th of September, 1702.
Several attempts were made to effect the removal
of Rector Pierson to Saybrook, but without
success; the smallness of the collegiate finances,
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and the opposition of his own congregation
to the measure, prevented its execution. Although,
therefore, the commencement was holden
at Saybrook, the students, during Rector Pierson’s
administration, resided at Killingworth.
The college continued at Saybrook about seven
years, without any remarkable alteration or occurrence.
In 17161716, the people subscribed large sums
for the erection of a college edifice, where it would
best accommodate them. The trustees, soon after,
voted to remove the college from Saybrook,
to New-Haven; and accordingly, for the first
time, held the commencement there on the 1717-09-1111th
of September, 1717.
The trustees, having received a number of valuable
donations, were now enabled to finish a
large and commodious edifice, which they had
raised in 1716-10October the preceding year; and which,
within a year after, was fit for the reception of the
students. At a splendid commencement, 1718-09-12September
12, 1718, in the presence of governor Saltonstall,
and a large and respectable assembly, the
trustees, in commemoration of governor Yale’s
great generosity (who had made large presents of
books, and other valuable articles to the seminary)
called the edifice after his name, Yale college.
For a few years the infant college contained,
on an average, but twelve or fifteen scholars. At
the period of its removal to New-Haven, the number
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had increased to about thirty. In the year
17271727, it contained fifty or sixty; and in the year
17401740, about ninety students.
In 17451745, an act was passed by the legislature of
Connecticut, “for the more full and complete establishment
of Yale college; and for enlarging its
powers and privileges.” By this act, the rector
and trustees were incorporated, by the name of
The President and Fellows of Yale College, in
New-Haven; and they still retain the appellation.
In 17501750, by means of a lottery, and a liberal
grant from the legislature, the corporation was enabled
to erect another edifice, for the accommodation
of the students. In grateful acknowledgment
of the generosity of the government, the president
and fellows, at the commencement in 17521752, ordered,
that the new college be named Connecticut
hall.
The inhabitants of Connecticut paid great attention
to the religious, as well as to the literary
state of their colony. In the year 17081708, a synod
was convened at Saybrook, composed of the ministers
and delegates from the churches of the four
counties of Hartford, New-Haven, Fairfield and
New-London, together with two or more messengers
from a convention of the churches of each of
the four counties. This synod drew up the form
of church government and discipline, which is
known by the name of the Saybrook platform;
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this was presented to the general court, passed into
a law of the colony, and became the established
constitution of the churches of Connecticut.
Dr. Trumbull observes, “That though the
council were unanimous in passing the platform of
discipline, yet they were not all of one opinion.
Some were for high consociational government,
and in their sentiments, nearly Presbyterian; others
were much more moderate, and rather verging
on Independency; but they exercised great
Christian condescension towards each other.”
During the term of about seventy years from
the settlement of Connecticut, the congregational
was the only mode of worship in the colony. But
the society for propagating the gospel in foreign
parts, in 17041704, fixed the Rev. Mr. Muirson as a
missionary at Rye. Some of the people at Stratford,
who had been educated in the Episcopalian
worship, made an earnest application to Mr. Muirson
to visit at Stratford, and preach and baptize
among them. About the year 17061706, upon their
invitation, he came to Stratford, accompanied
with Colonel Heathcote, a gentleman zealously engaged
in promoting the Episcopal church. The
ministers and people in that, and the adjacent
towns, were alarmed at his arrival, and used their
exertions to prevent their neighbors and families
from attending his preaching. However, the
novelty of the affair, and other circumstances,
brought together a considerable assembly; and
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Mr. Muirson baptized five and twenty persons,
principally adults. This was the first step towards
introducing the church worship into this colony.
In 1707-04April, 1707, he made another visit to Stratford.
He also preached at this time in Fairfield,
and in both towns baptized a number of children
and adult persons. Both the magistrates and clergymen
opposed the introduction of Episcopacy,
and advised the people not to attend the preaching
of the church missionaries. The opposition
only increased the zeal of the churchmen. Mr.
Muirson, after this, made several journies to Connecticut,
till the year 17221722, when Mr. Pigot was
appointed missionary at Stratford. The Episcopalians
at first in that place consisted of about fifteen
families, among whom were a few husbandmen,
but much the greater number were tradesmen,
who had been born in England, and came and settled
in that town. Some of their neighbors joined
them, so that Mr. Pigot had twenty communicants,
and about an hundred and fifty hearers. In 17231723,
Christ Church, in Stratford, was founded, and the
Rev. Mr. Johnson, afterwards Dr. Johnson, was
appointed to succeed Mr. Pigot.
Rhode-Island, from its first settlement, was
distinguished by liberality of sentiment; and by the
variety of religious denominations, which found an
asylum in that colony.
In 16711671, a number of the members of Mr.
Clark’s church, who had embraced the opinions
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of the seventh day Baptists, separated from their
brethren, and erected a church under the pastoral
care of Mr. William Hiscex.
In 17001700, the Friends, or Quakers meeting-house
was built at Newport. Their yearly meeting,
till governor Coddington’s death, was held in his
house, and he died a member of that body, in 16881688.
In 17201720, there was a congregational church
gathered at Newport, and the Rev. Nathaniel Clap
was ordained its pastor. Out of this church
another was formed in 17281728. The worship of
God, according to the rites of the church of England,
was instituted here in 17061706, by the society
for propagating the gospel in foreign parts. And
in 17381738, there were seven worshiping assemblies
in this town, and a large society of Quakers at
Portsmouth, at the other end of the island.
There had not been any Episcopal church in
the province of New-Hampshire, from its first settlement
till about the year 17321732, when some gentlemen,
who were attached to the mode of worship
in the church of England, contributed to the erection
of a neat building on a commanding eminence
at Portsmouth, which they called the queen’s
chapel. It was consecrated in 17341734; and in
17361736 they ordained Mr. Arthur Brown for their
minister, with a salary from the society for propagating
the gospel in foreign parts.
For several years ineffectual attempts had been
made for settling a line of jurisdiction between the
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province of Massachusetts and the colony of New-
Haven. This object was now accomplished; and
the lands granted by Massachusetts to Connecticut
were applied for the support of Yale college, and
other public uses. The controverted towns, for
many years after, continued without molestation
under the jurisdiction by which they were first
settled.
On the 1714-09-1515th of September arrived the news of
Queen Anne’s death; and the accession of King
George I. who was then proclaimed in New-
England. Colonel Burgess was commissioned
governor of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire;
but for the consideration of a thousand pounds
sterling, he resigned, and Col. Samuel Shute was
appointed governor of both provinces. Mr. Dudley
was removed, and having passed through many
scenes of active life, retired to pass the remainder
of his days in a private station.
Mr. Dudley has been characterised by governor
Hutchinson as “a man in whom ambition was the
ruling passion.” “His friends,” says that author,
“were lavish in their encomiums on his diligence,
frugality, and his judgment in the administration
of affairs; while he was charged by his enemies
with bribery, corruption and other crimes.” His
arbitrary principles were extremely disagreeable to
the people under his government. During his administration
he had frequent altercations with the
council. The high ideas of liberty imbibed by the
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inhabitants of New-England occasioned their being
extremely jealous of those governors who were appointed
by the crown. They early exhibited
penetration in discovering, and firmness in opposing,
every encroachment on their civil and religious
privileges.
Chapter XV.
Arrival of governor Shute. He renews the treaty
with the Indians. Of his altercation with the
people. His departure to England. Of the smallpox.
War with the French and Indians. Death
of the Jesuit Ralle. Peace concluded. Fort
Dummer built. Appointment and character of
governor Burnet. Of his controversy with Massachusetts
respecting a fixed salary. His death.
Appointment of governor Belcher.
Col. Shute
arrived in Boston 1716-10-04October
4, and was received with the usual parade.
The subsequent summer, attended by several of
the council both of Massachusetts and New-
Hampshire, and other gentlemen, he met the Indians
at Arrowswick island. This interview with
them was thought expedient, to confirm them in
their friendship to the English; and, if possible,
engage them to relinquish the Roman Catholic,
and embrace the Protestant religion.
At the opening of the conference, the governor
offered them an Indian bible, and a Protestant
missionary. They rejected both, saying, “God
had given them teaching already, and if they
should depart from it, they would incur his displeasure.
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All attempts to induce them to change
their religion proved ineffectual. They complained
of the encroachments which the English had
made upon their lands, and discovered the ascendency
which French counsels had gained upon their
minds. However, as their aged men were extremely
averse to a new war, they agreed, after
some altercation, to renew the treaty which was
made at Portsmouth.
Several months passed after Col. Shute’s arrival,
without open opposition to his administration.
It was soon, however, insinuated, that he was a
man of narrow understanding; and under the influence
of men of arbitrary sentiments. The people
were hence exhorted to guard their privileges
with the utmost vigilance.
Subjects of contention arose from time to
time, and there was much altercation between the
governor and council during the two subsequent
years. A particular relation of those debates
would be unentertaining to the generality of readers,
and inconsistent with the brevity of this work.
This year the dissentions in government arose
to a greater height than they had done since the
religious disputes in 16371637. The governor irritated
the house of representatives by negativing their
choice of Mr. Cook, for a speaker; and upon their
refusing to elect another, he dissolved the court.
This measure excited the keenest popular resentment.
Agreeably to the instructions, which the
governor had received from England, he recommended
to the assembly the establishing of a fixed
salary for his support; but all his attempts to this
purpose proved ineffectual.
A controversy arose in New-Hampshire between
governor Shute, and George Vaughan, Esq.
the lieutenant-governor of that colony. Vaughan
contended, that when the governor was present
in his other province, he was absent from
New-Hampshire, and consequently the administration
devolved on him. Shute alleged, that he
had the power of commander in chief over both
provinces during his residence in either. The controversy
was determined in England in favor
of governor Shute. Vaughan was displaced,
and John Wentworth, Esq. appointed to succeed
him.
The people of New-Hampshire were satisfied
with governor Shute’s administration as far as it
respected them; and they contributed more towards
his support in proportion to their population,
than his other government.
The inhabitants of Massachusetts continued
strenuously to oppose his administration, and gave
him so much vexation, that he was induced this
year to leave the province, and return to England.
Upon his arrival he exhibited a variety of complaints
against the house of representatives. He
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alleged, that they had invaded the royal prerogative,
by refusing to admit the governor’s negative
in the choice of a speaker; by assuming the
power of appointing days of fasting and thanksgiving;
and in adjourning themselves to a distant
day by their own act. Their conduct respecting
their military affairs; and other parts of their behavior,
were also represented in an unfavorable
light.
The British ministry were greatly offended with
the conduct of the Massachusetts province towards
governor Shute, and concluded from thence
that it was their object to be independent of the
crown. The result was, that the government of
the province was obliged to accept an explanatory
charter, dated 1724-08-12August 12, 1724, confirming
the right of the governor to approve or disapprove
of the speaker of the house, and declaring
their right of adjourning without his consent, to
mean only from day to day, or at most for a term
not exceeding two days.
Whilst the province was distressed by internal
divisions, and alarmed with the apprehension of
a fourth Indian war, the prevalence of an infectious
disease was the source of additional calamities.
At this period the small-pox proved very mortal
in Boston, and some of the adjacent towns.
The spread of this disease being prevented for almost
twenty years, all born within that time, besides
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numbers who had previously escaped it, were
exposed to the distemper. Of 5889, who caught
the infection in Boston, 844 died. Inoculation
was introduced on this occasion, and was generally
so vehemently opposed, that those who promoted
it hazarded their lives from popular resentment.
Dr. Cotton Mather, one of the principal
clergymen in Boston, had seen some accounts of
the practice of inoculation, in Constantinople, published
in the transactions of the Royal Society,
from which he received a very favorable idea of
this method. This induced him, when the small-
pox first began to spread, to recommend a trial to
the physicians of the town. They all declined it
except Dr. Boylston, who, to evince his confidence
in the utility of this operation, ventured to
make the important experiment in his own family.
The success was equal to his expectations. Many
exposed to the infection were encouraged to receive
it in the same way. Dr. Boylston practised
inoculation in Boston before it was known in that
town, that it had ever been attempted in England,
or in any part of Europe, out of the Turkish dominions.
Many pious people were struck with
horror, and were of opinion, that if any of his patients
should die, he ought to be treated as a murderer.
The vulgar were exasperated to such a degree,
that his family were scarcely secure in his
house, and he was frequently insulted in the
streets.
Governor Hutchinson
remarks, that, “such
was the force of prejudice, that all orders of men,
at that period, condemned a practice, which is at
present generally approved, and to which so many
thousands owe the preservation of their lives.”
Meantime the Indians were preparing for
war. The French furnished them with ammunition
and provisions; and were constantly instigating
them to commence hostilities.
The English found an active enemy in the
person of one Sebastian Ralle, a French Jesuit,
who had established a church at Norridgwog,
where he resided. He was a man of good sense,
learning and address; and an enthusiastic for his
country and religion. By a compliance with the
Indian mode of life, and a gentle condescending
deportment, he gained their affections; and they
implicitly followed his dictates. Knowing the
power of superstition over the savage mind, he
took advantage of this, and of their prejudice
against the English, in order to strengthen their
attachment to the French interest. He even made
the offices of devotion serve as incentives to their
ferocity, and kept a flag, on which was depictured
a cross, surrounded by bones and arrows, which he
used to hoist on a pole at the door of his church,
when he gave them absolution, previously to their
engaging in any warlike enterprize.
As the passions of the Indians were inflamed by
Ralle, and they received every encouragement
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from the French, they began in the year 17201720 to
molest the English settlers in a variety of ways.
In the succeeding winter, a party was ordered
to Norridgwog, to seize Ralle. He escaped before
they could surround the house, leaving his box of
papers, which they conveyed away upon their return,
without doing any other damage. Among
those papers were his letters of correspondence with
the governor of Canada, by which it clearly appeared,
he was deeply engaged in exciting the
Indians to a rupture, and had promised to assist
them.
This attempt to seize their spiritual father stimulated
the Indians to revenge. After committing
several hostile acts, they made a furious attack on
the town of Brunswick, which they destroyed.
This action determined the government to issue a
declaration of war against them, which was published
at Boston and Portsmouth, on the 1722-07-2525th of
July.
The devastations of the Indians during this, and
the subsequent year, caused the government to resolve
on an expedition to Norridgwog. The captains
Moulton and Harman, both of York, each at
the head of a company of one hundred men, executed
their orders with great address. They
completely invested and surprized that village;
killed the obnoxious Jesuit with about eighty of
his Indians; recovered three captives; destroyed
the chapel, and brought away the plate and furniture
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of the altar, and the devotional flag, as trophies
of their victory.
The success of this expedition induced several
volunteer companies to engage against the Indians.
One of those companies, under the command of
Capt. John Lovewell, of Dunstable, was greatly
distinguished, first by their success, and afterwards
by their misfortunes. After performing several
brave actions, the captain, with more than one
quarter of his company, were killed in one of the
most fierce and obstinate battles, which was fought
with the savages. Notwithstanding this severe
discouragement, the English refused to surrender,
till the enemy, awed by their brave resistance,
and weakened by their own loss, yielded them the
honor of the field.
The conduct of the Marquis de Vaudreuil,
governor of Canada, was so flagrant a breach of
the treaty of peace, subsisting between the crowns
of England and France, that the provinces of
Massachusetts and New-Hampshire thought proper
to send commissioners to Canada. They were to
demand of the French governor restitution of the
captives under his government; to remonstrate to
him on his injustice and breach of friendship, in
countenancing the Indians in their hostilities
against the people of New-England; and to insist
upon his withdrawing his assistance for the future.
The governor of Canada received the commissioners
with great politeness. They were successful
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in redeeming a number of English captives.
The good effects produced by this mission
were soon visible. 1725-12-15December 15, a treaty was
held at Boston, and the subsequent spring ratified
at Falmouth, in which a peace was concluded with
the Indians.
None of the colonies of New-England, except
Massachusetts and New-Hampshire, bore any
share in the calamities and expences of this war;
and New-Hampshire did not suffer so much as in
former wars. The enemy at this period directed
their greatest fury against the eastern parts of Massachusetts.
After the departure of governor Shute, Mr.
William Dummer, the then lieutenant-governor,
succeeded him in the administration of Massachusetts.
Mr. Wentworth, lieutenant-governor of
New-Hampshire, managed the concerns of that
province.
In the year 17241724, a settlement was first made
within the present limits of Vermont. The
government of Massachusetts then built fort Dummer,
upon Connecticut river. This fort was at
that time admitted to be within Massachusetts. It
was afterwards found to be in New-Hampshire,
and is now included in the state of Vermont.
Upon the accession of King Geroge II. Mr.
William Burnet, son of the celebrated Bishop of
Sarum, was appointed governor of Massachusetts
and New-Hampshire. He is characterized “as a
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man of good understanding and polite literature;
fond of books, and of the conversation of literary
men; but an enemy to ostentation and parade.”
He had been governor of New-York and New-
Jersey; and his administration had, in general,
been very popular in those colonies, and approved
in England. He was received with much parade
at Boston, whither the lieutenant-governor of
New-Hampshire, with a committee of the council
and assembly, went to compliment him on his arrival.
Mr. Burnet had positive instructions from the
crown to insist on the establishment of a permanent
salary in both his provinces. He began with Massachusetts,
and there was a warm altercation between
him and the general court on that subject.
The inhabitants of Massachusetts always declined
complying with that requisition, being apprehensive
that disagreeable consequences might ensue
from the independency of the governor on the
people over whom he was placed. The inhabitants
of New-Hampshire were more pliable; and
granted the governor a fixed salary on certain conditions.
His death, which happened this year,
was supposed to be occasioned by the ill effects,
which his controversy with Massachusetts, and the
disappointment which he suffered had upon his
nerves.
When the death of governor Burnet was known
in England, the resentment against the province
of Massachusetts for their conduct towards him
was very high. It was even proposed to reduce
them to a more absolute dependence on the crown.
However, a spirit of moderation prevailed, and Mr.
Jonathan Belcher, a native of the province, was
appointed governor of Massachusetts and New-
Hampshire.
Whilst the provinces of Massachusetts and
New-Hampshire were engaged in altercations with
the governors, who were appointed by the crown,
the colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island enjoyed,
under their ancient charters, the privilege
of chusing their own rulers.
Though the altercations between the governors
appointed by the crown, and the general assemblies
of Massachusetts afford little entertainment,
simply considered; yet they appear more interesting
when viewed as resulting from that love of
liberty which ever formed a distinguished trait in
the character of the inhabitants of New-England.
The opposition, which was made, to fixing a salary
on the royal governors, nurtured a spirit of independence;
and early habits of resisting the encroachments
of Britain, prepared them for that
arduous contest which finally terminated in a separation
from the parent state.
Chapter XVI.
Arrival of governor Belcher. His character. He
endeavours in vain to obtain a fixed salary. A
party are dissatisfied with his government. Controversy
between Massachusetts and New-Hampshire,
respecting the divisional line. New-Hampshire
formed into a separate government. Removal
of Mr. Belcher. Mr. Shirley appointed
governor. Reduction of Louisbourg. Expedition
projected against Canada. The French send a
powerful armament against America, which is
dispersed by a violent tempest. Treaty of Aix la
Chapelle. Plan of introducing bishops in America.
Settlement of Bennington.
Mr. Belcher arrived the beginning
of 1730-08August, and was received with great joy. He
was a merchant of large fortune, and unblemished
reputation; graceful in his person, elegant and
polite in his manners. He was a steady generous
friend; a vindictive, but not implacable, enemy,
though his frankness and sincerity led him to be extremely
liberal in his censures both in conversation
and letters. Being of an aspiring disposition, he
entertained a high sense of the dignity of his commission,
and was determined to support it, even at
the expence of his private fortune; the emoluments
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of office, in both provinces, being inadequate
to the style in which he chose to live.
In the beginning of his administration, he
attempted to obtain a fixed salary from Massachusetts;
but he was as unsuccessful as his predecessors.
The assembly of that province continued
their opposition to this measure with persevering
firmness. What he received from New-Hampshire
was fixed, and paid out of the excise.
After Mr. Belcher relinquished the idea of
receiving a fixed salary from Massachusetts, he
endeavoured to obtain a relaxation of his instructions.
A consent to receive particular sums was
given for two or three years; and, at length, a
general permission to receive such sums as should
be granted. Thus the tedious controversy respecting
the governor’s salary was terminated.
Though Mr. Belcher’s talents were of the popular
kind, a party was formed against him, who
transmitted complaints of his conduct to England.
He and his friends had projected an union of
New-Hampshire with Massachusetts; but they had
not yet concerted the means of accomplishing
this purpose.
Mr. Dunbar, the lieutenant governor of New-
Hampshire, was at the head of the opposition against
Mr. Belcher. This party contemplated not only
the continuance of a separate government, but the
appointment of a distinct governor, who should reside
in the province, and have no connexion with
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Massachusetts. In order to remove the obstacle,
which arose fropm the smallness and poverty of
their province, they were zealous to have the
bounds of territory not only fixed, but enlarged.
Their avowed intention was to terminate a tedious
controversy, which had proved a source of inconvenience
to the people, who resided on the disputed
lands; or those, who sought an interest in them;
but their secret design was to displace Belcher, and
obtain a separate government.
The provinces of Massachusetts and New-
Hampshire had a long and tedious controversy
respecting the divisional line. The question was
referred to commissioners appointed by the crown,
who, after displaying much parade, and causing
great expence, left the matter undecided. It remained
a subject of intrigue and altercation during
the two subsequent years. At length, the affair
was left to the decision of the lords of the council.
Their determination exceeded the most sanguine
expectations of New-Hampshire, as it gave them a
tract of country, fourteen miles in breadth, and
above fifty in length, more than they had ever
claimed.
On the other hand, the politicians of Massachusetts
were chagrined and enraged at this determination,
which curtailed their province. They
dispatched Mr. Thomas Hutchinson, afterwards
governor of Massachusetts, for an agent to petition
the king, that he would reannex to their government
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the twenty-eight new townships, and the
districts of the six old towns, which had been cut
off by the division. The petition was finally rejected,
and New-Hampshire formed into a separate
government.
In the mean time Mr. Belcher’s enemies were
indefatigable in their endeavours to remove him;
and Dr. Belknap observes, “that, by their incessant
applications to the ministry; by taking every
advantage of his mistakes; by falsehood and misrepresentation;
and finally, by the diabolical arts
of forgery and perjury, they accomplished their
views.”
“He was
succeeded in the government of Massachusetts
by William Shirley; and in New-
Hampshire by Benning Wentworth.”
After Mr. Belcher was superceded in the
government, he repaired to court, where he had an
opportunity to exhibit the most convincing evidence
of his integrity, and of the base designs of
his enemies. He was, at length appointed governor
of New-Jersey; where he spent the remaining
years of his life; and where his memory has been
treated with merited respect.
News being received in Massachusetts that war
was declared against France and Spain, it was resolved
by the general court, then sitting, to make
provision for raising forces for Nova-Scotia. Governor
Shirley projected an enterprize against Louisbourg,
a fortified town in the island of Cape-Breton.
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Twenty-five years had been devoted to
erecting its fortifications, which, though not entirely
finished, had cost the crown of France thirty
millions of livres. The place was so strong as to
be called the Dunkirk of America. In order to
reduce this town, governor Shirley solicited and
obtained naval assistance from England. The
forces employed by Massachusetts consisted of upwards
of three thousand two hundred of their
own men. The colonies of New-Hampshire and
Rhode-Island furnished each three hundred; and
Connecticut five hundred. New-York sent a supply
of artillery, and Pennsylvania of provisions.
William Pepperell, Esq. of Kittery, a respectable
merchant, and a colonel of the militia,
was appointed to command the land forces in this
expedition. They were joined by a small squadron,
under the command of Commodore Warren.
The final resolution for this enterprize against
Louisbourg, was carried but by the majority of
one. After they had embarked, the hearts of
many began to fail. Some repented that they
had voted for the expedition, or promoted it; and
the most thoughtful were involved in the greatest
perplexity.
Towards the end of the month of
1745-04April, Commodore
Warren arrived from the West-Indies,
with a sixty-four gun ship, and two of forty. He
was soon after joined by another of forty, which
had reached Canso a short time before. The men
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of war sailed immediately to cruise before Louisbourg.
The forces soon followed, and landed at
Chapeaurouge-Bay, the last day of 1745-04April. The
transports were discovered from the town early in
the morning, which gave the inhabitants the first
knowledge of the design.
The second day after landing, four hundred
men marched round behind the hills, to the northeast
part of the harbor, in the night; where they
burned the warehouses containing the naval stores.
The clouds of thick smoke, proceeding from
pitch, tar, and other combustibles, driven by the
wind into the great battery, terrified the French
to such a degree, that they abandoned it, and retired
to the city, after having spiked the guns,
and thrown their powder into a well. The hardships
of the siege were without parrallel in all preceding
American operations. The army was employed
for fourteen nights, successively, in drawing
cannon, mortars, &c. for two miles through a
morass to their camp. The Americans were yoked
together, and performed labor beyond the
power of oxen; which labor could be done only
in the night, or in a foggy day; the place being
within clear view and random shot of the enemy’s
walls.
Whilst the forces were busily employed on
shore, the men of war and other vessels were cruising
off the harbor, as often as the weather would
permit. On the 1745-05-1919th of May they captured,
chiefly by the address of the gallant Capt. Rous,
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a Massachusetts naval officer, the Vigilant, a French
sixty-gun ship, having 560 men on board, and a
great variety of military stores for the relief of the
garrison.
The capture of the Vigilant threw the enemy
into great perturbation. This event, with the
erection of a battery on the high cliff at the lighthouse,
under the direction of Lieut. Col. Gridley,
by which the island battery was much annoyed,
and the preparations which were evidently making
for a general assault, determined Duchambon, the
French officer, to surrender; and accordingly,
on the 1745-06-1717th of June, he capitulated.
Upon entering the fortress, and viewing its
strength, and the plenty and variety of its means
of defence, the most courageous were appalled,
and the impracticability of carrying it by assault
was fully demonstrated.
As this was a time, when vessels were expected
from all parts at Louisbourg, the French flag was
kept flying as a decoy. Two East-Indiamen, and
one South-sea ship, estimated at 600,000 l. sterling,
were taken by the squadron at the mouth of the
harbor, into which they sailed as usual, not knowing
that the place had surrendered to the English.
The weather was remarkably fine during the
siege; but the rains began the day after the surrender,
and continued ten days incessantly, which
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would undoubtedly have proved fatal to the expedition,
had not the capitulation prevented.
The religious inhabitants of New-England contemplated
with pious gratitude the remarkable interpositions
of divine Providence, in the reduction
of this town; and the almost miraculous preservation
of the army from destruction.
The news of this important victory occasioned
great rejoicings in America, and filled Europe with
astonishment. The enterprizing spirit of New-
England gave a serious alarm to those jealous
fears, which had long predicted the independence
of the colonies. Great pains were taken in England
to ascribe all the glory to the navy, and depreciate
the merit of the army. However, Pepperell
received the title of a baronet, as well as
Warren. The latter was promoted to be an admiral;
the former had a commission as colonel
in the British establishment, and was empowered to
raise a regiment in America, to be in the pay of
the crown. The same emolument was given to
Shirley, and both he and Wentworth acquired so
much reputation as to be confirmed in their places.
And after much difficulty and delay, parliament
reimbursed the colonies for their expences.
Whilst the British colonies, elated by success,
planned a new expedition against Canada, the loss
of Louisbourg stimulated the French to revenge.
In the subsequent year a very formidable French
fleet sailed for the American coast, under the commandCc
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of the Duke d’Anville, a nobleman of ability
and courage. This was the most powerful armament
ever sent into North-America, having
twenty men of war, an hundred transports, about
eight thousand disciplined troops, with veteran
officers, and all kinds of military stores. It was
supposed that the French government had formed
the design of recovering Louisbourg, taking Annapolis,
breaking up the settlements on the eastern
coast of Massachusetts; and of distressing, if not
attempting the conquest of New-England. On
this alarming occasion, the troops which were destined
for Canada found sufficient employment at
home; and vigorous exertions were used to repel
the attempts of their enemies. The colonies were
disappointed in their expectation of a British squadron
for their defence; and their situation appeared
extremely dangerous. They were, however, at
length providentially relieved. The French fleet
was visited by such a mortal sickness, that thirteen
hundred died at sea; and the greatest part of those
who remained were extremely weakened and
dispirited. In addition to this calamity, the fleet
was dispersed by a violent tempest. The commander,
in despair, put a period to his life by
poison; and the second in command fell on his
sword. Part of the ships were lost, and those
which escaped destruction, were obliged to return
singly to France.
Dr. Belknap observes, “Never was the hand
of divine Providence more visible, than on this
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occasion. Never was a disappointment more severe
on the side of an enemy; nor a deliverance
more complete, without human help, in favour of this
country.”
When the alarm occasioned by the French
fleet had subsided, the season was too far advanced
to prosecute the expedition against Canada. Governor
Shirley was so intent upon attacking Crown-
Point, that he had even proposed to march thither
in the winter, and had the address to draw the assembly
of Massachusetts into an approbation of his
project; but the plan was frustrated by the prudence
of the Connecticut assembly, who deemed
the winter an improper season for so great an undertaking,
and deferred their assistance till the ensuing
spring. The termination of the war prevented
the renewal of the plan. By the treaty of Aix
la Chapelle, in 17481748, it was stipulated, that all
things should be restored on the footing they were
before the war.
No sooner were the distresses of war closed, by
the renewal of peace, than the colonies, particularly
of New-England, were alarmed with the report
of an American Episcopacy; which it was
the most earnest desire of Dr. Thomas Secker, late
archbishop of Canterbury, to accomplish. The
colonies were opposed to the introduction of Episcopacy;
because they supposed it would be accompanied
with such a degree of civil power, as would,
at length, infringe upon the rights of other denominations.
The political reason on which the design of sending
bishops to America was founded, was the circumstance
of several nonjuring clergymen, in the
interest of the Pretender, having come into the
country from Great-Britain, whose influence it was
necessary to counteract and destroy. But some
leading persons in the ministry being opposed to it,
the project was laid aside in the cabinet. Nevertheless,
the society for propagating the gospel, from
different views, took it under their patronage.
In order to obviate the objections which they
supposed the colonies would make to the introduction
of Episcopacy, they stated,
That the bishops to be sent to the colonies
should not be vested with any authority, but that
of a spiritual and ecclesiastical nature. That this
authority should operate only on the clergy, and
not on the laity, or dissenters of any denomination.
That the bishops should not interfere with the
property or privileges, whether civil or religious,
of churchmen or dissenters. That their maintenance
should not be settled in places where
the government is in the hands of dissenters, as in
New-England. That their authority should extend
only to ordain clergy over Episcopal congregations;
to inspect the manners and behavior of such
clergy, and to confirm the members of the church
of England.
The design of introducing bishops in America,
was, however, laid aside at this period.
This year Benning Wentworth, governor of
New-Hampshire, made a grant to that colony of a
township six miles square, by the name of Bennington,
in allusion to his own name. For the space
of four or five years, he made several other grants
on the west side of Connecticut river. The application
for new grants was suspended for a time, in
consequence of the war between France and the
British colonies, which will be briefly related in
the subsequent chapter.
Chapter XVII.
Revival of the disputes between the French and British
colonies. Congress appointed. They form a
plan of union, which is rejected. Of the four expeditions
against the French. Mr. Pitt appointed
prime minister. American affairs wear a more
favorable aspect. Louisbourg taken. Several
French forts are reduced. Defeat of the English
troops at Ticonderoga.
The treaty of Aix la Chapelle had
terminated none of the controverted points between
the French and English concerning the limits
of their respective colonies. To accomplish
this purpose, commissioners were mutually chosen.
These commissioners met at Paris, but came to
no decision. The French were in possession of all
Canada, had settlements in Louisiana, and they
meditated to join these distant colonies, by a chain
of forts and posts from the St. Lawrence to the
Missisippi, and to extend the limits of Canada
as far eastward as to command navigation in the
winter, when the great river St. Lawrence is impassable.
These claims of territory were a subject
of complaint to the English and Americans, and
threatened to revive the flames of war.
In this alarming crisis of affairs, a Congress was
held at Albany, consisting of delegates from
Massachusetts, New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island,
Connecticut, Pennsylvania and Maryland; with
the lieutenant-governor, and council of New-York.
One member from each colony was appointed, to
draw a plan of union. The substance of this
plan was, that application be made, for an act of
parliament, to form a grand council, consisting of
delegates from the several legislative assemblies, subject
to the control of a president-general, to be
appointed by the crown, with a negative voice.
That this council should enact general laws; apportion
the quotas of men and money, to be raised by
each colony; determine the building of forts, regulate
the operation of armies, and concert all
measures for the common protection and safety.
The delegates of Connecticut alone, entered their
dissent to the plan, because of the negative voice of
the president-general. “It is,” says Dr. Belknap,
“worthy of remark, that this plan for the union of
the colonies was agreed to, on the 1754-07-04fourth day of
July; exactly twenty-two years before the declaration
of American independence; and that the
name of Franklin appears in both.”
This plan of union was rejected in America,
because it was supposed to put too much power into
the hands of the king; and it was rejected in
England, because it was thought to give too much
authority to the assemblies of the colonies. The
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ministry made another proposal, that the governor,
with one or two members of the council of each
colony, should assemble, and consult for the common
defence, and draw on the British treasury for
the sums expended, which should be raised by a
general tax, laid, by parliament, on the colonies.
But this was not a time to push such an alarming
innovation, and when it was found impracticable,
the ministry determined to employ their own
troops to fight their battles in America, rather than
to let their colonies feel their own strength, and be
directed by their own counsels.
As it was necessary to draw aid from the colonies,
they resolved to permit their militia to serve
inferior offices; but British troops, commanded by
British officers, must have the honor of reducing
the French dominions in North-America.
The depredations of the French and their Indian
allies rendered it necessary to drive them from
the Ohio. The reduction of Niagara, Crown-
Point, and their forts in Nova-Scotia, was also resolved
upon.
Although the war was not yet formally declared,
General Braddock was sent from Ireland
to Virginia, with two regiments of foot; when
joined, upon his arrival, by the provincial troops,
he found himself at the head of 2200 men. He
was a brave officer, but deficient in many qualifications
necessary for the service to which he was
appointed. The severity of his discipline made
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him unpopular among the regulars. His pride
and haughtiness induced him to despise the country
militia, and to slight the advice of the Virginia
officers.
Col. Washington (who began to exhibit those
great abilities, which so eminently distinguished
him at a future period) was then aid-de-camp to
General Braddock. When the army was marching
for Fort-du-Quesne, he earnestly begged the
general to admit of his preceding the British regulars,
and scouring the woods with his rangers.
This was contemptuously refused. The general
had been cautioned by the Duke of Cumberland,
and his own officers, to guard against a surprize,
and yet he pushed on heedlessly with the first division,
consisting of 1400 men, till he fell into an
ambuscade of four hundred, chiefly Indians, by
whom he was defeated, and mortally wounded.
The regulars were put into the greatest panic, and
fled in the utmost confusion. The militia were
accustomed to Indian fighting, and were not terrified
to such a degree. The general had disdainfully
turned them into the rear, where they continued
in a body unbroken, and under the conduct
of Col. Washington, served as a most useful rear
guard, covered the retreat of the British troops,
and prevented their being entirely cut off.
Previously to the defeat of General Braddock,
the Massachusetts assembly raised a body of troops
Dd
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who were dispatched to Nova-Scotia, to assist
lieutenant-governor Lawrence in expelling the
French from their several encroachments in that
province. This expedition was undertaken and
conducted at the expence of the crown; and the
command given to lieutenant-colonel Monckton;
but the Massachusetts forces acted as a distinct body,
under their own officers, with a promise of the
same pay, and being treated in every respect as
others in the same service. The secrecy and dispatch
used in this expedition were rewarded with
success.
Governor Shirley commanded the expedition
against Niagara. Part of the troops devoted to the
execution of this scheme did not arrive till the season
was so far advanced, that it was unanimously
agreed to defer the attempt till the subsequent
year.
Colonel, afterwards Sir William, Johnson, was
appointed to go against Crown-Point. The slowness
and deficiency of preparations, prevented the
several colonies joining their troops till about
1755-08August. Meanwhile the active enemy, having
transported forces from France to Canada, marched
down to meet the provincials, and attacked
them; but being repulsed, they lost six hundred
men, besides having their general, Baron Dieskau,
wounded and made prisoner.
This year war was formally declared against
France; and Massachusetts raised a great armament
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219
to attack Crown-Point. Lord Loudon, who
at this period was commander in chief of the British
forces in North-America, did not think proper
that the troops should proceed, till the American
army was reinforced. This delay gave the enemy
time to strengthen Crown-Point, to recruit and refresh
their forces, and to improve some success,
which had lately attended their military movements.
In the course of the year, the French received
a reinforcement of near three thousand men,
under the command of General Montcalm, an officer
of superior talents from Europe.
The English ministry were greatly dissatisfied
with the conduct of the war in America; Lord
Loudon was recalled, and the chief command devolved
upon General Abercrormbie.
At this period American affairs began to assume
a more favorable aspect. Happily for
the British nation the great Mr. Pitt, afterwards
Earl of Chatham, was placed at the head
of the ministry. The people of England confided
in him for the salvation of their country. His administration
united all parties, and restored such
order, unanimity and decision to the public councils,
that the force of the empire was directed
with success in every quarter of the globe.
The reduction of Louisbourg, which had been
restored to the French by the treaty of Aix la
Chapelle, was undertaken with enthusiasm and zeal,
and was effected by the spirited exertions of the
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220
sea and land forces, under Admiral Boscawen and
General Amherst. Five or six ships of the line were
taken. The French governor, finding it impossible
to support an assault, surrendered by capitulation.
Here the brave General Wolfe, who afterwards
acted so distinguished a part at Quebec,
displayed his eminent military abilities.
In the mean time the military operations on the
continent were conducted with equal vigor. Frontenac
and Fort-du-Quesne fell into the hands of the
British; acquisitions which overbalanced the check
which they had received at Ticonderoga, where General
Abercrombie was defeated, and a considerable
number killed and wounded, whilst attacking the
lines in that place.
The prosperous events of this year, however,
opened a pleasing prospect of success to the British
and Americans, and encouraged and animated them
to vigorous exertions to expel the French from
their possessions in the new world.
Chapter XVIII.
The war against the French prosecuted with vigor
and success. Of the reduction of Fort Niagara.
Ticonderoga and Crown-Point evacuated. Quebec
taken by the English after a severe battle, in
which the Generals Wolfe and Montcalm are killed.
Character of General Wolfe. All Canada conquered
by the British and American arms. Several
of the French islands subdued. General peace.
At
the opening of this year, the
British ministry used the most vigorous exertions
to reduce the French dominions in North-America.
Preparations were made, and expeditions
brought forward against three different parts at the
same period. General Wolfe was to proceed up
the river St. Lawrence, with a body of eight thousand
men, and a strong squadron of ships from
England, to besiege Quebec, the capital of the
French dominions in America, and the central
point of the British operations. General Amherst,
the commander in chief, at the head of twelve
thousand troops, was to reduce Ticonderoga and
Crown-Point, then cross lake Champlain, and,
proceeding along the banks of the river Richlien,
to the river St. Lawrence, join General Wolfe
before Quebec. Brigadier-General Prideaux, with
a third body of troops, assisted by a considerable
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222
number of Indians, assembled by the influence,
and under the command of Sir William Johnson,
had orders to attack a French fort near the cataract
of Niagara, which, in a manner commanded all
the interior parts of North-America, and was a
key to the whole continent.
The last named expedition was the first which
succeeded. General Prideaux, with his army,
advanced to the cataract of Niagara, without meeting
with the least obstruction, and, investing the
fort about the middle of 1759-07July, carried on his approaches
with great vigor, till the 1759-07-2020th of that
month, when, visiting the trenches, he was unfortunately
killed by the bursting of a mortar. After
his death, the whole command of the expedition devolved
upon General Johnson, who omitted
nothing to bring forward the spirited operations of
his predecessor. A body of French troops, who
were sensible of the importance of this fort, attempted
to relieve it; but Johnson attacked them
with intrepidity and success, so that in less than an
hour their whole army was defeated. The garrison,
soon after perceiving the fate of their countrymen,
surrendered prisoners of war.
The success of General Amherst was less splendid,
though not less serviceable. On his arrival
before Ticonderoga, the French first appeared determined
to defend the place; but finding the
English general prudent, resolute, and acquainted
with the strength of their forces, they abandoned
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223
this strong post, and retired to Crown-Point, which,
from similar motives, they were soon after induced
to evacuate.
There now, therefore, remained but one grand
and decisive blow, to put all North-America into
the possession of the English. This was the taking
of Quebec, the capital of Canada, a city handsomely
built, populous and flourishing. Admiral Saunders
was appointed to command the naval part of
this expedition. The siege by land was committed
to the conduct of General Wolfe, of whom the nation
had great expectations. This young soldier,
who was not yet thirty-five, had distinguished himself
on many former occasions; and without being
indebted to family or connexions, had raised himself
by merit to his present command.
This enterprize was attended with a combination
of formidable difficulties. General Wolfe
was opposed, with far superior force, by the Marquis
de Montcalm, the most brave and successful
general the French possessed. Though the situation
of the country which Wolfe was to attack,
and the works which the French erected, to prevent
the descent of the English, were deemed impregnable,
yet Montcalm never relaxed in his vigilance.
The city of Quebec was strongly fortified,
secured with a numerous garrison, and plentifully
supplied with provisions and ammunition. The
French army consisted of upwards of twelve thousand
men, exclusive of large bodies of Indians.
With this force Montcalm took the field,
and encamped in a very advantageous situation.
The troops extended along the shore of Beauport,
from the river St. Charles to the falls of Montmorency,
and were entrenched in every accessible place,
with the river and sand-banks in front, and impracticable
woods in the rear. The post was not
only impregnable, but it enabled the enemy, whenever
they pleased, to throw succours into the city.
The only prospect of attempting the town with
success, was by landing a body of troops in the
night above the town, who were to ascend the
banks of the river, and take possession of the
ground on the back of the city. This attempt,
however, appeared peculiarly discouraging. The
stream was rapid, the shore shelving, the bank above
lined with centinels, the landing place so narrow
as to be easily missed in the dark, and the steepness
of the ground, such as hardly to be surmounted in
the day time. These formidable difficulties were
overcome by the conduct of the general, and the
bravery of his troops. Col. Howe, with the light
infantry and the Highlanders, ascended the woody
precipices with admirable courage and activity, and
dislodged a small body of troops that defended a
narrow path-way up the bank. Having cleared
the path, they gained the top of the hill without
further interruption. As fast as they ascended they
formed themselves, so that the whole army was in
order of battle by day-break.
Monsieur de Montcalm, the French commander,
was no sooner apprized that the English had
gained these heights, which he had confidently
deemed inaccessible, than he resolved to hazard a
battle; and a furious encounter quickly began.
This was one of the most desperate engagements
during the war. The English withstood the attacks
of their enemies with the greatest intrepidity
and firmness. Having been ordered to load
with double ball, they poured in a terrible discharge,
and continued their fire with such deliberation
and spirit, that the French gave way, and
fled with precipitation. The Marquis de Montcalm
was slain; and the second in command shared
the same fate. General Wolfe was stationed
on the right, where the attack was most warm;
and standing conspicuous in the front line, had
been aimed at by the enemy’s marksmen, and at
last received a shot in the wrist, which, however,
did not oblige him to quit the field. Having
wrapped an handkerchief round his arm, he continued
giving orders without the least emotion,
and advanced at the head of the grenadiers with
their bayonets fixed; but a second ball, more fatal,
pierced the breast of this young hero, just as
the French began to retreat. Unable to proceed,
he leaned on the shoulder of a lieutenant, who was
next him. Now struggling in the agonies of
death, and just expiring, he heard a voice cry,
“they run!” upon which he seemed for a moment
to revive, and asking who ran, was informedEe
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226
“the French.” Expressing his wonder that
they ran so soon, and unable to gaze any longer,
he sunk on the officer’s breast, and his last words
were, “I thank God, I die happy.”
Brigadier-general Monckton, the second English
officer, was dangerously wounded, while
emulating the courage of his predecessor. The
chief command devolved upon General Townsend,
who completed the defeat of the French.
Quebec surrendered by capitulation to the English,
after a severe campaign of three months.
This important victory was gained at the expence
of sixty-one men killed, including nine officers;
and of five hundred and ninety-eight
wounded. The death of General Wolfe was a national
loss; and universally lamented. He possessed
a genius of the first rank in the military line,
and was the pattern of the officer, and delight of
the soldier. He was generous, affable and humane;
and added the amiable virtues to his military
greatness. His constitutional courage was
uniform and daring; and he possessed a strength,
steadiness and activity of mind, which no dangers
could discourage. In the expedition against Quebec,
his abilities shone with the brightest lustre.
Notwithstanding the great superiority of numbers,
the unforeseen difficulties from the nature of
the situation, the strength of the place, and his own
bad state of health, he persevered with indefatigable
industry in forming and executing that dangerous
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and important plan, which caused the defeat
of the French; and will forever denominate
him the “Conqueror of Canada”.
The subsequent season the French made a vigorous
effort to retake Quebec; but by the resolution
of governor Murray, and the appearance of
an English fleet, under the command of Lord Colville,
they were rendered unable to prosecute the
enterprize.
The whole province of Canada was soon after
reduced by the prudence and activity of General
Amherst, who obliged the French army to capitulate.
It has since remained annexed to the British
empire.
To these conquests, about the same time, was
added the reduction of the island of Guadaloupe,
under Commodore Moore and General Hopson,
an acquisition of great importance; but which
was restored at the general peace.
This year Martinico was taken by Admiral
Rodney and General Monckton, and also the
islands of Grenada, St. Vincents and others. The
capture of these islands was followed by the surrender
of the Havannah, the capital of the island
of Cuba.
The success, which attended the British army in
the West-India islands, terminated the war. The
subsequent year a definitive treaty of peace was
concluded at Paris between Great-Britain, France
and Spain. By this treaty, the English ceded to
the French several islands, which had been taken
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228
from them in the West-Indies. Yet the whole
continent of North-America was left in the possession
of the British crown.
During the war, the colonies in general, and
the Massachusetts in particular, complied with the
requisitions of the British minister, and exhibited a
readiness to support his plans for the reduction of
the French power. Many of the several privates
who gained such laurels, by their singular bravery
on the plains of Abraham, when Wolfe died in the
arms of victory, were natives of Massachusetts.
When Martinico was attacked, in 17611761, and the
British force was greatly weakened by sickness and
death, the timely arrival of the New-England
troops, enabled the former to prosecute the reduction
of that island with success. They also arrived
at the Havannah at a critical period, and by their
junction with the British, facilitated the conquest
of that place. Their fidelity, activity and courage
were such as to gain the approbation and confidence
of the British officers.
In the prosecution of the war, the advantages
which Great-Britain derived from her colonies
were severely felt by her enemies. Upwards of
four hundred privateers, which were fitted out of
the ports of the British colonies, successfully attacked
the French commerce. These not only ravaged
the West-India islands, belonging to his most
Christian Majesty, but made many captures on the
coast of France. Besides distressing the French
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229
nation by privateering, the colonies furnished
23,800 men, to co-operate with the British regular
forces in North-America. The success of their
privateers—the co-operation of their land forces—
the convenience of their harbors, and their continuity
to the West-India islands, made the colonies
great acquisitions to Britain, and formidable enemies
to France. From their growing importance
the latter had much to fear. Their continued
union with Great-Britain threatened the subversion
of the commerce, and the American possessions of
the French nation.
“This war,” says a late author, “was one of
the most glorious and successful for Great-Britain,
that had ever been carried on, in any age, or by
any nation. In the space of eight years she had
made herself mistress of almost the whole continent
of North-America. She had conquered twenty-five
islands, all of them remarkable for their
magnitude, their produce, or the importance of
their situation. She had won by sea and land
twelve great battles; she had reduced nine fortified
cities and towns, and nearly forty forts and
castles. She had destroyed or taken above an hundred
ships of war from her enemies, and acquired,
as it is supposed, about twelve millions in plunder.”
Though the military glory of Great-Britain rose
to its highest pitch, yet the same thence acquired was
bought at a high price. The lives of two hundred
and eighty thousand men, including a great number
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230
of brave and able officers, an incredible quantity of
treasure, and an increase of the national debt from
seventy-two to one hundred and twenty-two millions
sterling, exclusive of thirteen millions unfunded.
At this period the arms of Great-Britain had
recently been successful in every part of the globe.
Power, however, like all things human, has its
limits; and there is an elevated point of grandeur
which seems to indicate a descent. The kingdoms
of Europe looked with a jealous eye upon
Britain, after the acquisition of such immense power
and territory. A tide of prosperity has a similar
effect upon nations, as upon individuals.
Hence the haughtiness of Britain was heightened
by her late conquests, while the high ideas of liberty
and independence which were nurtured in the
colonies by their local situation, and the state of
society in the new world, were increased by the
removal of hostile neighbors. Thus prepared, the
seeds of discord were soon planted between the
parent state and the colonies, which speedily sprung
up to the rending of the empire, and reducing
the power and grandeur of the British nation.
Chapter XIX.
State of the colonies at the termination of the French
war. The settlement of Vermont. The college
founded at Providence, in Rhode-Island. Of Dartmouth
college. An account of the causes which
produced the American revolution.
The state of the British colonies, at
the conclusion of the war, in 17631763, attracted the
attention of all the politicians in Europe. Their
flourishing condition at that period was remarkable
and striking. Their trade had prospered in
the midst of all the difficulties and distresses of a
war, in which they were so nearly, and so immediately
concerned. Their population continued advancing,
notwithstanding the ravages and depredations
of the French and their Indian allies. They
abounded with spirited and active individuals of all
denominations. They were elated with the uncommon
prosperity that had attended them in
their commercial affairs, and military transactions.
Hence they were ready for all kinds of undertakings,
and saw no limits to their hopes and expectations.
During the progress of the war, the New-
England troops cut a road through Charlestown, in
New-Hampshire, to Crown-Point. They were frequently
passing through these lands; and their
fertility and value became generally known.
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232
Upon the cessation of hostilities, they were eagerly
sought after by adventurers and speculators. By
the advice of his council, the governor of New-
Hampshire directed a survey to be made of Connecticut
river, for sixty miles; and three lines of
townships to be laid out on each side.
The application for lands constantly increased,
and new surveys were made. So rapid was the
progress, that during the year 17611761, sixty townships,
of six miles square, were granted on the west
of Connecticut river. The whole number of
grants, in one or two years more, amounted to
one hundred and thirty-eight, and their extent
was, from Connecticut river, to what was esteemed
east of Hudson’s river, so far as that extended
to the northward; and after that, as far west as
the eastern shore of lake Champlain. The cultivation
of the country, and the number of the settlers,
increased with surprizing rapidity.
This tract of country which was called Vermont,
was claimed both by New-York and New-
Hampshire. The claim of New-York was founded
upon a grant which Charles II. in 16641664, and
16741674, made to his brother, the Duke of York;
containing, among other parts of America, “all
the lands from the west side of Connecticut
river, to the east side of Delaware bay.” This
grant was inconsistent with the charters, which
had previously been given to Massachusetts and
Connecticut; and neither of them admitted it to
have any effect, with regard to the lands which
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233
they had settled or claimed to the west of Connecticut
river.
On a final settlement of a dispute between Massachusetts
and New-Hampshire, the present jurisdictional
line between Vermont and Massachusetts,
was run and established, in the year 17411741. From
that time until the year 17641764, this territory was
considered as lying within the jurisdiction of New-
Hampshire. During this period numerous grants
were made, and, after the year 17601760, some considerable
settlements were begun under the authority
of that province. In the year 17641764, by order
of the king of Britain, this territory was annexed
to New-York. The government of that province
pretended to claim the right of soil as well as jurisdiction,
and held the grants formerly made
under New-Hampshire to be void. This occasioned
a long series of altercation between the settlers
and claimants under New-Hampshire, and the
government of New-York, and which, at the commencement
of the late revolution, terminated in
the establishment of a separate jurisdiction in the
present state of Vermont. A particular account
of this controversy would be inconsistent with the
brevity of this work.
After the establishment of peace, the American
colonies increased in knowledge, as well as in
opulence and population. This year a charter
was granted, by the general assembly of Rhode-
Island, for founding a seminary of learning, by the
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234
name of the Trustees and Fellows of the college
or university in the English colony of Rhode-
Island and Providence Plantations, in consequence
of the petition of a large number of the most
respectable characters in the state. By the charter,
the corporation of the college consists of two
separate branches, with distinct, separate and respective
powers. The number of trustees is thirty-
six, of whom twenty-two are of the denomination
called Baptists, five of the denomination of Friends,
five Episcopalians, and four Congregationalists.
The same proportion of the different denominations
to continue in perpetuum. The number of the
fellows (inclusive of the president, who is a fellow
ex officio) is twelve, of whom eight are Baptists;
the others chosen indiscriminately from any denomination.
The concurrence of both branches, by
a majority of each, is necessary for the validity of
an act, except adjudging and conferring degrees,
which exclusively belongs to the fellowship as a
learned faculty. The president must be a Baptist;
professors and other officers of instruction are
not limited to any particular denomination. There
is annually a general meeting of the corporation,
on the first Wednesday in September, at which
time the public commencement is held.
It is thus expressed in the college charter: “All
the members of this institution shall forever enjoy
full, free, absolute and uninterrupted, liberty of
conscience, and that the places of professors, tutors,
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235
and all other officers, the president excepted,
shall be free and open for all denominations of
Protestants.”
This institution was first founded at Warren, in
the county of Bristol, and the first commencement
held there in 17691769.
In the year 17701770, the college was removed to
Providence, where a large elegant building was
erected for its accommodation, by the generous donations
of individuals, mostly from the town of
Providence. It is situated upon a hill to the east
of the town, and while its elevated situation renders
it delightful, by commanding an extensive variegated
prospect, it furnishes it with a pure salubrious
air.
The inhabitants of New-Hampshire, like those of
the other New-England settlements, were distinguished
by their attention to the promotion of
learning. The ancient laws of the colony required
every town of one hundred families to keep a
grammar school, in which the learned languages
should be taught, and youth prepared for admission
to an university.
During the administration of governor Wentworth,
a seminary of literature was established in
the province of New-Hampshire. It was founded
on a projection of Doctor Eleazer Wheelock, of
Lebanon, in Connecticut, for the removal of the
Indian charity school.
The first design of a school of this kind was
conceived by Mr. John Sergeant, missionary to the
Indians at Stockbridge. A rambling mode of life,
and a total want of letters, were ever unfriendly to
the propagation of religious knowledge among the
savages of America. The worthy missionary, intent
on the business of his profession, procured benefactions
from many benevolent persons, and
began a school at Stockbridge; where the Indian
youth were to be maintained and instructed, both
in literature and agriculture. Death put an end
to the labors of this excellent man, before his plan
could be accomplished.
This design was revived by Wheelock. Having
made some experiments, he was encouraged to
proceed by the tractable disposition of the Indian
youths, and their proficiency in learning; but especially,
by the numerous benefactions, which
he received from the friends of religion and humanity.
As an improvement on the original design, a
number of English youths were educated with the
Indians, both in literary and agricultural exercises;
that their example might invite the Indians to the
love of those employments, and abate the prejudice,
which they have universally imbibed, that it is beneath
the dignity of man to delve in the earth.
As the number of scholars increased, it became
necessary to erect buildings, and extend cultivation.
That part of the country in which the school was
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237
first placed, being filled with inhabitants, a removal
was contemplated. The founder was induced
to accept an invitation made by the governor
and other gentlemen in New-Hampshire; hence
the township of Hanover, on the eastern bank of
Connecticut river, was finally determined upon,
as the most convenient situation for the school, to
which the governor annexed a charter of incorporation
for an university, which was named Dartmouth
college, after the Earl of Dartmouth, one
of its principal benefactors.
Doctor Wheelock was declared the founder
and president of this university, with power to
nominate his successor, in his last will. A board
of twelve trustees was constituted, with perpetual
succession; and the college was endowed with a
large landed estate. In 17711771, a commencement
was first held at this place.
Previously to the establishment of the above
mentioned seminary of learning, the political calm,
which the colonies had so long enjoyed, was overcast
with a cloud. Great-Britain, elated with
her prosperity, had already formed, and proposed
a plan, which tended to subvert their privileges;
and they, animated with an ardent love of liberty,
had already exhibited a determined spirit of resistance.
Before an historical sketch is given of the impolitic
measures which were taken by the British
ministry, it may, perhaps, be proper to mention
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238
some of the causes, which produced that ardent
love of liberty, which stimulated the New-England
colonies to resist the arbitrary encroachments of
the parent state.
New-England was first settled by those, who
groaned under the yoke of oppression and religious
persecutions in their native country. They
had been zealous asserters of the cause of liberty
during the arbitrary reigns of James and Charles.
The tyranny of the British government, which impelled
them to seek an asylum in the new world,
impressed their minds with high ideas of their civil
and religious privileges, and the care they took to
preserve them inviolate was evinced by their early
policy and establishments. As their charters gave
them the power of chusing their own officers, those
ideas were confirmed and heightened by the habits
of acting as freemen. Whenever they conceived
their liberties in danger, we find traits of the same
spirit which finally severed them from Britain.
When the new charter of Massachusetts deprived
that colony of the privilege of chusing their rulers,
we find a continual altercation between the people
and royal governors. These habits of resisting every
encroachment in its infancy, invigorated their
minds, and prepared them for greater exertions,
when the tyranny of Britain attempted to subjugate
them to further innovations. The long period,
which elapsed between the stamp-act, and the commencement
of hostilities, called forth the most distinguished
abilities, and developed characters,
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239
which will be remembered with immortal honor in
the annals of America. The writings of these
eminent characters diffused knowledge among
the great body of the people, and they became
well acquainted with the grounds of the dispute
between Britain and the colonies. The stance of
liberty, which was first kindled in New-England,
enlightened the continent; and to their early exertions,
the other colonies, in a great measure,
owe their liberty and independence. The force
of public opinion; the energy of American counsels;
and their final success in arms, gave rise to one of
the most extraordinary revolutions in history, which
is replete with the most important consequences
to mankind.
Annotations
Textual note 46
, Vol. I.
p. 373, 374.
Modern Universal History,
Vol. XX. p. 314
Go to note 46 in context.
Textual note 50
See a particular account of these controversies in
History of New-Hampshire.
Go to note 50 in context.
Textual note 79
See Charter of William and Mary, in
Appendix to History.
Continuation of
Hutchinson, p. 57.
Go to note 79 in context.
Textual note 86
, Vol. II.
p. 25—29.
Modest Inquiry Into
the Nature of Witchcraft, p. 19.
Go to note 86 in context.
Textual note 91
, Vol. II. p. 129;
and More Wonders of the Invisible
World, p. 185.
Go to note 91 in context.
Textual note 138
See and
letters to governor Dudley,
in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical
Society, 17041704.
Go to note 138 in context.
Textual note 141
p. 496.
Go to note 141 in context.
Textual note 148
, Vol. II. p. 202.
The colony tax of Massachusetts, in 16931693, was twenty-four thousand
pounds.
Go to note 148 in context.
Textual note 166
See a particular account of Yale college in the appendix to
Life of President Stiles.
Go to note 166 in context.
Textual note 222
See a particular account of the controversies between the governors
and council, in History of Massachusetts.
Go to note 222 in context.
Textual note 245
, Vol. II. p. 214.
Thanksgiving Sermon, in
[Gap in transcription—2–4 wordsflawed-reproduction]
Go to note 245 in context.
Textual note 250
See letters relating to the expedition against Cape Breton, in
the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. I.. See
also , Vol. II. p. 221, 222.
Go to note 250 in context.
Textual note 275
General History of the
French War, Vol. I. p. 143, 144.
, Vol. II. p. 41, 42.
Go to note 275 in context.
Textual note 296
, Vol. IV..
, Vol. II. p. 123.
, p.
349.
Universal History, Vol. XIX.
Go to note 296 in context.
Chapter XX.
Rise of the controversy between Great-Britain and the
colonies. Of the stamp-act. Spirited opposition
made to it. Congress appointed. The stamp-act
repealed. Rejoicing on that occasion.
In the two preceding chapters we have
seen Britain extending her conquests, and the
colonies rising in population and knowledge. At
present we must reverse the prospect, and view the
parent state, elated by her late prosperity, and impelled
by avarice and ambition, using every exertion
to deprive the colonies of their invaluable priviliges.
On the other hand, we may contemplate
the Americans, with unshaken firmness, persevering
in defending their just rights, and resisting the
arbitrary impositions of the British nation.
In the foregoing history, we have seen the designs
of Dudley, Randolph, Andros, and others,
to establish an arbitrary government in New-
England. Ever jealous of encroachments upon
their privileges, the American settlers baffled all
their schemes. Their insidious designs were buried
with them for a long period. At length, they were
revived during the administration of governor
Shirley, who, being an enterprizing character,
formed great designs of aggrandizing himself and
his connexions. Mr. Thomas Hutchinson and
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Mr. Oliver were his principal ministers, joined
with other subordinate instruments. The capital
scheme was to raise a revenue in America, by authority
of parliament.
In the year 17541754, Mr. Shirley communicated to
Dr. Franklin the grand design of taxing the colonies,
by act of parliament. This distinguished patriot
returned an answer in writing, in which he
reasoned with energy against the execution of this
impolitic plan.
The project of taxing the colonies was, for a
time, laid aside; Mr. Shirley was removed, and
Mr. Pownall appointed to succeed him in the government.
As this gentleman was a friend to liberty
and the constitution, those who wished to revive
the design of taxing the colonies, endeavoured to
excite an uneasiness against his government. Mr.
Pownall, averse to altercation, solicited to be recalled,
and after some time, Mr. Bernard, a man of
arbitrary principles, was removed from New-Jersey
to the chair of this province.
Whilst the war lasted, these simple provinces
were of too much importance in the conduct of it
to be disgusted by an open attempt against their liberties.
The party, therefore, who were inimical
to their country, prepared the way, by extending
their connexions and correspondencies in England,
by conciliating the friendship of the crown officers
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occasionally here, and insinuating that their designs
were necessary to be undertaken at some future favorable
opportunity, for the good of the empire,
as well as of the colonies.
The termination of the French war, which involved
the British nation in an immense load of
debt, was selected as a proper time for those who
wished to introduce an arbitrary government, to
suggest to the British financier, the project of
taxing the colonies by act of parliament.
Whilst these men were privately seeking the
establishment of an American nobility, out of
which an intermediate branch of legislation, between
the royal and democratic powers, should be
appointed; they pretended, that the tax in America,
would afford assistance in discharging the national
debt of Britain.
Mr. Israel Mauduit, the Massachusetts agent, in
17631763, gave early notice of the ministerial intentions
to tax the colonies; but the general court not being
called together, till the latter end of the year,
instructions to the agent, though solicited by him,
could not be transmitted in proper time.
The subsequent year, the house of representatives
came to the following resolutions. “That
the sole right of giving and granting the money
of the people of that province, was vested in them,
as their legal representatives; and that the imposition
of duties and taxes, by the parliament of
Great-Britain, upon a people who are not represented
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in the house of commons, is absolutely
irreconcileable with their rights. That no man
can justly take the property of another without his
consent; upon which original principle, the right
of representation, in the same body, which exercises
the power of making laws for levying taxes,
one of the main pillars of the British constitution,
is evidently founded.”
The opposition to the claims of the British parliament
was not confined to Massachusetts; but it
was a prevailing sentiment through the colonies,
that taxation and representation were inseparable,
and that they could be neither free nor happy, if
their property could be taken from them, without
their consent. The common people in America
reasoned on this subject in a summary way: “If a
British parliament,” said they, “in which we are
unrepresented, and over which we have no control,
can take from us any part of our property,
by direct taxation, they may take as much as they
please, and we have no security for any thing, that
remains, but a forbearance, on their part, less likely
to be exercised in our favor, as they lighten
themselves of the burthens of government, in the
same proportion that they impose them upon us.”
On the other hand, Great-Britain contended,
that her parliament had supreme power, and was
invested with authority to lay taxes on every part
of the royal dominions.
As the principle of taxing the colonies had been
for some time determined upon, at length Mr. Grenville
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brought into the house of commons his long
expected bill, for laying a stamp duty upon America.
By this, after passing through the usual
forms, it was enacted, “that the instruments of
writing, which are in daily use among a commercial
people, should be null and void, unless they
were executed on stamped paper, or parchment,
charged with a duty, imposed by the British parliament.”
When the bill was brought in, Mr. Charles
Townsend concluded a speech in its favor, with
words to the following effect: “And now will
these Americans, children planted by our care,
nourished by our indulgence, until they are grown
to a degree of strength and opulence; and protected
by our arms; will they grudge to contribute
their mite to relieve us from the heavy weight of
that burthen which we lie under?”
Col. Barre took up Mr. Townsend’s concluding
words in a most spirited and inimitable manner,
saying, “They planted by your care! No, your
oppressions planted them in America. They fled
from your tyranny, to a then uncultivated and inhospitable
country, where they exposed themselves
to almost all the hardships to which human nature
is liable, and among others, to the cruelty of a
savage foe, the most subtle, and I will take upon
me to say, the most formidable of any people upon
the face of God’s earth; and yet, actuated by principles
of true English liberty, they met all hardships
with pleasure, compared with those they suffered in
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their own country from the hands of them, that
should have been their friends. They nourished by
your indulgence! They grew by your neglect of
them. As soon as you began to care about them,
that care was exercised in sending persons to rule
them in one department and another, who were
perhaps the deputies of deputies to some members
of this house, sent to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent
their actions, and to prey upon them;
men whose behavior, on many occasions, has caused
the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within
them; men promoted to the highest seats of justice,
some, who, to my knowledge, were glad, by
going to a foreign country, to escape being brought
to a court of justice in their own. They protected
by your arms! They have nobly taken up arms in
your defence, have exerted a valor, amidst their
constant and laborious industry, for the defence of
a country, whose frontier was drenched in blood,
while its interior parts yielded all its little savings to
your emolument. And believe me, remember I
this day told you so, that the same spirit of freedom,
which actuated that people at first, will accompany
them still; but prudence forbids me to explain myself
farther. God knows I do not speak at this
time from any motives of party heat. What I
deliver are the genuine sentiments of my heart.
However superior to me in general knowledge and
experience, the respectable body of this house may
be, yet I claim to know more of America, than most
of you, having seen and been conversant in that
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country. The people, I believe, are as truly loyal
as any subjects the king has; but a people jealous
of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if
ever they should be violated; but the subject is too
delicate. I will say no more.”
When the question upon the bill, in its last
stage, was brought to a vote, there were about 250
for, and 50 against it, in the house of commons.
The bill met with no opposition in the house of
lords, and on the 1765-03-2222d of March, it received the
royal assent. The night after it was passed, Dr.
Franklin, wrote to Mr. Charles Thompson, afterwards
secretary of congress, “The sun of liberty is
set; you must light up the candles of industry and
economy.” Mr. Thompson answered, “He was
apprehensive that other lights would be the consequence,
and predicted the opposition, that followed.”
The framers of the stamp-act flattered themselves,
that the confusion which would arise upon
the disuse of writing, and the insecurity of property,
would compel the colonies to use the stamped
paper, and, therefore, to pay the taxes imposed.
Thus they were induced to pronounce it a law
which would execute itself.
By the terms of the stamp-act, it was not to take
place till the 1765-11-01first day of November, a period of more
than seven months after its passing. This gave the
colonists an opportunity for leisurely canvassing the
subject, and examining it fully on every side. Virginia
led the way in opposition to the stamp-act.
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Their assembly passed a number of spirited resolves,
asserting their exclusive right to tax the inhabitants
of their colony.
“The colonies of New-England,” says Dr.
Ramsay, “exhibited themselves the warmest defenders
of liberty, and boldest opposers of the
stamp-act. They considered their obligations to
their mother country for past favors to be very inconsiderable.
They were fully informed, that their
forefathers were driven by persecution to the woods
of America; and, without any expence to the
parent state, had there effected a settlement on
bare creation. Their resentment for the invasion
of the accustomed right of taxation was not so much
mitigated by the recollection of past favors, as it
was heightened by the tradition of grievous sufferings,
to which their ancestors had been subjected
by the rulers of England. The descendants of
the exiled, persecuted Puritans of the last century,
opposed the stamp-act with the same spirit, with
which their forefathers were actuated, when they
set themselves against the arbitrary impositions of
the house of Stuart.”
A new mode of displaying resentment against
the friends of the stamp-act, began in Massachusetts,
and was followed by the other colonies.
A few gentlemen hung out, early in the morning,
on the limb of a large tree, towards the entrance
of Boston, two effigies, one designed for
the stamp-master, the other for a jack-boot, with
a head and horns peeping out at the top. Great
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numbers, both from town and country, came to
see them. A spirit of enthusiasm was diffused
among the spectators. In the evening the whole
was cut down and carried in procession by the populace,
shouting, “liberty and property forever,
no stamps.” They next pulled down a new building,
lately erected by Mr. Oliver, the stamp-master.
They then went to his house, before which they
beheaded his effigy, and at the same time broke
his windows. Eleven days after, the mob attacked
the house of Mr. William Storey, deputy-register
of the court of admiralty; and Benjamin Hallowel,
comptroller of the customs, and repeated similar
excesses. They afterwards proceeded to the
house of Mr. Hutchinson, and soon demolished it.
They carried off his plate, furniture and apparel,
and scattered and destroyed manuscripts and other
curious and useful papers, which he had been collecting
for thirty years.
Similar disturbances broke out in the adjacent
colonies, nearly about the same period.
As opportunities offered, the assemblies of the
colonies generally passed resolutions, asserting their
exclusive right to lay taxes on their constituents.
The expediency of calling a continental congress,
to be composed of deputies from each of the provinces,
had early occurred to the people of Massachusetts.
The assembly of that province passed a resolution
in favor of that measure, and fixed on New-
York as the place, and the second Tuesday of October,
as the time for holding their first meeting.
The assemblies of
Virginia, North-Carolina and
Georgia were prevented by their governors, from
sending a deputation to this congress. Twenty-
eight deputies from Massachusetts, Rhode-Island,
Connecticut, New-York,
New-Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Delaware, Maryland, and South-Carolina, met at
New York; and, after mature deliberation, agreed
on a declaration of their rights, and a statement of
their grievances. They asserted, in energetic terms,
their exemption from all taxes not imposed by their
own representatives. They also concurred in a
petition to the king, a memorial to the house of
lords, and a petition to the house of commons.
The colonies that were prevented from sending
their representatives to this congress, forwarded
petitions, similar to those adopted by the deputies
who attended.
Whilst a variety of legal and illegal methods
were adopted to oppose the stamp-act, the 1765-11-011st of
November, on which it was to commence its operation,
approached. This in Boston was ushered
in by a funeral tolling of the bells. Many shops
and stores were shut. The effigies of the planners
and friends of the stamp-act, were carried about
the streets in public derision, and then torn in
pieces by the enraged populace. It was remarkable,
that though a large crowd were assembled,
there was not the least violence or disorder.
In New-Hampshire, the morning was ushered in,
with tolling all the bells in Portsmouth, New-
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Castle, and Greenland. In the course of the day,
notice was given to the friends of Liberty to attend
her funeral. A coffin was prepared, and neatly
ornamented, on the lid of which was inscribed the
word “Liberty”, in capitals, aged one hundred and
forty-five years, computing from the time of our
ancestors landing in Plymouth. The funeral procession
began from the state-house, attended with
two unbraced drums. While the inhabitants, who
followed the coffin, were in motion, minute guns
were fired, and continued till the corpse arrived at
the place of interment. Then an oration in favor
of the deceased was pronounced. It was scarcely
ended before the corpse was taken up, it having
been perceived that some remains of life were left,
at which the inscription was immediately altered to
“Liberty revived.” The bells suddenly changed
their melancholy, for a more joyful sound, and
satisfaction appeared in every countenance. The
whole was conducted with decency, and without
injury or insult to any man’s person or property.
At Rhode-Island, the funeral of liberty was attended
in a similar manner as in Portsmouth.
Though the stamp-act was to have operated
from the 1765-11-011st of November, yet most departments
of business were conducted as usual, the people
having formed the most spirited resolutions to risk
all consequences, rather than to use the paper required
by law. Whilst these matters were in agitation,
the colonists entered into associations against
importing British manufactures, till the stamp-act
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should be repealed. By these means they made it
the interest of merchants and manufacturers, to
solicit in their favor. In order to remedy the deficiency
of British goods, the colonists applied
themselves to a variety of domestic manufactures;
and foreign luxuries were generally disused.
In consequence of the rigid observance of these
restrictions, multitudes of artificers in England
were reduced to great distress, and some of their
most flourishing manufactures were, in a great
measure, at a stand. An association was entered
into, by many of the sons of liberty, the name given
to those, who were opposed to the stamp-act, by
which they agreed “to march with the utmost
expedition, at their own proper expence, and
with their whole force, to the relief of those, who
should be in danger from the stamp-act, or from
its promoters and abettors, on account of any
thing that may have been done in opposition to
its obtaining.” This was subscribed by such multitudes
in New-York and New-England, that nothing
but a repeal could have prevented the immediate
commencement of a civil war.
From the decided opposition of the Americans
to the stamp-act, it became necessary for Great-
Britain to enforce, or repeal it. Both methods
of proceeding had supporters. The most distinguished
advocates for the colonists were Lord
Camden, in the house of peers, and Mr. Pitt, in
the house of commons. The former, in energetic
language, declared, “My position is this, I repeat
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it, I will maintain it to my last hour, taxation
and representation are inseparable. This position
is founded on the laws of nature. It is more, it
is itself an eternal law of nature. For whatever
is a man’s own, is absolutely his own. No man
has a right to take it from him without his consent.
Whoever attempts to do it, attempts an injury;
whoever does it, commits a robbery.”
Mr. Pitt, with an original boldness of expression,
justified the colonists in opposing the stamp-
act. “You have no right,” said he, “to tax
America. I rejoice, that America has resisted.
Three millions of our fellow subjects so lost to
every sense of virtue, as tamely to give up their
liberties, would be fit instruments to make slaves
of the rest.” He concluded with giving his advice,
that the stamp-act be repealed absolutely,
totally, and immediately; that the reason for the
repeal be assigned, that it was founded on an erroneous
principle. “At the same time,” said he,
“let the sovereign authority of this country, over
the colonies, be asserted in as strong terms as can
be devised, and be made to extend to every point
of legislation whatsoever; that we may bind their
trade, confine their manufactures, and exercise
every power, except that of taking their money
out of their pockets without their consent.” The
approbation of this illustrious statesman inspired the
Americans with courage, and emboldened them
at a future period, to resist the tyranny of Great-
Britain.
After much debating, and two protests, in
the house of lords, and passing an act called the
declaratory act, for securing the dependence of
America on the parent country, the repeal of the
stamp-act was finally carried the 1766-03-1818th of March.
This event occasioned great joy in London. Ships
on the river Thames displayed their colors, and
houses were illuminated through the city.
The intelligence of the repeal of the stamp-act
was received in America with the most lively
emotions of joy. The colonists recommenced their
mercantile intercourse with Great-Britain. Their
churches resounded with thanksgivings, and by
letters, addresses and other means, they exhibited
unequivocal marks of acknowledgment and
gratitude.
Chapter XXI.
New plan of raising a revenue in America. Determined
opposition of the colonies. Their new importation
agreement. Arrival of the British
troops. The parliament, in an address to the
king, applaud the measures taken by the British
ministry. In consequence of the non-importation
agreement, all the duties are repealed, excepting that
on tea. Massacre on the 1766-03-055th of March. Provision
made in Great-Britain for rendering the governor
and judges independent of the people. Burning
of the Gaspee. Discovery of confidential letters
written by governor Hutchinson and others to
leading characters in England. Committees of
correspondence revived.
The stamp-act was not repealed on
American principles. The declaratory act, which
was passed previously to its repeal, annulled the resolutions
and acts of the provincial assemblies, in
which they had asserted their right to exemption
from all taxes, not imposed by their own representatives,
and also enacted, “That the parliament
had, and of right ought to have, power to bind the
colonies in all cases whatsoever.”
An American revenue was still a favorite object
in Great-Britain, and they were desirous of carrying
their point without disturbing the public tranquility.
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For this purpose, Mr. Charles Townsend,
chancellor of the exchequer, brought into parliament
a bill for granting duties in the British colonies,
on glass, paper, painters’ colors, and tea. The
bill for the new taxes was quickly passed, and transmitted
to America the subsequent year. In order
to manage the revenue collected by those duties,
the chancellor brought in a bill for establishing a
custom-house, and a board of commissioners in
America, which also passed into an act at the same
time with the former. This board was placed at
Boston, among a people, who, it is said, “were of
all others, the most jealous of infringements on
their privileges.”
The minister, who planned these duties, might
presume, that they were too inconsiderable to give
any alarm. But the late discussions occasioned by
the stamp-act, had produced among the colonists,
not only an animated conviction of their exemption
from parliamentary taxation, but a jealousy of
the designs of Great-Britain. They considered
those small duties as introductory to others, that
would be greater. It was now demonstrated by
several writers, particularly by Mr. Dickinson, author
of the Pennsylvania Farmer, a judicious and
spirited pamphlet, which had a rapid and extensive
circulation through the colonies, that a small
tax, though more specious, was equally dangerous
with the stamp-act, as it established a precedent
which eventually annihilated American property.”
The revenue act produced resolves, petitions,
addresses and remonstrances, similar to those, with
which the colonists opposed the stamp-act. It also
gave rise to a second association for suspending farther
importation of British manufactures, till these
offensive duties should be taken off. Uniformity
in these measures was promoted by a circular letter
from the assembly of Massachusetts, to the
speakers of the other assemblies. This stated the
opposition they had made to the late duties, their
pernicious consequences, and requested a free
communication on public affairs. Most of the provincial
assemblies, as they had opportunities of deliberating
on the subject, approved of the proceedings
of the Massachusetts assembly, and adopted
similar methods to obtain redress.
The circular letter of the Massachusetts assembly
highly irritated the British ministry. Lord Hillsborough,
secretary to the American department,
wrote letters to the governors of the respective
provinces, urging them to exert their influence to
prevent the assemblies from taking any notice of it;
and he called on the Massachusetts assembly, to
rescind their proceedings on that subject.
The proposition for rescinding was negatived
by a majority of ninety-two to seventeen. Upon
which the governor, as the secretary had threatened,
immediately dissolved the assembly.
The public dissensions at this period were greatly
increased, on occasion of the seizure of Mr. Hancock’s
sloop Liberty, for not having entered all the
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wines she had brought from Madeira. The popularity
of her owner, the name of the sloop, and the
general aversion to the board of commissioners, and
parliamentary taxation, concurred to inflame the
minds of the people. They resented the removal
of the sloop from the wharf, as implying an apprehension
of a rescue. They used every method in
their power to interrupt the officers in the execution
of their business, and numbers swore they
would be revenged. Three of the commissioners
escaped with the utmost hazard of their lives.
They attacked the houses of the other commissioners,
destroyed the collector’s boats, and obliged the
custom-house officers to take refuge in castle William,
situated at the entrance of the harbor.
The constant disagreement between the commissioners
and the inhabitants of Boston, induced the
friends of the American revenue to solicit the protection
of a regular force, to be stationed in that
town. In compliance with their wishes, his majesty
ordered two regiments, and some armed vessels,
to repair thither, for supporting and assisting
the officers of the customs in the execution of their
duty.
When it was reported in Boston that one or
more regiments were ordered thither, the inhabitants
of that town were exceedingly alarmed. A
town-meeting was called, and a committee appointed
to request the governor to convene a general
assembly. He positively refused to comply with
their request, till he received his majesty’s commandIi
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for that purpose. In consequence of his refusal,
some spirited resolutions were adopted. In
particular, it was voted, that the select-men of Boston
should wait on the select-men of other towns,
to propose, that a convention be held of deputies
from each, to meet at Faneuil-hall, in Boston,
1768-09-22September 22. It was afterwards voted, “That
as there is apprehension in the minds of many of
an approaching war with France, those inhabitants,
who are not provided, be requested to furnish themselves
immediately with arms.”
Ninety-six towns, and eight districts, agreed to
this proposal, and appointed deputies to attend a
convention; but the town of Hatfield refused its
concurrence. When the deputies met, they disclaimed
all legislative authority, advised the people
to pay the greatest deference to government, and
to wait patiently for a redress of their grievances,
from his majesty’s wisdom and moderation. Having
stated to the world the causes of their meeting,
and an account of their proceedings, they dissolved
themselves, after a short session, and returned to
their respective places of abode.
Within a day after the convention broke up,
the expected regiments arrived, and were peaceably
received, contrary, as is supposed, to the wishes
of those, who were inimical to American liberty.
That party, probably, hoped for an opportunity of
giving the Bostonians some naval and military correction.
Whilst the Americans exhibited a determined
resolution to resist the encroachments of arbitrary
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power, the British ministry appeared obstinately
bent upon subverting their privileges. In 1769-02February,
both houses of parliament concurred in a joint
address to his majesty, in which they applauded the
measures he had taken; gave the strongest assurances
that they would effectually support his government
in Massachusetts-Bay. Finally, they proposed,
the bringing of delinquents from Massachusetts,
to be tried at a tribunal in Great-Britain.
The province of Massachusetts continued with
undaunted firmness to assert their rights. The
other colonies followed their example; and entered
into a similar non-importation agreement.
This agreement had now lasted some time, and
by degrees became general. In consequence of
which, the manufactures in Great-Britain experienced
a renewal of the distresses, which followed
the adoption of similar resolutions in 17651765. A repeal
of those duties was, therefore, solicited by the
same influence which had procured the repeal of the
stamp-act. The rulers of Great-Britain acted without
decision. Though anxious to establish parliamentary
supremacy, yet they were afraid to stem the torrent
of opposition. At length they consented to repeal all
the duties, imposed in 17671767, excepting that of three
pence per pound on tea.
The declaratory-act, and the reservation of the
duty on tea, left the cause of contention between
the two countries undecided. The stationing a military
force in Massachusetts was (as might be expected)
attended with serious consequences. The
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royal army had been taught to look upon the inhabitants
of that province as a factious turbulent
people, who aimed at renouncing all subordinations
to Great-Britain; they, on the other hand, were
accustomed to regard the soldiers as instruments of
tyranny, sent on purpose to destroy their liberties.
On the 1770-03-022d of March, an affray took place
near Mr. Gray’s rope-walk, between a private
soldier of the 29th regiment, and an inhabitant of
Boston; the former was supported by his comrades,
the latter by the rope-makers, till several on
both sides were involved in the consequences. On
the 1770-03-055th, a more dreadful scene ensued; the king’s
soldiers fired upon the mob, who were collected
to insult them, killed three, and dangerously
wounded five of the number. The town was immediately
in commotion, and nothing but an engagement
to remove the troops, together with the
advice of moderate men, prevented the inhabitants
from falling on the soldiers. In order to express
their indignation at this event, the killed were buried
in one vault, in a most respectful manner.
Captain Preston, who commanded this party of
soldiers, was committed to prison, and afterwards
tried. A British author observes on this occasion,
“Let it be remembered to the praise of American
virtue, that on this trial, notwithstanding
popular prejudice and apprehension, the captain
and six of his men were acquitted, two only being
found guilty of manslaughter.” It appeared on
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the trial, that the soldiers were abused, insulted,
threatened and pelted before they fired. It was
also proved, that only seven guns were fired by
the eight prisoners. These circumstances induced
the jury to make a favorable verdict. The result
of this verdict reflected great honor on John
Adams and Josiah Quincy, Esqrs. the prisoners’
council; gentlemen who had invariably devoted
the warmest zeal, and the most splendid talents,
to the cause of freedom; and also on the integrity
of the jury, who ventured to give an upright verdict,
in defiance of popular opinions.
The consequences of this tragical event were
made subservient to important purposes. Eloquent
orators were successively employed to deliver an
annual oration on this occasion. These orations
were expressed in energetic language; and heightened
the enthusiasm for liberty, which pervaded
the great body of the people.
At this period, the inhabitants of Massachusetts
were highly irritated, by the provision which was
made in Great-Britain, for paying the salaries of the
governor and judges by the crown, and thus rendering
them independent of the people. This was
resented as a dangerous innovation, as an infraction
of their charter, and as destoying that balance
of power, which is essential to free government.
Whilst the province of Massachusetts was active
in resisting the encoachments made upon their
liberties, the inhabitants of Rhode-Island manifested
a similar spirit. The Gaspee, an armed
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schooner, which had been stationed at Providence,
was bunt, and lieutenant Dudington, the commander,
was wounded by a party, who were exasperated
at the vigilance he had exhibited in the
execution of his office. A reward of five hundred
pounds, together with a pardon, if claimed
by an accomplice, was offered by proclamation for
discovering and apprehending any of the persons
concerned; but so agreeable was this action to the
people, that not one man was found to accept the
offered reward.
Whilst successive irritations kept alive the contention
between Great-Britain and the colonies,
a species of warfare was carried on in Massachusetts,
between the royal governors and provincial
assemblies, and each watched the other with strong
jealousy and distrust. This year the public disturbances
in that province, were greatly heightened by
a discovery of some confidential letters, written by
governor Hutchinson, lieutenant-governor Oliver
and others, to leading characters in England,
complaining of the behavior of the province, recommending
vigorous measures against them; asserting
that “there must be an abridgment of what
is called British liberty;” “and that there was a necessity
of changing the chartered systems of government,
to secure their obedience.” These letters fell
into the hands of Dr. Franklin, agent of Massachusetts,
who transmitted them to Boston. The indignation
of the people was excited to such a degree,
that the house of assembly dispatched a petition
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and remonstrance to the king, in which they
charged the governor and lieutenant-governor with
betraying their trust, and giving false information.
They also requested their speedy removal from
their places.
This petition and remonstrance was transmitted
to England, and discussed before his majesty’s privy-council.
After an hearing before that board,
the governor and lieutenant-governor were acquitted.
In order to cement a union among the colonies,
a committee of correspondence was, at this eventful
period, revived in Boston, Connecticut, New-
Hampshire and Rhode-Island. This institution increased
their resolution to resist the impositions of
the British ministry.
Chapter XXII.
The East-India company send tea to America. The
tea thrown into the sea at Boston. Proceedings of
the British parliament. Boston port-bill, and other
arbitrary acts. Measures taken by Massachusetts
to cement the union of the colonies. General Gage
appointed governor and commander in chief. Contributions
raised for the distresses of Boston. Generous
behavior of Salem and Marblehead. Opposition
of the people to the new counsellors. General
Gage fortifies Boston neck. Of the spirited behavior
of Massachusetts. That province calls a provincial
congress. Of their proceedings.
At the period when the duties on
glass, paper, and painters’ colors were repealed,
the only reason assigned by the British minister
for retaining that on tea, was to support the parliament’s
right of taxation. The Americans,
therefore, to be consistent with themselves, in denying
their right, discontinued the importation of
that commodity. The American merchants, however,
found means of supplying their countrymen
with this article, smuggled from countries to
which the power of Britain did not extend.
The East-India company, feeling the bad effects
of the colonial smuggling trade, in the large quantities
of tea, which remained in their warehouses
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unsold, requested the repeal of the three pence per
pound in America; and ordered that, on its being
complied with, government should retain six pence
in the pound on the exportation. Thus the company
presented the happiest opportunity, that could
have been offered, for honorably removing the
cause of difference with America, without infringing
the claims on either side. The minister was
requested and entreated, by a gentleman of great
weight in the company, and a member of parliament,
to embrace this method, but it was obstinately
rejected.
New contrivances were set on foot, to introduce
the tea attended with the duty, into all the
colonies. Various intrigues and solicitations were
used to induce the East-India company to undertake
this rash and foolish business. It was protested
against, as contrary to the principle of the company’s
monopoly; but the power of the ministry
prevailed, and the insignificant duty of three pence
per pound on tea was doomed to be the fatal cause
of contention between Great-Britain and her colonies.
A bill was passed into an act for enabling the
East-India company to export their own teas; in
consequence of which they sent six hundred chests
of tea to Philadelphia, besides what was consigned
to other places. Several ships were also freighted
for different colonies, and agents appointed for the
disposal of the commodity.
The first opposition to the execution of the
scheme adopted by the East-India company, began
with the American merchants. They saw a profitable
branch of their trade likely to be lost, and
the benefits of it to be transferred to people in
Great-Britain. They also felt for the wound, that
would be inflicted on their country’s claim of exemption
from parliamentary taxation. The great
body of the people, from principles of the purest
patriotism, were induced to second their wishes.
They considered the whole scheme, as calculated
to seduce them into an acquiescence with the views
of parliament, for raising an American revenue.
The colonists reasoned with themselves, that as
the duty and the price of the commodity were inseparably
blended, if the tea was sold, every purchaser
would pay a tax imposed by the British parliament.
To obviate this evil, and to prevent the
liberties of a great country from being sacrificed
by inconsiderate purchasers, measures were adopted
to prevent the landing of their cargoes. The
tea consignees, appointed by the East-India company,
were, in several places, compelled to relinquish
their appointments, and no others could be
found who dared to act in their capacity. The
pilots in the river Delaware were warned not to
conduct any of the tea-ships into their harbor.
The whole cargoes of tea were returned from
New-York and Philadelphia, and that, which was
sent to Charleston, was landed and stored, but
not offered for sale.
It was otherwise in Massachusetts. The tea-
ships, designed for the supply of Boston, were consigned
to the sons, cousins and particular friends
of governor Hutchinson. When they were called
upon to resign, they answered, “that it was out of
their power.” The collector refused to give a
clearance, unless the vessels were discharged of
dutiable articles. The governor refused to give a
pass for the vessels, unless properly qualified from
the custom-house. The governor likewise requested
admiral Montague to guard the passages out of
the harbor, and gave orders to suffer no vessels,
coasters excepted, to pass the fortress from the
town, without a pass signed by himself. From a
combination of these circumstances, the return of
the tea-vessels from Boston, was rendered impossible.
The sons of liberty were apprehensive that
if this article was landed and stored, it would obtain
at sale; and were induced to venture upon a
desperate remedy. About seventeen persons, dressed
as Indians, repaired to the tea-ships, broke
open three hundred and forty-two chests, and,
without doing any other damage, discharged their
content into the water.
Intelligence of these proceedings was, on
the 1774-03-077th of March, communicated, in a message
from the throne, to both houses of parliament.
In this communication, the conduct of the colonists
was represented as not only obstructing the commerce
of Great-Britain, but as subversive of its
constitution. The message was accompanied with
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a number of papers, containing copies and extracts
of letters from the several royal governors and
others, from which it appeared that the opposition
to the sale of the tea was not peculiar to Massachusetts,
but common to all the colonies.
It was well known that the throwing of the tea
into the water did not originate with the persons,
who were the immediate instruments of that act of
violence; that the whole had been concerted at
a public meeting; and was, in a qualified sense,
the act of the town. The parliament of Great-
Britain were transported with indignation against
the people of Boston; and considered this a proper
moment for humbling them, and taking revenge
for the opposition, which they had long exhibited
against their authority.
Disregarding the forms of her own constitution,
by which none are to be condemned unheard,
or punished without a trial, a bill was finally passed,
on the 17th day after it was first moved for, by
which the port of Boston was virtually blocked up;
for it was legally precluded from the privilege of
landing and discharging, or of lading and shipping
of goods, wares and merchandize.
Soon after a bill was introduced, “for the better
regulating the government of Massachusetts-
Bay.” The purport of it was, to alter the constitution
of the province, to take the whole executive
power out of the hands of the democratic part, and
to vest the nomination of counsellors, judges, and
magistrates of all kinds, including sheriffs, in the
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crown, and in some cases in the king’s governor;
and all to be removeable at the royal pleasure.
The ministry of Great-Britain were apprehensive
that riots would take place in attempting the
execution of the above mentioned acts. A bill
was therefore passed “for the impartial administration
of justice in the cases of persons questioned for
any act done by them in the execution of the law,
or for the suppression of riots and tumults in the
Massachusetts-Bay.” This bill provided, that in
case any person was indicted in that province for
murder, or any other capital offence, and it should
appear to the governor, that the fact was committed
in the exercise or aid of magistracy in suppressing
tumults and riots, and that a fair trial could
not be had in the province, he should send the person
so indicted, to any other colony, or to Great-
Britain, to be tried.
Before the parliament concluded this memorable
session, they passed an act, for making more
effectual provision for the government of the province
of Quebec, in North-America. By this act,
the government of that province was made to extend
southward to the Ohio, westward, to the
banks of the Missisippi, and northward, to the
boundary of the Hudson’s bay company. The
principal objects of this act were, to form a legislative
council for all the affairs of the province, except
taxation, which council should be appointed
by the crown; the office to be held during pleasure,
and his majesty’s Roman Catholic subjects to be
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entitled to a place therein; to establish the French
laws, and a trial without jury in civil cases, and
the English laws, with a trial by jury, in criminal;
to secure to the Roman Catholic clergy, except the
regulars, the legal enjoyment of their estates,
and their tythes from all, who were of their religion.
No sooner were these oppressive laws published
in America, than they cemented the union of the
colonies almost beyond the possibility of dissolving
it, and heightened the opposition to the arbitrary
proceedings of the British ministry. Copies of a
vote, which the town of Boston passed, soon after
they received the news of the port-bill, to engage
the other colonies to stop all importation from
Great-Britain and the West-Indies, till the act for
blocking up this harbor be repealed, were transmitted
from state to state. Pamphlets, essays, addresses,
and newspaper dissertations, were daily
presented to the public, proving that Massachusetts
was suffering in the common cause, and that interest
and policy, as well as good neighborhood, required
the united exertions of all the colonies, in
support of that much injured province.
In the three first months, which followed the
shutting up of the port of Boston, the inhabitants
of the colonies, in hundreds of small circles, as
well as in their provincial assemblies and congresses,
expressed their abhorrence of the late proceedings
of the British parliament against Massachusetts, their
concurrence in the proposed measure of appointing
deputies for a general congress, and their willingness
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to do and suffer whatever should be judged
conducive to the establishment of their liberties.
While the combination of the other colonies
to support Boston was gaining strength, new matter
of dissension daily took place in Massachusetts.
The resolution for shutting the port of Boston, was
no sooner taken, than it was determined to order
a military force to that town. General Gage, the
commander in chief of the royal forces in North-
America, was also sent thither in the additional
capacity of governor of Massachusetts. He arrived
in Boston on the third day after the inhabitants
received the first intelligence of the Boston port-
bill. Though the people were irritated by that
measure, and though their republican jealousy was
hurt by the combination of the civil and military
character in one person, yet the general was received
will all the honors, which had been usually
paid to his predecessors. Soon after his arrival,
two regiments of foot, with a detachment of artillery
and some cannon, were landed in Boston.
These troops were, by degrees, reinforced with
others from Ireland, New-York, Halifax and
Quebec.
The governor announced; that he had the
king’s particular command for holding the general
court at Salem, after the 1774-06-011st of June. When
that eventful day arrived, the act for shutting up
the port of Boston commenced its operation.
This day was devoutly kept at Williamsburgh, in
Virginia, as a day of fasting and humiliation. In
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Philadelphia, it was solemnized with ever manifestation
of public calamity. It was observed in
other places as a day of mourning.
The inhabitants of Boston, who had hitherto
lived in affluence, were, by the bill for blocking
up their port, deprived of all means of subsistence.
They sustained this fatal blow with inflexible fortitude;
and their determination to persist in the
same line of conduct, which had been the occasion
of their sufferings, was unabated.
Liberal contributions for the distresses of the
Bostonians, had been raised through America;
and they were regarded as sufferers for the common
cause of liberty. The inhabitants of Salem,
in an address to governor Gage, concluded with
these noble and disinterested expressions: “By
shutting up the port of Boston, some imagine that
the course of trade might be turned hither, and to
our benefit. But nature, in the formation of our
harbor, forbids our becoming rivals in commerce
with that convenient mart; and were it otherwise,
we must be dead to every idea of justice, and lost
to all feelings of humanity, could we indulge
the thought of seizing on wealth, and raising
our fortunes on the ruins of our suffering neighbors.”
The people of Marblehead generously offered
the merchants of Boston the use of their harbor,
wharves, warehouses, and also their personal attendance
on the lading or unlading of their goods,
free from all expence.
The Bostonians were, by these measures, encouraged
and supported in their opposition to British
tyranny. Their committee of correspondence apprehended
themselves so fixed in the good opinion
of the public, that they ventured to frame and publish
an agreement entitled “a solemn covenant”. The
subscribers of this bound themselves to suspend all
commercial intercourse with Great-Britain, till the
late obnoxious laws were repealed, and the colony
of Massachusetts restored to its chartered rights.
Gen. Gage attempted, in vain, to counteract
this plan by a proclamation, which declared it an
unlawful and traitorous combination; and threatened
all who subscribed or countenanced it with
penalties of legal prosecution.
The people continued to defend their privileges
with inflexible resolution. Several of the new
counsellors declined an acceptance of the appointment,
Those who accepted were obliged to resign
their offices, in order to preserve their lives and
properties from the fury of the multitude. The new
judges were rendered incapable of proceeding in
their official duty. Upon opening the courts,
the juries refused to be sworn, or to act in any
manner, either under them, or in conformity to the
late regulations. In some places, the people assembled,
and filled the court-houses and avenues to
them in such a manner, that neither the judges,
nor their officers could obtain entrance; and upon
the sheriff’s commanding them to make way for
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the court, they answered, “that they knew no
court independent of the ancient laws of their country,
and to none other would they submit.”
The proceedings and apparent dispositions of
the people, together with the military preparations
which were daily made through the province, induced
General Gage to fortify the neck of land
which joins Boston to the continent. He also seized
upon the powder which was lodged in the arsenal
at Charlestown.
This excited a most violent and universal ferment.
Several thousands of the people assembled
at Cambridge, and with difficulty were they restrained
from marching directly to Boston, to demand
a delivery of the powder, with a resolution,
in case of refusal, to attack the troops.
The people thus assembled, proceeded to lieutenant-governor
Oliver’s house, and to the houses
of several of the new counsellors, and obliged
them to resign, and to declare that they would no
more act under the laws lately enacted. In the
confusion of these transactions, a rumor was
spread, that the royal fleet and troops were firing
upon the town of Boston. This was probably designed
by the popular leaders on purpose to ascertain
what assistance they might expect from the
country, in case of extremities. The result exceeded
their most sanguine expectations. In less than
twenty-four hours there were upwards of thirty
thousand men in arms, and marching towards the
capital. Other risings of the people took place in
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different parts of the colony, and their violence was
such, that in a short time the new counsellors, the
commissioners of the customs, and all who had
taken an active part in favor of Great-Britain, were
obliged to screen themselves in Boston.
About this period, the governor’s company of
cadets, consisting of Boston gentlemen, disbanded
themselves, and returned him the standard he presented
to them upon his arrival; on account of his depriving
Mr. Hancock, who was colonel of the
corps, of his commission. A similar instance also
occurred, upon a provincial colonel’s acceptance
of a seat in the new council, in consequence of
which, twenty-four officers of his regiment resigned
their commissions in one day.
About this time, delegates from every town
and district in the county of Suffolk, of which Boston
is the shire town, had a meeting, in which they
prefaced a number of spirited resolves, with a general
declaration, “that no obedience was due
from the province to either, or any part of said
acts, but that they should be rejected, as the attempts
of a wicked administration to enslave
America.”
Governor Gage had issued writs for holding a
general assembly at Salem; but subsequent events,
and the violence which every where prevailed,
made him think it expedient to counteract the
writs by a proclamation for suspending the meeting
of the members. This measure, however, was
deemed illegal; the assembly convened at Salem,
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and, after waiting a day for the governor, voted
themselves into a provincial congress, of which
Mr. Hancock was chosen president. A committee
was instantly appointed, who waited on the governor,
with a remonstrance concerning the fortifications
of Boston neck. In the governor’s reply, he
expressed indignation at the idea that the lives,
liberties or property of the people could be endangered
by English troops, and warned the assembly
to desist from their proceedings, which he stiled illegal
and unconstitutional.
The governor’s admonitions were unavailing.
The provincial congress appointed a committee
to draw up a plan for the immediate defence of
the province. It was resolved to enlist a number
of the inhabitants under the name of “minute-men”,
who were to be under obligations to turn out at a
minute’s warning. Three general officers were
elected to command these minute-men and the militia,
in case they should be called out into action.
A committee of safety, and a committee of supplies
were appointed. The first was invested with
an authority to assemble the militia when they
thought proper, and were to recommend to the
committee of supplies the purchase of such articles
as the public exigencies required; the last were
limited to the small sum of fifteen thousand six
hundred and twenty-seven pounds, fifteen shillings,
sterling, which was all the money at first
voted to oppose the power and wealth of Great-
Britain. Under this authority, and with these
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means, the committees of safety, and of supplies,
acting in concert, laid in a quantity of stores,
partly at Worcester, and partly at Concord.
After a short adjournment, the same congress
met again, and soon after resolved to get in readiness
twelve thousand men, to act on any emergency,
and that a fourth part of the militia should
be enlisted as minute-men, and receive pay. John
Thomas and William Heath were appointed general
officers. They also sent persons to New-
Hampshire, Rhode-Island and Connecticut, to inform
them of the measures they had taken, and to
request their co-operation in collecting an army of
twenty thousand men. Committees from these several
colonies met, with a committee from the provincial
congress of Massachusetts, and settled their
plans. The proper period of commencing opposition
to General Gage’s troops, was determined
to be, whenever they marched out with their baggage,
ammunition and artillery.
Throughout this whole season, the provincial
congress exercised all the semblance of government
which existed in Massachusetts. From their
coincidence with the prevailing disposition of the
people, their resolutions had the weight and efficacy
of laws. Under the simple style of recommendations,
they organized the militia, made ordinances
respecting public monies, and such further
regulations as were necessary for preserving
order, and for defending themselves against the
British troops.
During these transactions in Massachusetts, effectual
measures had been taken by the colonies
for convening a continental congress, which was,
at this period, in session at Philadelphia. The
proceedings of this august assembly will be related
in the subsequent chapter.
Chapter XXIII.
The continental congress convened at Philadelphia. Of
their proceedings. Measures taken by the British
parliament. The colonies prepare for war.
The measures pursued by the British
ministry for subjecting America to parliamentary authority,
in all cases whatever, united the twelve
colonies, from New-Hampshire to South-Carolina,
inclusively, into a compact body. Within four
months from the day in which the first intelligence
of the Boston port-bill reached America, the deputies
of eleven provinces had convened in Philadelphia,
and in four days more, by the arrival of delegates
from North-Carolina, there was a complete
representation of twelve colonies, containing nearly
three millions of people, disseminated over two
hundred and sixty thousand square miles of territory.
Some of the delegates were appointed by the
constitutional assemblies; in other provinces, where
they were embarrassed by royal governors, the
appointments were made involuntary meetings of
the people.
One half of the deputies which formed the congress
of 17741774 were lawyers. Gentlemen of that profession
had acquired the confidence of the inhabitants,
by their exertions in the common cause. The
previous measures in the respective provinces had
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been planned and carried into effect, more by lawyers
than by any other order of men. The novelty
and importance of this assembly excited universal
attention; and their transactions rendered them
truly respectable. “Perhaps,” says Dr. Ramsay,
“there never was a body of delegates more faithful
to the interests of their constituents than the congress
of 17741774. The public voice elevated none to
a seat in that august assembly, but such as, in addition
to considerable abilities, possessed that ascendency
over the minds of their fellow citizens, which
can neither be acquired by birth, nor purchased by
wealth.”
On the meeting of congress, they chose Peyton
Randolph their president, and Charles Thompson
their secretary. They agreed, as one of their rules
of doing business, that no entry should be
made on their journals of any propositions discussed
before them, to which they did not finally assent.
The Suffolk resolutions were transmitted to
congress, after which that assembly unanimously resolved,
that “they most thoroughly approved the
wisdom and fortitude with which opposition to
wicked ministerial measures had been hitherto conducted
in Massachusetts, and recommended to them
perseverance in the same firm and temperate conduct.”
In their subsequent resolutions they declared,
“that if the late acts of parliament shall be attempted
to be carried into execution by force, all
America ought to support the inhabitants of Massachusetts-Bay
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in their opposition: that, if it be
found absolutely necessary to remove the people of
Boston into the country, all America ought to contribute
toward recompensing them for the injury
they may sustain: and that every person, who shall
accept or act under any commission or authority derived
from the act of parliament, changing the
form of government, and violating the charter,
ought to be held in detestation.”
Congress next addressed a letter to General
Gage, in which, having stated the grievances of the
people of Massachusetts colony, they informed him
of the unalterable determination of all the other
provinces to support their brethren, and to oppose
the British acts of parliament; that they themselves
were appointed to watch over the liberties of America.
They entreated him to desist fom military
operations, lest hostilities might be brought on, and
frustrate all hopes of reconciliation with the parent
state.
Congress, soon after their meeting, agreed upon
a declaration of their rights. These they summed
up in the privileges belonging to Englishmen.
They declared, “that the foundation of English
liberty, and all free government, was a right in the
people to participate in their legislative council, and
that as the English colonists were not, and could
not be properly represented by the British parliament,
they were entitled to a free and exclusive
power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures,
in all cases of taxation and internal polity,
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subject only to the negative of their sovereign.” They
then run the line, between the supremacy of parliament,
and the independency of the colonial legislatures,
by provisos and restrictions, in the following
words. “But from the necessity of the case,
a regard to the mutual interests of both countries,
we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts
of the British parliament, as are bona fide, restrained
to the regulation of our external commerce, for the
purpose of securing the commercial advantages of
the whole empire to the mother country, and the
commercial benefits of its respective members, excluding
every idea of taxation, internal and external,
for raising a revenue on the subjects in America,
without their consent.”
They proceeded, in behalf of themselves and
constituents, to insist on the foregoing articles as
their indisputable rights, which could not be legally
taken from them, altered, or abridged by any
power whatever, without their consent, by their
representatives, in their several provincial legislatures.
Congress then resolved, that sundry acts of parliament
are infringements and violations of the
rights of the colonists; and that the repeal of them
is essentially necessary, in order to restore harmony
between Great-Britain and the American colonies.
The Canada act, they particularly pointed out, as
being extremely inimical to the colonies, by whose
assistance it had been conquered.
They then entered into an association, by which
they bound themselves and their constituents, to
discontinue the importation of British goods, till the
late obnoxious acts of parliament were repealed.
Their next proceedings were to frame a petition
to the king, an address to the British nation, to
the colonies, and to the French inhabitants of Canada.
A British author observes, that, “those papers
were executed with uncommon energy and
address; and in vigor of sentiment, and the nervous
language of patriotism, would not have disgraced
any assembly, that ever existed.”
Congress having finished their deliberations in
less than eight weeks, dissolved themselves, after
giving their opinion, “That another congress
should be held on the 1774-05-1010th of May next ensuing,
at Philadelphia, unless the redress of their grievances
should be previously obtained.”
The resolutions of the continental congress
were sanctioned with the universal approbation of
the provincial congress and subordinate committees,
which were every where instituted; and institutions
were formed under their direction, to carry
their resolves into effect.
The congressional proceedings reached Great-
Britain soon after the new parliament was convened.
The speech from the throne, at the meeting
of parliament, represented the conduct of the
Americans, particularly the inhabitants of Massachusetts-Bay,
in the most atrocious light. A majority
of both houses were resolved to compel the
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colonies to obedience; but a respectable minority
in their favor were strongly seconded by the merchants
and manufacturers through the kingdom,
and particularly by those of London and Bristol.
Lord Chatham zealously espoused the cause of
the Americans; and exerted his unrivalled eloquence
in the house of lords, in order to dissuade
his countrymen from attempting to subjugate them
by force of arms. He introduced the subject with
some general observations on the importance of
the American contest. He enlarged on the dangerous
events that were coming on the nation, in consequence
of the present dispute. He arraigned the
conduct of the ministers with great severity; reprobated
their whole system of American politics;
and moved that an address be presented to his
majesty, most humbly to advise and beseech him to
dispatch orders to General Gage, to remove his
majesty’s forces from the town of Boston. His
lordship supported this motion in a pathetic and
animated speech; but it was rejected by a great
majority.
The petitions from the English merchants were
presented, and consigned to what the opposition
termed, “the committee of oblivion”.
A petition was offered by Mr. Bollan, Dr.
Franklin and Mr. Lee, three American agents,
setting forth, that they were authorized by the
American continental congress, to present a petition
from the congress to the king; which his
majesty had referred to that house. They were
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enabled, they said, to throw great light upon the
subject; and prayed to be heard at the bar in support
of it. Their application was treated with the
utmost indifference and contempt. The motion
for receiving the petition was rejected by a large
majority.
Lord Chatham persevered in the prosecution of
his conciliatory scheme with America, and accordingly
brought into the house of lords the outlines
of a bill, which he hoped would answer that salutary
purpose, under the title of “A provisional
act for settling the troubles in America, and for asserting
the supreme legislative authority, and superintending
power of Great-Britain over the colonies.”
This bill legalized the holding a congress in
the ensuing 1775-05May, for the double purpose of recognizing
the supreme legislative authority, and superintending
power of parliament over the colonies,
and for making a free grant to the king, his heirs
and successors, of a certain and perpetual revenue,
subject to the dispositions of parliament, and applicable
to the alleviation of the national debt. On
these conditions, it restrained the powers of the
admiralty courts to their ancient limits, and without
repealing, suspended for a limited time, those
acts, which had been complained of by congress.
It proposed to place the judges in America on the
same footing, as to holding their salaries and offices,
with those in England, and securing to the
colonies all the privileges, franchises and immunities,
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granted by their several charters and constitutions.
His lordship introduced this plan with
a speech, in which he explained and supported
every part of it, in energetic language. The
plan proposed by Lord Chatham was rejected by
a majority of 64 to 32, and without being admitted
to lie on the table.
After long and warm debates, and one or
two protests, the ministerial plans were carried
by great majorities. In consequence thereof, on
the 1775-02-099th of February, a joint address from both
lords and commons was presented to the king, in
which “they returned thanks for the communication
of the papers relative to the state of the British
colonies in America, and gave it as their opinion,
that a rebellion actually existed in the province
of Massachusetts, and beseeched his majesty
that he would take the most effectual measures to
enforce due obedience to the laws and authority
of the supreme legislature, and begged in the most
solemn manner to assure him, that it was their
fixed resolution, at the hazard of their lives and
properties, to support his majesty in the maintenance
of the just rights of the crown, and the two
houses of parliament.”
Soon after this address, the New-England colonies
were prohibited, by an act of parliament,
from carrying on any fishery on the banks of
Newfoundland; and they were restrained from
any trade to Great-Britain, Ireland, and the British
islands in the West-Indies. The reasons assigned
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by Lord North for extending this bill to New-
Hampshire, Connecticut and Rhode-Island, were,
that they had aided and abetted their offending
neighbors, and were so near to them, that the intentions
of parliament would be frustrated, unless
they were comprehended in the proposed restraints.
The fishery bill was speedily followed by another,
for restraining the trade and commerce of
the colonies and provinces of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Maryland, Virginia, and South-Carolina.
The reasons assigned for this were similar to those,
which were offered for restraining the trade of the
New-England colonies.
A respectable minority in parliament continued
to oppose these oppressive acts; and in the
course of the debates, Lord North introduced a
conciliatory proposition, permitting each colony
separately to offer a certain income to government,
which should be raised by the authority of the
general assemblies of the colonies; and which, if
approved, might be accepted in lieu of a parliamentary
revenue. When this plan was transmitted
to America, it was universally rejected.
As matters had proceeded so far, as to preclude
all hopes of accommodation with Great-Britain,
the New-England colonies were assiduous in preparing
for war. The distrust and animosity between
the people and the army stationed in Boston
increased. From every appearance it became
daily more evident, that arms must ultimately decide
the contest.
Dr. Ramsay
remarks, that “it was a fortunate
circumstance for the colonies, that the royal
army was posted in New-England. The people of
that northern country have their passions more under
the command of reason and interest, than in
the southern latitudes, where a warmer sun excites
a greater degree of irascibility. One rash offensive
action against the royal forces, at this early
period, though successful, might have done
great mischief to the cause of America. It would
have lost them European friends, and weakened
the disposition of the other colonies to assist them.
The patient and the politic New-England-men,
fully sensible of their situation, submitted to many
insults, and bridled their resentment. In civil
wars or revolutions, it is a matter of much consequence
who strikes the first blow. The compassion
of the world is in favor of the attacked, and
the displeasure of good men on those, who are the
first to embrue their hands in human blood. For
the space of nine months after the arrival of Gen.
Gage, the behavior of the people of Boston is particularly
worthy of imitation, by those, who wish
to overturn established government. They conducted
their opposition with exquisite address.
They avoided every kind of outrage and violence,
preserving peace and good order among themselves,
successfully engaged the other colonies to
make a common cause with them, and counteracted
General Gage so effectually, as to prevent
his doing any thing for his royal master, while by
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patience and moderation they screened themselves
from censure. Though resolved to bear as long as
prudence and policy dictated, they were all the
time preparing for the last extremity. They
were furnishing themselves with arms and ammunition,
and training their militia.”
On the 1775-02-2626th of February, General Gage, having
received intelligence that some military stores
were deposited in Salem, dispatched a party to
seize them. Their road was obstructed by a river,
over which was a draw-bridge. This the people
had pulled up, and refused to let down; upon
which the soldiers seized a boat to ferry them over;
but the people cut out her bottom. Hostilities
would immediately have commenced, had it not
been for the interposition of a clergyman, who
represented to the military, on the one hand, the
folly of opposing such numbers; and to the people,
on the other, that, as the day was far spent, the
military could not execute their design, so that
they might without any fear leave them the possession
of the draw-bridge. This was complied
with; and the soldiers, after having remained for
some time at the bridge, returned without executing
their orders.
In this alarming situation of affairs, the colonies
in general were making preparations for hostilities;
and the inhabitants of the Massachusetts province
used every device for conveying safely from Boston
into the country, all kinds of military articles,
which might be wanted in the expected war.
In reviewing the dispute between Great-Britain
and America, which for fourteen years was conducted
by the pen, or at most by associations, and
legislative acts, we are led to admire the determined
resolution, with which the colonies resisted every encroachment
on their privileges. Many of the productions
of that period discover great energy of
mind, and political information; and it ought to
be remembered, to the honor of the Americans,
that, whilst they made a spirited opposition to the
arbitrary views of Britain, their firmness was blended
with prudence and moderation. Their sagacity
also in discovering designs against their liberties,
before they were fully developed, is greatly to be
admired. It has been justly observed, that “the
annals of other nations have produced instances
of successful struggles against a yoke previously imposed;
but the records of history do not furnish an
example of a people, whose penetration had anticipated
the operations of tyranny; and whose
spirit had disdained to suffer an infringement upon
their liberties.”
Chapter XXIV.
The commencement of hostilities at Lexington. General
Gage receives the arms of the inhabitants of
Boston—fails in his engagement. Boston invested
by a provincial army. Public fast. Ticonderoga
and Crown-Point taken. Reinforcements arrive
from Great-Britain. Bunker’s-hill battle. Burning
of Charlestown, and death of General Warren.
The important æra, at length, arrived,
in which the Americans had no alternative,
but to submit to the impositions of arbitrary power,
or refer their cause to the decision of arms.
Stores had been deposited at Worcester and
Concord, for the support of the provincial army.
To the latter of those places, which was about
twenty miles from Boston, General Gage sent a
detachment of British troops, in order to destroy
the stores, and, as was reported, to seize Mr.
Hancock and Mr. Samuel Adams, leading characters
in the opposition.
The general wished to accomplish his design
without bloodshed, and planned the expedition
with the greatest secrecy, to prevent the country
from being alarmed. At eleven o’clock at night,
eight hundred grenadiers and light infantry, the
flower of the royal army, embarked at the common,
landed at Phipps’ farm, and marched for
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Concord, under the command of lieut. col. Smith.
The utmost precaution could not prevent intelligence
of these movements from being transmitted
to the country militia.
About two in the morning, 130 of the Lexington
militia had assembled to oppose them; but
the air being chilly, and intelligence respecting the
regulars uncertain, they were dismissed, with orders
to appear again at beat of drum. About 70
collected a second time, between four and five o’
clock in the morning, and the British troops soon
after made their appearance. Major Pitcairn, who
led the advanced corps, rode up to them, and
called out, “disperse, you rebels; throw down
your arms and disperse.” They still continued in
a body, on which he advanced nearer, discharged
his pistol, and ordered his soldiers to fire. This
was done with a huzza. A dispersion of the militia
was the consequence; but the firing of the
regulars was, nevertheless, continued. Individuals,
finding they were fired upon, though dispersing,
returned the fire. Three or four of the militia
were killed on the green. A few more were
killed, after they had begun to disperse. The
royal detachment proceeded to Concord, and executed
their commission. They disabled two twenty-four
pounders, threw five hundred pounds of
ball into rivers and wells, and broke in pieces
about sixty barrels of flour.
Mr. John Butterick, major of a minute regiment,
not knowing what had passed at Lexington,
ordered his men not to give the first fire, that
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they might not be the aggressors. Upon his approaching
near the regulars, they fired and killed
capt. Isaac Davis, and one private of the provincial
minute-men. The fire was returned, and
a skirmish ensued. The king’s troops having done
their business, began their retreat towards Boston.
This was conducted with expedition, for the inhabitants
of the adjacent towns had assembled in
arms, and began to attack them in every direction.
In their return to Lexington, they were
exceedingly annoyed, both by those, who pressed
on the rear, and others who poured in from all
sides, and fired from behind stone-walls, and such
like coverts, which supplied the place of lines
and redoubts.
At Lexington the British were joined by a detachment
of 900 men, under Lord Percy, who had
been sent out by General Gage to support lieut. col.
Smith. This reinforcement, having two pieces of
cannon, awed the provincials, and kept them at a
greater distance; but they continued a constant,
though irregular and scattering fire, which did great
execution. The close firing from behind the walls,
by good marksmen, put the royal troops in no
small confusion; but they nevertheless kept up a
brisk retreating fire on the militia and minute-men.
A little after sunset the regulars reached
Bunker’s-hill, worn down with excessive fatigue,
having marched that day between thirty and forty
miles. On the next day they returned to Boston,
across Charlestown ferry.
There never were more than 400 provincials
engaged at one time, and often not so many. As
some tired and gave out, others came up and took
their places. There was scarcely any discipline
observed among them. Officers and privates fired
when they were ready, and saw a royal uniform,
without waiting for the word of command. Their
knowledge of the country enabled them to gain
opportunities, by crossing fields and fences, and
to act as flanking parties against the king’s troops,
who kept to the main road.
The British had 65 killed, 180 wounded, and
28 made prisoners. Of the provincials 50 were
killed, and 38 wounded and missing. Dr. Ramsay
remarks, “as arms were to decide the controversy,
it was fortunate for the Americans that
the first blood was drawn in New-England. The
inhabitants of that country are so connected with
each other by descent, manners, religion, politics,
and a general equality, that the killing of an individual
interested the whole, and made them
consider it as a common cause. The blood of
those, who were killed at Lexington and Concord,
proved the firm cement of an extensive union.”
To prevent the people in Boston from joining
their countrymen in the vicinity, in an attack
which was threatened, General Gage agreed with
a committee of the town, that upon the inhabitants
lodging their arms in Faneuil-hall, or any
other convenient place, under the care of the select-men,
all, who were inclined, might remove
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with their families and effects. A large number
complied with the condition; and the agreement
was punctually observed at first, but, in a short
time, the general detained many; and when he
admitted the departure of others, he would not allow
them to remove their families and effects.
The separation of near and dear connexions occasioned
many distressing scenes. The provincial
congress in vain remonstrated on the infraction of
the agreement. He was in some measure compelled
to adopt this dishonorable expedient, from
the clamor of the tories, who alledged, that when
the enemies to the British government were removed,
and were all safe with their families and
effects, the town would be set on fire.
The provincial congress of Massachusetts, which
was in session at the time of Lexington battle, dispatched
an account of it to Great-Britain, accompanied
with many depositions to prove, that the
British troops were the aggressors. They also made
an address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain, in
which, after complaining of their sufferings, they
declare the attachment they still feel for their sovereign;
they appeal to heaven for the justice of their
cause, and assert their determined resolution “to die or
be free.”
The congress also voted, that an army of 30,000
men be immediately raised; that 13,600 be of
their own province, and that a letter and delegates
be sent to the several colonies of New-Hampshire,
Connecticut and Rhode-Island. In consequence
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of this vote, the business of recruiting was
began, and an army raised superior in number to
that of the British. The command of this force
was given to General Ward.
The battle at Lexington spread the flame of
civil discord through the colonies. The martial
spirit shown by the American militia on this occasion,
afforded matter of exultation. Dr. Ramsay
remarks, “that perhaps in no subsequent engagement
did the Americans appear to greater advantage
than in their first essay at Lexington. It is
almost without parallel in military history, for the
yeomanry of the country to come forward in a single
disjointed manner, without order, and for the
most part without officers, and by an irregular fire
to put to flight troops equal in discipline to any in
the world.”
The spirits of the people were raised to that degree,
that they meditated a total expulsion of the
British troops from Boston. An army of 20,000
men was assembled, who formed a line of encampment
from Roxbury to Mystic; and here they
were soon after joined by a large body of Connecticut
troops, under General Putnam, an old officer
of great bravery and experience. By this formidable
force, was the town of Boston blocked up.
General Gage, however, had so strongly fortified it,
that the provincials, powerful as they were, durst
not make an attack; while, on the other hand,
his force was by far too insignificant to meet such
an army in the field.
The forces, which had been collected in Massachusetts,
were stationed in convenient places for
guarding the country from further excursions of
the regulars from Boston. Breast-works were also
erected, in different places, for the same purpose.
Some skirmishes, in the mean time, took place on
the islands lying off Boston harbor, which, by
habituating the Americans to danger, were of real
service to their cause.
At the same time that the organization of an
army was resolved on by the continental congress,
a public fast was recommended to be observed on
the 1775-07-2020th of July, throughout the united colonies,
“a day of humiliation, fasting and prayer to Almighty
God, to implore a blessing on their rightful
sovereign, King George; and that the British nation,
before it was too late, might form just ideas
of their real interest. That, by the gracious interposition
of Heaven, America might obtain a redress
of her various grievances, a restoration of
her invaded rights, and a reconciliation with the
parent state, on terms constitutional and honorable
to both countries.”
The clergy of New-England, who were a numerous,
learned and respectable body, in their
prayers and sermons, represented the cause of America
as the cause of heaven; and their exertions
in the public cause were important and effectual.
The necessity of securing Ticonderoga, was early
attended to, by many in New-England; but
some Connecticut gentlemen were first in attemptingOo
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the measure. Col. Arnold was sent from Connecticut,
to engage the people on the New-Hampshire
grants upon this expedition. Col. Ethan
Allen, of Bennington, undertook to raise a body of
troops for that purpose. General Gage had set
the example of attempting to seize upon military
stores, and by so doing had commenced hostilities;
retaliation, therefore, seemed warrantable.
Col. Allen was at Castleton, with about 270
men, 230 of whom belonged to the New-Hampshire
grants. Centinels were immediately placed on all
the roads, to prevent intelligence being carried to
Ticonderoga. Col. Arnold, who arrived at this
time, had heard such an account of the state of the
garrison in that place as encouraged the expedition.
It was then settled that Allen should have the supreme
command, and Arnold was to be his assistand.
They arrived at Lake Champlain, opposite
Ticonderoga, on the 1775-05-099th of May, at night. Boats
were with difficulty procured, when he and Col.
Arnold crossed over with 83 men, and landed near
the garrison. The two colonels advanced side by
side, and entered the fort at the dawning of day.
A centinel snapped his piece at Col. Allen, and
then retreated through the covered way to the parade.
The main body of the Americans then followed,
and drew up. Captain de la Place, the
commander, was surprized in his bed, and called
upon to surrender the fort. He asked, by what
authority? Col. Allen replied, “I demand it in
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the name of the great Jehovah, and of the continental
congress.” No resistance was made, and
the fort, with its valuable stores, and forty-eight
prisoners, fell into the hands of the Americans.
Col. Seth Warner was sent off with a party to
take possession of Crown-Point, in which there
was a garrison of 12 men. This was speedily effected.
They took, also, two small vessels, and
found materials at Ticonderoga for building others.
By this expedition the provincials acquired
great quantities of ammunition and military stores;
and obtained the command of Lake Champlain,
which secured them a passage into Canada.
About the latter end of 1775-05May, a great part of
the reinforcements ordered from Great-Britain arrived
at Boston. Three British generals, Howe,
Burgoyne and Clinton, whose behavior in the preceding
war, had gained them great reputation, also
arrived about the same time. General Gage,
thus reinforced, prepared for acting with more decision.
Before he proceeded to extremities, he issued
a proclamation, wherein he offered pardon,
in the king’s name, to all, who should immediately
lay down their arms, and return to their respective
occupations; excepting only from the benefit of
that pardon, “Samuel Adams and John Hancock,
whose offences were said to be of too flagitious a
nature to admit of any other consideration than
that of condign punishment.” He also proclaimed,
that not only the persons above named and excepted,
but also all their adherents, associates and correspondents,
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should be deemed guilty of treason
and rebellion, and treated accordingly. By this
proclamation, it was also declared, “that as the
courts of judicature were shut, martial law should
take place, till a due course of justice should be
re-established.”
The Americans, supposing this proclamation to
be a prelude to hostilities, prepared for action.
Orders were, therefore, issued, by the provincial
commanders, that a detachment of one thousand
men should entrench upon Bunker’s-hill, a considerable
height, just at the entrance of the peninsula
at Charlestown, the situation of which rendered
the possession of it of great importance to either
party. By some mistake Breed’s-hill, high and
large as the other, but situated nearer Boston, was
marked out for the entrenchments.
In the night of the 1775-06-1616th of June, the provincials
took possession of Breed’s-hill, and labored with
such diligence and alacrity, that by the dawn of
day they had thrown up a small redoubt, about
eight rods square. Such was the extraordinary
silence that reigned among them, that they were
not heard by the British on board their vessels in
the neighboring waters. The dawn of day only
discovered the work when near completion. Upon
which the British began an heavy firing from their
ships, and from a fortification on Cop’s-hill, in
Boston. An incessant shower of shot and bombs
was poured upon the American works, and yet but
one man was killed.
The Americans sustained this fire with the intrepidity
of veteran soldiers; and continued laboring
indefatigably till they had thrown up a small
breast-work, extending from the east side of the redoubt
to the bottom of the hill; but they were
prevented completing it, from the intolerable fire
of the enemy. By some unaccountable error, the
detachment, which had been working for hours,
was neither relieved, nor supplied with refreshments,
but was left to engage, under these disadvantages.
Between twelve and one o’clock (the day being
exceedingly hot) a number of boats and barges,
filled with regular troops, from Boston, approached
Charlestown, when the men were landed at
Moreton’s point. They consisted of four battalions,
two companies of grenadiers, and ten of light
infantry, with a proportion of field artillery.
Major Gen. Howe, and brigadier Gen. Pigot,
had the command of those troops, which were the
flower of the royal army. They formed and remained
in that position, till joined by a second detachment
of light infantry and grenadier companies,
a battalion of land forces, and a battalion of marines,
amounting in the whole to about 3000 men.
The Generals Clinton and Burgoyne took their
stand upon Cop’s-hill, to contemplate the bloody
and destructive operations that were now commencing.
The king’s troops formed in two lines,
and advanced deliberately in order to give their artillery
time to demolish the American works.
Whilst the British were advancing nearer to
the attack, they received orders from Gen. Gage
to burn Charlestown. This was done from the
military policy of depriving enemies of a cover in
their approaches. The town was set on fire by a
battery on Cop’s-hill, in Boston, and a party from
the Somerset man of war, lying in Charles river,
and nearly four hundred houses, including six public
buildings, were consumed. The lofty steeple
of the meeting-house, formed a pyramid of fire
above the rest, and struck the astonished eyes of
numerous beholders with a magnificent but awful
spectacle.
In Boston, the heights of every kind were covered
with citizens, and such of the king’s troops as
were not on duty. The hills around the adjacent
country, which afforded a safe and distinct view of
the momentous contest, were occupied by Americans
of all ages and orders. The honor of the
British troops beat high in the breasts of many,
while others, with a keener sensibility, felt for the
liberties of a great and growing country.
The British derived no advantage from the
smoke of the conflagration at Charlestown; for
the wind suddenly shifting, carried it in another
direction, so that it could not cover them in their
approach.
The Americans were miserably armed, with
scarce a bayonet to their muskets. They were,
however, mostly marksmen, having been accustomed
to gunning from their youth. The redoubt
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and the breast-work nearest it were chiefly occupied
with Massachusetts men. Col. Stark, with
the New-Hampshire soldiers under his command;
capt. Knowlton, of Ashford, with a party from
Connecticut; and a few Massachusetts men, were
stationed on the left of the breast-work, and open
ground stretching beyond its point to the water
side, through which there was no chance of carrying
the works.
The British moved on slowly to the attack,
which gave the provincials the advantage of taking
surer and cooler aim. These reserved their fire
till the regulars came within ten or twelve rods,
when they began a furious discharge of small arms,
by which the British were checked in their advance.
The discharge from the Americans was
incessant, and did such execution, that the king’s
troops retreated in disorder, and with great precipitation.
The officers rallied them, and pushed
them forward with their swords; but they returned
to the attack with extreme reluctance. The
Americans again reserved their fire, till the British
were near, and then put them a second time
to flight. Such was the loss already sustained,
that several of the officers exclaim, “It is downright
butchery to lead the men on afresh against
the lines.” But, animated with a high sense of
British honor, the royal army determined to carry
their point in spite of all opposition.
General Howe and the officers redoubled
their exertions, and General Clinton arrived at
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this critical moment, and joined them in time to
be of service. The united and strenuous efforts of
the different officers were again successful, notwithstanding
the men discovered an almost insuperable
aversion to renewing the attack. By this
time the powder of the Americans began to fail.
This deficiency disabled them from making the
same defence as before; while the British reaped
a further advantage by bringing some cannon to
bear so as to rake the inside of the breast-work
from end to end. The fire from the ships, batteries,
and field artillery was redoubled. The officers
in the rear goaded on the soldiers, and the
redoubt was attacked on three sides at once. Under
these circumstances a retreat from it was ordered;
but the provincials delayed, and made resistance
with their discharged muskets, as if they
had been clubs, so long that the king’s troops,
who easily mounted the works, had half filled the
redoubt, before it was given up to them.
Whilst these operations were going on at the
breast-work and redoubt, the British light infantry
were attempting to force the left point of the
former, that they might take the American line
in flank. Though they exhibited the most undaunted
courage, they met with an opposition
which called for its greatest exertions. The provincials
reserved their fire till the adversaries were
near, and then poured it upon the light infantry
in such an incessant stream, and in so true a direction,
as mowed down their ranks. The engagement
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was kept up on both sides with great
resolution. The persevering exertions of the king’s
troops could not compel the Americans to retreat,
till they observed that their main body had left
the hill.
The retreat of the Americans could not be effected
but by marching over Charlestown neck,
every part of which was raked by the shot of the
Glasgow man of war, and of two floating batteries.
They suffered but little, however, from this
formidable artillery, though the fear of it had
prevented some regiments, who were ordered to
support them, from fulfilling their duty.
The number of Americans engaged amounted
only to 1500; but the Boston spectators were led
to apprehend, at that distance, that they consisted
of some thousands.
It was feared by the Americans, that the British
troops would push the advantage they had
gained, and march immediately to the head-quarters
at Cambridge, about two miles distant, and
in no state of defence. But they advanced no further
than Bunker’s-hill, where they threw up
works for their own security. The provincials did
the same on Prospect hill, in front of them, about
half way to Cambridge.
The loss of the peninsula depressed the spirits
of the Americans, and their great loss of men
produced the same effect on the British. Dr. Gordon
observes, that “there have been few battles
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in modern wars, in which, all circumstances considered,
there was a greater destruction of men
than in this short engagement. A veteran officer,
who was at the battles of Dettingen and Minden,
and at several others in Germany, has said, ‘that
for the time that the action lasted, and the number
of men engaged in it, he never knew any
thing equal to it.’ The action continued about
an hour; during that short period the loss of the
British, as acknowledged by Gen. Gage, amounted
to 1054. Nineteen commissioned officers were
killed, and 70 more were wounded. The battle
of Quebec, in 17591759, which gave Great-Britain the
province of Canada, was not so destructive to
British officers as this affair of a flight entrenchment,
the work only of a few hours.”
The British officers, by their spirited behavior
in this engagement, merited and obtained great
applause. But, surely, the provincial troops were
entitled to a larger share of admiration. Though
in general they had never before seen an engagement,
yet their experienced adversaries, with their
utmost exertions, could scarcely dislodge them
from lines, the work of a single night.
The Americans lost in this engagement five
pieces of cannon. They had 77 killed, and 278
wounded and missing. Thirty of the latter number
fell into the hands of the conquerors.
“The death of General Warren, who fought
that day as a volunteer, was particularly regretted.
To the purest patriotism and most undaunted
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bravery, he added the virtues of domestic life,
the eloquence of an accomplished orator, and the
wisdom of an able statesman.”
Dr. Ramsay observes, that “the burning of
Charlestown, though a place of great trade, did
not discourage the provincials. It excited resentment
and execration, but not any disposition
to submit. Such was the high toned state of the
public mind, and so great the indifference for
property, when put in competition with liberty,
that military conflagrations, though they distressed
and impoverished, had no tendency to subdue the
colonists.”
The undaunted courage which the New-England
militia exhibited at Lexington and Breed’s-
hill, affords a convincing proof how much may
be done by men inspired with an enthusiasm for
liberty, without the aid of military discipline. The
dispute between Britain and her colonies had
long been a popular subject. The prevailing
ideas at that time were a detestation of arbitrary
power, and a determined resolution to resist,
even with the sword. The people, in general,
were well informed respecting the causes of
the contest, and they had been highly irritated by
repeated encroachments upon their privileges.
Whilst their minds were wrought to this high
pitch, those, who previously to this period, had
never seen a battle, dared to encounter the well
disciplined forces of the British nation.
Chapter XXV.
The second continental congress meet, and organize a
regular army. Of their proceedings. Georgia accedes
to the confederacy. General Washington is appointed
commander in chief, and joins the continental
army. Successful attempts of the Americans at
sea. Falmouth burnt by the British. Resolutions
of the Rhode-Island assembly.
Asecond American or continental
congress was convened at Philadelphia, on the
1775-05-1010th of May, as was recommended at their dissolution.
The primary object of their deliberations,
was the general state of affairs in the colonies.
On their meeting they chose Peyton Randolph
for their president, and Charles Thompson for their
secretary. On the next day, Mr. Hancock laid
before them a variety of depositions, proving that
the king’s troops were the aggressors in the late
battle at Lexington, together with sundry papers
relative to the great events, which had lately taken
place in Massachusetts. Whereupon congress resolved
itself into a committee of the whole, to
take into consideration the state of America.
The new congress had been convened but a
few days, when their venerable president, Peyton
Randolph, was under a necessity of returning
home. On his departure, John Hancock was
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unanimously chosen his successor. The objects of
deliberation presented to this new congress were,
if possible, more important than those, which, in
the preceding year, had engaged the attention of
their predecessors. They found a new parliament
disposed to run all risks in enforcing their submission;
and determined to proceed in that vigorous
manner which would intimidate opposition.
They also understood that administration was united
against them, and its members firmly established
in their places. Hostilities were commenced, reinforcements
had arrived, and more were daily expected.
Added to this, they had information that
their adversaries had taken measures to secure the
friendship and co-operation of the Indians and
Canadians.
In this awful crisis, congress had no alternative,
but either to renounce the cause of American freedom;
or support it by rendering the war general,
and involving all the provinces in one promiscuous
state of hostility.
The resolution of the people in favor of the latter,
was fixed, and only wanted a public sanction
for its operation. Congress, therefore, resolved,
“that for the express purpose of defending
and securing the colonies, and preserving them in
safety against all attempts to carry the late acts of
parliament into execution, by force of arms, they
be immediately put in a state of defence; but as
they wished for a restoration of the harmony formerly
subsisting between the mother country and
the colonies, to the promotion of this most desirable
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reconciliation, an humble and dutiful petition
be presented to his majesty.” To dissuade the
Canadians from co-operating with the British, they
again addressed them, representing the pernicious
tendency of the Quebec act, and apologizing for
their taking Ticonderoga and Crown-Point, as measures,
which were dictated by the great law of self-
preservation. About the same time, to prevent
the Indians from disturbing the frontier inhabitants,
congress dispatched commissioners, who explained
the controversy with Britain in an Indian
style; informed them that they had no concern in
the family quarrel, and urged them, by the ties of
ancient friendship, and a common birth place, to
remain at home, keep the hatchet buried deep, and
to join neither side.
Whilst congress were making arrangements
for their purposed continental army, it was thought
expedient once more to address the inhabitants of
Great-Britain, and to publish to the world a declaration,
exhibiting their reasons for taking up arms;
to address the speaker and gentlemen of the assembly
of Jamaica, and the inhabitants of Ireland, and
also to prefer a second humble petition to the
king.
When this last mentioned petition was presented,
in 1775-09September, 1775, by Mr. Penn and Mr. Lee,
Lord Dartmouth informed them, “that to it no
answer would be given.” The rejection of this
petition greatly contributed to the union and perseverance
of the colonies.
A military opposition to the armies of Great-
Britain being resolved upon, it became an object of
consequence to fix on a person to conduct that
opposition. George Washington, a native of Virginia,
was, by an unanimous vote, appointed commander
in chief of all the forces raised for the defence
of the colonies. This great man was born
in Westmoreland county, on the 1732-02-1111th of February,
1732. His education and youthful exercises tended
to form a solid mind, and a vigorous body.
Early in life his inclination prompted him to enter
the military line. He acquired considerable experience
in the command of different parties of the
provincial troops, during the late French war. He
possessed genius without excentricity, and energy of
mind, always guided by sound judgment. His distinguished
abilities derived their greatest lustre from
the qualities of his heart. He displayed a concentration
of sublime virtues, exempt from those weaknesses
and irregularities, which often sully the most
illustrious characters. A disinterested regard for
the welfare of his country appears to have animated
his exertions, while engaged in the most hazardous
services. But his heroic actions are his amplest
panegyric. During the long contest with
Britain, we contemplate him exhibiting unconquerable
perseverance under the most embarrassing circumstances;
and undaunted courage under the
greatest dangers. He united every qualification
necessary to render him eminent in his exalted
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station; and appears raised up by heaven at this
critical period, to be the savior of his country.
After the appointment of Gen. Washington,
Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, Philip Schuyler,
and Israel Putnam, were constituted major-generals,
and Horatio Gates adjutant-general. Seth Pomeroy,
Richard Montgomery, David Wooster, William
Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Thomas, John
Sullivan, and Nathaniel Greene, were appointed
brigadier-general at the same time.
The 1775-06-1414th of June, twelve companies of riflemen
were ordered to be raised in Pennsylvania,
Maryland and Virginia. The men, to the number
of 1430, were procured, and forwarded to
the American army at Cambridge with great expedition.
It was also resolved, “that a sum not exceeding
two millions of Spanish milled dollars be emitted
by the congress, in bills of credit, for the
defence of America; and that the twelve confederated
colonies be pledged for the redemption of
the bills.”
Congress established a post-office, to reach from
Falmouth, in New-England, to Savannah, in
Georgia; and then unanimously elected Benjamin
Franklin postmaster-general.
They proceeded to the establishment of an
hospital, for an army of 20,000 men; and elected
Benjamin Church to be director of, and physician
in it.
Congress had also the satisfaction to receive
deputies from the whole colony of Georgia, in 1775-07July,
expressing a desire to join the confederacy.
Gen. Washington, soon after his appointment
to the command of the American army, set out
for the camp at Cambridge. In his progress, he
was treated with the highest honors in every place
through which he passed, both by public bodies,
and by individuals. Large detachments of volunteers,
composed of private gentlemen, turned out,
to escort him. A committee from the Massachusetts
congress received him about one hundred
miles from Boston, and conducted him to the army.
He was soon after addressed by the congress
of that colony, in the most affectionate manner. In
his answer, he feelingly expressed his gratitude for
their kind congratulations. He asserted, that in
leaving the enjoyments of domestic life, and accepting
the appointment, he imitated the public
spirit which the province of Massachusetts had exhibited;
and that, “his highest ambition was to
be the happy instrument of vindicating their rights,
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and to see the devoted province again restored to
peace, liberty and safety.”
When Gen. Washington arrived at Cambridge,
he was received with the joyful acclamations of
the American army. At the head of his troops,
he published a declaration previously drawn up by
congress, in the nature of a manifesto, exhibiting
the reasons for taking up arms. In this, after enumerating
various grievances of the colonies, and
vindicating them from a premeditated design of
establishing independent states, it was added, “in
our own native land, in defence of the freedom
which is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed,
till the late violation of it; for the protection of
our property; acquired solely by the industry of
our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually
offered, we have taken up arms; we shall lay
them down, when hostilities shall cease on the part
of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed
shall be removed, and not before.”
At this time the British were entrenched on
Bunker’s-hill, having also three floating batteries
in Mystic river, and a twenty gun ship below the
ferry, between Boston and Charlestown. They
had the neck strongly fortified, and a battery on
Cop’s-hill.
The continental army, under the command of
Gen. Washington, amounted to about 14,500 men.
They were entrenched at Winter hill, Prospect
hill, and Roxbury, communicating with one another
by small posts, over a distance of ten miles.
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Parties were likewise stationed in several towns,
along the sea coast. This whole force was thrown
into three grand divisions: Gen. Ward commanded
the right wing, at Roxbury; Gen. Lee, the
left, at Prospect hill; and the centre was commanded
by Gen. Washington. These dispositions
were so judiciously made, that the British were pent
up in the town, and excluded from the provisions
and forage which the adjacent country, and islands
in Boston bay afforded.
Great embarassments occurred in forming the
continental army into a regular system. Enterprizing
leaders had come forward with their followers,
without a scrupulous attention to rank;
but it was impossible to assign to every officer the
station, that his services merited, or to which his
vanity aspired; to introduce discipline and subordination
among freemen, who were accustomed to
think for themselves, was an arduous task. Those
difficulties were in some measure surmounted by
the perseverance and resolution of the commander
in chief. The troops gradually acquired the mechanism
and movements as well as the name of an
army. Method and punctuality began to be introduced.
In arranging the army, the military
skill of adjutant-general Gates was of great
service.
It was found, on the 1775-08-044th of August, that the
whole stock of powder throughout the four New-
England provinces, could make but little more than
nine rounds a man, to the army investing
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Boston. This was generally known among themselves,
and was also communicated to the British,
by a deserter; but they did not presume to rely
on this intelligence. Though they had met with
unexpected proofs of American courage; yet they
could not believe that the colonists were possessed
of such consummate assurance as to continue investing
them, while so destitute of ammunition.
At length the Americans received a supply of a
few tons, which was sent from the committee of
Elizabethtown; and soon after several thousand
pounds weight was obtained from Africa, in exchange
for New-England rum. This was managed
with so much address, that every ounce for sale
in the British forts on the African coasts, was purchased,
and brought off for the use of the colonists.
The Massachusetts assembly and continental
congress both resolved, to fit out armed vessels to
cruise on the American coasts, for the purpose
of interrupting warlike stores and supplies, designed
for the use of the British army. The object
was at first limited, but as the prospect of accommodation
vanished, it was extended to all British
property afloat on the high seas.
Whilst the Americans were fitting out armed
vessels, previously to their making any captures,
Falmouth, a town in the north-eastern part of
Massachusetts, was burnt by captain Mowat, under
the orders of the British admiral at Boston.
The inhabitants, in compliance with a resolve of
the provincial congress to prevent tories conveying
out their effects, gave violent obstruction to the
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loading of a mast-ship, which drew upon them the
indignation of the admiral. This event spread an
alarm upon the sea coast; but produced no disposition
to submit to the arbitrary impositions of
Great-Britain.
In a few days after the burning of Falmouth,
the old south meeting-house, in Boston, was taken
into possession by the British, and destined for a
riding school, and the service of the light dragoons.
These proceedings tended to irritate the colonists,
and added energy to their determined spirit of resistance.
The first naval attempts of the Americans were
crowned with success. On the 1775-11-2929th of November,
the Lee privateer, commanded by captain
Manly, belonging to Marblehead, captured the
brig Nancy, containing such a variety of military
stores, that had congress sent an order for the articles
most wanted, they could not have made out
a more suitable invoice. The whole value of the
vessel and cargo was computed at 50,000l. and
this loss in particular occasioned much discontent
in Britain.
Soon after, several store-ships were captured by
the Americans, which were designed for the use
of the British army in Boston. These events increased
the distresses of the royal troops in that
town; furnished supplies for the continental army;
and encouraged the inhabitants of New-England to
undertake this hazardous business.
Before the close of the year, congress determined
to build five vessels of thirty-two guns, five
of twenty-eight, and three of twenty-four, in order
to distress the enemy, and protect their own coasts.
In the month of 1775-11November, the general assembly
of Rhode-Island passed an act for the capital
punishment of persons, who should be found guilty
of holding a traitorous correspondence with the
ministry of Great-Britain, or any of their officers
or agents, or of supplying the ministerial army or
navy, employed against the united colonies, with
provisions, arms, &c. or of acting as pilots on
board any of their vessels. They also passed an act
for sequestering the estates of several persons, whom
they considered as avowed enemies to the liberties
of America.
Chapter XXVI.
The Canada expedition. Death of General Montgomery.
Disputes of Lord Dunmore with the Virginians.
Scheme of Connelly to bring the Ohio
Indians to a junction with Lord Dunmore at Alexandria.
North and South-Carolina expel their
governors.
The success, which had hitherto attended
the Americans, now emboldened them to
think not only of defending themselves, but likewise
of acting offensively against Great-Britain.
The conquest of Canada appeared an object within
their reach, and one that would be attended
with many advantages. As an invasion of that
province was already facilitated by the taking of
Crown-Point and Ticonderoga, it was resolved,
if possible, to penetrate that way into Canada, and
reduce Quebec during the winter, before the fleets
and armies, which they were well assured would
fail thither from Britain, should arrive.
Congress committed the management of their
military arrangements in this northern department
to Gen. Schuyler and Gen. Montgomery. While
the former remained at Albany, to attend an Indian
treaty, the latter was sent forward to Ticonderoga,
with a body of troops from New-York and
New-England. At length Gen. Schuyler was
taken ill, and the sole command devolved upon
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Gen. Montgomery. He was opposed by General
Carlton, governor of Canada, an active and experienced
officer.
After receiving the full number of troops appointed
for his expedition, Gen. Montgomery determined
to besiege St. John’s, the first British post
in Canada. This attempt was facilitated by the
reduction of Chamblee, a small fort in the neighborhood,
where he found a supply of six tons of
gunpowder. Whilst Gen. Montgomery was prosecuting
the siege, the governor of the province
prepared to oppose him; and for that purpose collected,
at Montreal, about 800 men, chiefly militia
and Indians. While Gen. Carlton and his
forces were on their march, they were attacked by
col. Warner, and three hundred of the green
mountain boys, and totally defeated. In consequence
of this event the garrison of St. John’s consented
to surrender; the prisoners amounted to
about 700, and were treated with great humanity.
Col. Allen attended Gen. Montgomery at the
siege of St. John’s. The success which this gentleman
met with at Ticonderoga and Crown-Point,
emboldened him to make a similar attempt at Montreal.
He was there attacked by the militia of the
place, supported by a detachment of regulars;
and though he defended himself with great bravery,
was under the necessity of surrendering, with
38 of his men. The colonel was loaded with
irons, and in that condition sent to England.
On the 1775-11-1212th
of November, Gen. Montgomery
pressed on to Montreal, which, not being capable
of making any defence, governor Carlton quitted
it one day, and the American general entered it
the next.
About the same time that Canada was invaded
in the usual route from New-York, col. Arnold
was detached with a thousand men from Cambridge,
to penetrate into Canada by the way of
the Kennebeck. Up the river, they proceeded with
great labor and difficulty, being impeded by a
very rapid stream, with rocky sides and bottom,
cataracts, carrying-places, and other obstacles.
In their march by land, they were obliged alternately
to encounter deep swamps, thick woods,
difficult mountains, and craggy precipices; so that
the general progress was only from four to ten
miles a day. This incessant labor caused many to
fall sick. One third of the number, which set out,
were, from want of necessaries, obliged to return;
the others proceeded with unabated fortitude and
constancy. Provisions became, at length, so scarce,
that some of the men ate their dogs, and some
their shoes and cartouch-boxes. Col. Arnold,
however, and the few, who adhered to him, scarcely
four hundred in number, were determined to
surmount every obstacle. After marching three
hundred miles, through an uninhabited country,
they came to an house, which was the first they
had seen for thirty-one days. By this bold enterprize,Rr
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Arnold acquired the name of the American
Hannibal.
Upon colonel Arnold’s arrival, he circulated
among the inhabitants of Canada a manifesto, subscribed
by Gen. Washington, which had been
sent from Cambridge with this detachment.
Gen. Montgomery having effected a junction
with col. Arnold, commenced the siege of Quebec.
Upon his arrival before the town, he wrote
a letter to the British governor, recommending an
immediate surrender, to prevent the dreadful consequences
of a storm. Though the flag, which
conveyed this letter, was fired upon, and all communication
refused, Gen. Montgomery found other
means to convey a letter of the same tenor into
the garrison; but the inflexible firmness of the
governor could not be moved either by threats or
dangers. The Americans soon after commenced
a bombardment with five small mortars, but with
very little effect. In a few days, Gen. Montgomery
opened a six gun battery, at the distance of
seven hundred yards from the walls; but his
metal was too light to make any impression.
The upper part of Quebec was surrounded with
very strong works, and the access from the lower
town was excessively difficult, from its almost perpendicular
steepness. Gen. Montgomery, from a
native intrepidity, and an ardent thirst for glory,
overlooked all these dangers, and resolved at once
either to carry the place or perish in the attempt.
Trusting much to his good fortune, confiding in
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the bravery of his troops, and their readiness to
follow whithersoever he should lead; and depending
somewhat on the extensiveness of the works,
he determined to attempt the town by escalade.
The garrison of Quebec, at this time, consisted
of about 1520 men, of which 800 were militia.
The American army, consisting of about 800
men, was divided into four bodies, of which two
were directed to make false attacks on the upper
town; one by col. Livingston, at the head of the
Canadians, against St. John’s gate; and the other
by major Brown, against Cape-Diamond; whilst
Gen. Montgomery and col. Arnold were to make
two real ones against the lower town. Signals
were to be made for the combination of the attacks,
which were to begin exactly at five o’clock
in the morning.
The different routes the assailants had to make,
the depth of the snow, and other obstacles, prevented
the execution of Livingston’s command.
Gen. Montgomery moved with his division, and
passed the first barrier; he then advanced boldly
to attack the second, which was much stronger.
A violent discharge of grape-shot from several cannon,
together with a well directed fire of musketry,
here put an end to the life and hopes of this
enterprizing officer. His aid-de-camp, capt. John
McPherson, capt. Cheefman, and most of his other
officers, fell at the same time. This so dispirited
the men, that col. Campbell, on whom the command
devolved, thought proper to order a retreat.
In the mean time col. Arnold, at the head of
350 men, passed through St. Roques, and made a
furious attack upon a two gun battery, which,
although well defended, was, at length, carried,
with considerable loss. In this attack col. Arnold
received a wound, which made it necessary to carry
him off the field of battle. His party, however,
continued the assault with great energy, and
made themselves masters of a second barrier.
These brave men sustained the force of the whole
garrison for three hours, but finding themselves
hemmed in, and without hopes either of success,
relief or retreat, they yielded to numbers, and the
advantageous situation of their adversaries.
The loss of the Americans, in killed and wounded,
was about 100, and 300 were taken prisoners.
It is remarked, even by a British historian, “that
the valor of the provincial troops could not be exceeded.”
The death of Gen. Montgomery was greatly
and sincerely regretted. He was of a good family
in Ireland, and served with reputation in the
late war with France. He engaged in the American
contest from a sincere attachment to the
cause of liberty, and quitted the enjoyment of an
easy fortune, and the highest domestic felicity,
for the fatigues and dangers of war. In his military
station, he gained the love, esteem and confidence
of the whole army; and while his amiable
qualities conciliated an uncommon share of private
affection, his great abilities procured an equal
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proportion of public esteem. His name was even
mentioned, in the British parliament, with singular
respect.
Sir Guy Carlton treated the American prisoners
with the utmost humanity. He liberally supplied
the sick and wounded with every necessary
accommodation; and soothed their minds with
the pleasing assurance, that, upon their recovery,
they should have free liberty to depart. This generous
line of conduct redounded more to his honor
than his brave and judicious defence, in a dangerous
and critical situation.
The collected remnant of the American army,
after their unsuccessful attack, agreed in a council
of war, that col. Arnold should command, and
should continue the siege, or rather the blockade,
which was accordingly done, apparently at no
small risk, as they had not more than four hundred
men fit for duty; they retired about three
miles from the city, and posted themselves advantageously.
Whilst hostilities were conducted with vigor
in the north, the flame of contention was gradually
extending to the south. Lord Dunmore, the
governor of Virginia, was involved in disputes similar
to those, which had taken place in the other
colonies. The inhabitants of Virginia, in common
with the other provinces, had been assiduous
in preparing their militia for the purposes of defence.
Whilst they were pursuing this object,
Lord Dunmore removed the powder from Williamsburg.
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The people were alarmed, and assembled
with arms to demand its restitution. By the
interposition of the mayor and corporation of Williamsburg,
extremities were prevented. Reports
were soon after circulated, that a second attempt
to rob the magazine was intended. The inhabitants
again took arms, and instituted nightly patroles,
with a determined resolution to protect it.
The governor was irritated at these commotions,
and threatened to set up the royal standard, enfranchise
the negroes, and arm them against their
masters. These unguarded expressions greatly increased
the public ferment.
The people held frequent assemblies. A number
of gentlemen of Hanover and the neighboring
counties convened in arms, with a design to
force the governor to restore the powder, and to
take the public money into their own possession.
On their way to Williamsburg for this purpose,
they were met by the receiver general, who became
security for the payment of the gunpowder,
and the citizens engaged to guard the magazine
and public revenue.
Lord Dunmore was so much intimidated by
this insurrection, that he sent his family on board
the Fowey man of war. About the same period
his lordship, with the assistance of a detachment
of marines, fortified his palace, and surrounded
it with artillery. He soon after issued a proclamation,
in which the person, who promoted the
late tumult, and his associates, were charged with
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treasonable practices. About this time copies of
some of his letters to the minister of the American
department, were made public, and produced consequences
similar to those, which had been occasioned
by those of Mr. Hutchinson, at
Boston.
In this state of disorder, the governor convened
the general assembly, in order to lay before them
Lord North’s conciliatory plan; which was unanimously
rejected. The assembly began their session
by enquiries into the state of the magazine.
They found most of the remaining powder buried,
and the muskets deprived of their locks. These
discoveries irritated the people to such a degree,
that Lord Dunmore retired on board the man of
war, which then lay near Yorktown. He left a
message for the assembly, acquainting them, that he
thought it prudent to retire, as he apprehended
himself in danger of falling a sacrifice to popular
resentment. This produced a tedious altercation,
which ended in a positive refusal of the governor
to trust himself again in Williamsburg. In his
turn, he requested them to meet him on board the
man of war, for the purpose of giving his assent to
such bills as he should approve. This proposal
the assembly peremptorily rejected; and the royal
government in Virginia came to a period.
After Lord Dunmore abandoned his government,
some of the most strenuous adherents to
the British cause repaired to him. He was also
joined by numbers of black slaves. With these,
and the assistance of the British shipping, he was,
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for some time, enabled to carry on a kind of
predatory war. After some inconsiderable attempts
on land, proclaiming liberty to the slaves,
and setting up the royal standard, he and his party
took up their residence at Norfolk.
A considerable force collected against them,
by whom they were utterly defeated. Lord Dunmore
abandoned Norfolk, and retired with his
people on board the ships. The provincials took
possession of the place, and greatly distressed those
on board, by refusing to supply them with necessaries,
and by firing on them from behind the
buildings and warehouses on the wharves. These
proceedings drew a remonstrance from Lord Dunmore,
in which he also insisted, that his fleet should
be furnished with necessaries; but his request being
denied, a resolution was taken to set fire to the
town. This was carried into effect, and Norfolk
by his order was reduced to ashes. The town contained
about six thousand inhabitants, and some in
affluent circumstances. The whole loss was estimated
at three hundred thousand pounds sterling.
In the mean time, a plan was formed by one
Mr. Connelly, a Pennsylvanian royalist, in which
Lord Dunmore was a party. Having previoussly
entered into a league with the Ohio Indians, the
plan in general was, that Connelly should return to
the Ohio, where, by the assistance of the British
and Indians in those parts, he was to penetrate
through the back settlements into Virginia, and
join Lord Dunmore at Alexandria. Whilst on his
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way to the scene of action, Connelly was discovered,
and taken prisoner.
In the colonies of North and South-Carolina,
the royal governors were expelled, and obliged,
like Lord Dunmore, to take refuge on board of
men of war. Governor Martin, of North-Carolina,
attempted to raise the back settlers, consisting
chiefly of Scotch Highlanders, against the colony.
They prematurely took arms, and in an engagement
which took place, their leader was taken prisoner,
and the whole of the party broken or dispersed.
In the course of this year, a series of disasters followed
the royal cause. General Gage’s army was
closely besieged in Boston, and rendered useless.
There was a general termination of the royal government;
and Great-Britain beheld all the colonies
united against her in the most determined opposition.
Chapter XXVII.
A new army is raised. Boston attacked and evacuated.
Canada recovered by the royal army.
Charleston, in South-Carolina, besieged by a British
fleet and army. They are obliged to retreat with
great loss. Proceedings of the British parliament.
As the year 17751775 drew near to a
close, the friends of congress were embarrassed
with a new difficulty. Their army was temporary,
and only engaged to serve out the year. From a
variety of causes the new enlistments went on slowly.
So many difficulties retarded the recruiting
service, that on the last day of the year, the whole
American army amounted only to 9650 men.
Gen. Washington, in his official letters to the
American congress on this occasion, thus expresses
himself. “It is not in the pages of history,
perhaps, to furnish a case like ours; to maintain
a post within musket-shot of the enemy, for six
months together, without , and at the same
time to disband one army, and recruit another,
within that distance of twenty-odd British regiments,
is more, probably, than ever was attempted.
But if we succeed as well in the last, as we have
heretofore in the first, I shall think it the most
fortunate event of my whole life.”
At this period the British troops in Boston were
suffering the inconveniency of a blockade; they
were reduced to great distress for want of provisions
and fuel. The supplies from Britain did not arrive
till a long time after they were expected; and
several store-ships were intercepted by the Americans.
The American army, including the militia,
which were collected on this occasion, made an
operating force of about 17,000 men, before
Boston; but they labored under great inconveniencies
from the want of arms and ammunition.
On the 1776-02-1616th of February, 1776, the strength of
the ice having been tried in one place, and the
frost continuing, Gen. Washington was desirous
of embracing the season for passing over it, from
Cambridge side, into Boston. He laid before the
council of war, the following question. “A stroke
well aimed at this critical juncture may put a final
period to the war, and restore peace and tranquility,
so much to be wished for; and, therefore,
whether, part of Cambridge and Roxbury bays
being frozen over, a general assault should not be
made on Boston?”
A negative being put to this question, the
next point to be considered was, whether they
should attempt to possess themselves of Dorchester
heights; this was unanimously agreed upon, and
conducted with the utmost expedition.
To conceal the design, and divert the attention
of the garrison, a very heavy service of cannon and
mortars began to play upon the town from other
directions, and was continued for three days.
The night of the 1776-03-044th of March was fixed upon
for taking possession of Dorchester heights. A
covering party of about 800 men led the way.
These were followed by the carts with the entrenching
tools, and 1200 of a working party, commanded
by Gen. Thomas.
In the rear there were more than 200 carts,
loaded with fascines and hay in bundles. While
the cannon were playing in other parts, the greatest
silence was kept in this working party.
By morning the industrious provincials completed
lines of defence, on Dorchester heights, which
astonished the garrison. “Some of our officers,”
says a British author, “have acknowledged, that
the expedition, with which these works were thrown
up, with their sudden and unexpected appearance,
recalled to their minds those wonderful stories of
enchantment and invisible agency, which are so
frequent in eastern romances.” General Howe,
in particular, was seized with consternation; and
was heard to say, “I know now what I shall do;
the rebels have done more in one night than my
whole army could have done in months.”
The admiral informed Gen. Howe, that if the
Americans kept possession of these heights, he should
not be able to keep one of his majesty’s ships in the
harbor. It was therefore determined, in a council
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of war, to attempt to dislodge them. An engagement
was hourly expected. It was intended
by General Washington, in that case, to force his
way into Boston with 4000 men, who were to
have embarked at the mouth of Cambridge river.
The militia had come forward with great alertness,
each bringing three days provision, in expectation
of an immediate assault. The men were
in high spirits, and impatiently waiting for the
appeal.
They were reminded that it was the 1776-03-055th of
March, and were called upon to avenge the death
of their countrymen killed on that day. The
many eminences in and near Boston, which overlooked
the ground on which it was expected that
the contending parties would engage, were crowded
with numerous spectators. But Gen. Howe
did not intend to attack till the subsequent day.
In order to be ready for it, the transports went
down in the evening towards the castle. In the
night a most violent storm, and towards morning
a heavy flood of rain, came on, which providentially
prevented a dreadful waste of lives. In
this situation it was agreed by the British, in a
council of war, to evacuate the town as soon as
possible.
On the 1776-03-077th of March, there was a general
hurry and confusion in Boston; the British troops
and many of the inhabitants, who were attached
to the royal cause, being busy in preparing to quit the
town, and carry off all they could of their military
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stores and valuable effects. A flag was sent out from
the select-men, acquainting Gen. Washington with
the intention of the troops, and that Gen. Howe
was disposed to leave the town standing, provided
he could retire uninterrupted. Gen. Washington
bound himself under no obligation, but expressed
himself in words, which admitted of a favorable
construction, and intimated his good wishes for the
preservation of Boston.
The British troops, who evacuated Boston,
amounted to more than 7000 men. They were
accompanied by a large number of tories. Their
embarkation was attended with many circumstances
of distress and embarassment. Their intended
voyage to Halifax subjected them to great dangers.
The coast, at all times hazardous, was eminently
so at that tempestuous equinoctial season. Notwithstanding
these unfavorable appearances, their
voyage was short and prosperous.
The boats employed in the embarkation of the
British troops, had scarcely completed their business,
when General Washington, with his army,
marched into Boston. He was received by the inhabitants,
with every mark of respect and gratitude,
which could be paid to a deliverer. He was
honored by congress with a vote of thanks. They
also ordered a medal to be struck, with suitable devices,
to perpetuate the remembrance of this great
event. The Massachusetts council, and house of
representatives, complimented him in a joint address,
in which they expressed their good wishes in
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the following words:
“may you still go on approved
by heaven, revered by all good men, and dreaded
by those tyrants, who claim their fellow men as
their property.”
Though congress and the states made great exertions
to support the war in Canada, yet, from
the fall of Montgomery, their interest in that province
daily declined. The reduction of Quebec was
an object to which their resources were inadequate.
General Carlton had received several reinforcements
from England; and the British forces in
Canada were estimated at about 13,000 men. The
provincial army amounted to 3000, and, from the
prevalence of the small-pox, there were only 900
fit for duty. With this small army Gen. Thompson
projected an attack on the British force at
Three Rivers; which is half way between Quebec
and Montreal. Though the Americans conducted
this enterprize with great bravery, they were
soon repulsed, and obliged to yield to superior force.
Gen. Sullivan conducted the retreat with so much
judgment, that the baggage and public stores were
saved, and the numerous sick brought off. The
American army reached Crown-Point on the 1776-07-011st
of July, and at that place made their first stand.
With this unfavorable event, the Americans reluctantly
relinquished Canada. They demolished
their works, and carried off their artillery. with
the utmost expedition. When the British general
arrived at St. John’s, he found the place abandoned
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and burnt. Chamblee shared the same fate,
and all Canada was recovered by the king’s troops.
After the expulsion of the American army
from Canada, they exerted themselves to the utmost
to maintain a naval superiority on Lake
Champlain; for this purpose, a fleet was constructed,
and put under the command of Gen. Arnold.
The command of this lake was a great object with
the British, towards accomplishing their designs on
the northern frontiers of New-York. Hence they
were induced to proceed up the lake, and engage
the Americans. A smart naval action ensued, in
which the Americans resisted a superior force, with
a spirit approaching to desperation. When Gen.
Arnold saw that it was impossible to escape, and
unavailing to resist, he ran the Congress galley, on
board of which he was, together with the five gondolas
on shore, in such a position, as enabled him
to land his men, and blow up the vessels. In the
execution of this perilous enterprize, he paid a
romantic attention to a point of honor. He did
not quit his own galley, till she was in flames, lest
the British should board her and strike his flag.
Though the result of this action was unfavorable to
the Americans, yet thereby Gen. Arnold, in addition
to the fame of a brave soldier, acquired that of
an able naval officer.
The bad success of the Americans in the North
was in some measure compensated by the advantage
they had gained in another quarter. At this period,
a squadron of ships, commanded by Sir Peter
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Parker, and a body of troops under Gen. Clinton,
resolved to attempt the reduction of Charleston.
They had 2800 land forces, which they hoped,
with the co-operation of their shipping, would be
fully sufficient.
For some months past every exertion had been
made to put the colony of South-Carolina, and
especially its capital, Charleston, in a respectable
posture of defence. In subserviency to this view,
works had been erected on Sullivan’s island, which
is situated so near the channel leading up to the
town, as to be a convenient post for annoying vessels
upon their approaching.
Sir Peter Parker attacked the fort on that island,
with a large naval force. The action commenced
between ten and eleven before noon, and was continued
for upwards of ten hours. The garrison,
consisting of 375 regulars, and a few militia, under
the command of colonel Moultrie, made a most
gallant defence. They fired deliberately, for the
most part took aim, and seldom missed their object.
The ships were torn almost to pieces, and the
killed and wounded on board exceeded 200 men.
The loss of the garrison was only 10 men killed
and 22 wounded. During this desperate engagement,
it was found impossible for the British land
forces to give the least assistance to the fleet. The
American works were found to be much stronger,
than they had imagined, and the depth of water
effectually prevented them from making any attempt.
Before morning, the ships had retired
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about two miles distant from the island, and in a
few days more, the troops reimbarked, and the
whole sailed for New-York.
The Americans, on this occasion, justly boasted
of their heroes. A serjeant, observing the flagstaff
shot away in the beginning of the action,
jumped from one of the embrasures upon the
beach, took up the flag, and fixing it upon a sponge
staff, put it in its proper place, in the midst of the
dreadful fire already mentioned. For this distinguished
act of bravery, he was presented with a
sword by congress.
Another, whilst exerting himself in a very distinguished
manner, was cruelly shattered by a cannon
ball; when about to expire, “my friends,”
said he, “I am dying, but do not let the cause of
liberty expire with me.”
The thanks of congress were given to Gen.
Lee, who had been sent to take the command in
Carolina, and also to colonels Moultrie and Thompson,
for their good conduct in this memorable action.
In compliment to the commanding officer,
the fort from that time was called fort Moultrie.
By the repulse of this armament, the southern
states obtained a respite of the calamities of war for
two years and an half.
Whilst the colonists exhibited the most determined
resolution in defending their liberties, the
British ministry pursued with energy their fixed
design of subduing them by force of arms. In the
session of parliament in 17751775, it was voted to employ
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28,000 men, and 55,000 land forces, for
the vigorous prosecution of the American war.
A bill was soon after brought into parliament, interdicting
all trade and intercourse with the thirteen
united colonies. By it all property of Americans,
whether of ships or goods, on the high seas,
or in harbor, was declared, “to be forfeited to
the captors, being the officers and crews of his
majesty’s ships of war.” It further enacted, “that
the masters, crews and other persons found on
board captured American vessels, should be entered
on board his majesty’s vessels of war, and there
considered to be in his majesty’s service, to all intents
and purposes, as if they had entered of their
own accord.” This bill also authorized the crown
to appoint commissioners, who, over and above
granting pardon to individuals, were empowered to
“enquire into general and particular grievances,
and to determine whether any colony or part of a
colony was returned to that state of obedience,
which might entitle it to be received within the
king’s peace and protection.” In that case, upon
a declaration from the commissioners, “the restrictions
of the proposed law were to cease.”
In the progress of the debates on this bill,
Lord Mansfield declared “that the questions of
original right and wrong, were no longer to be
considered—that they were engaged in a war, and
must use their utmost efforts to obtain the ends
proposed by it—that they must either fight or be
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pursued, and that the justice of their cause must
give way to their present situation.”
The declaration of this illustrious oracle of
law, whose great abilities were known and admired
in America, excited the astonishment, and cemented
the union of the colonists. “Great-Britain,”
said they, “has commenced war against us, for
maintaining our constitutional liberties, and her
lawgivers now declare, they must proceed without
any retrospect to the merits of the original
ground of dispute. Our peace and happiness must
be sacrificed to British honor and consistency, in
their continuing to prosecute an unjust invasion of
our rights.” A number of lords, as usual, entered
a spirited protest against the bill; but it was carried
by a great majority in both houses of parliament,
and soon after received the royal assent.
The British parliament proceeded yet further,
and concluded treaties with the landgrave of Hesse
Cassel, the duke of Brunswick, and the hereditary
prince of Hesse Cassel, for hiring their troops to the
king of Great-Britain, to be employed in order to
effect the subjugation of the American colonies.
Chapter XXVIII.
The American independence declared. Formation of
the state constitutions. The inhabitants of Vermont
declare their territory to be a free and independent
state.
The Americans were irritated to the
highest degree, by the late acts of parliament,
which placed them out of the royal protection,
end engaged 16,000 foreign mercenaries to assist
in effecting their conquest. They asserted that
protection and allegiance were reciprocal, and that
the refusal of the first was a legal ground of justification
for withholding the last. They reasoned,
that if Great-Britain called in the aid of strangers
to crush them, they must seek a similar relief for
their own preservation; and reflected, that, while
they continued to acknowledge themselves subjects
to the British empire, they were regarded as rebels,
and this might preclude them from forming alliances
with foreign states.
The motion for declaring the colonies free and
independent, was first made in congress, by
Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia. He was warranted
in making this motion, by the particular
instructions of his immediate constituents, and also
by the general voice of the people of all the colonies.
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When the time for taking the subject under
consideration arrived, much knowledge, ingenuity
and eloquence were displayed on both sides of the
question. The debates were continued for some
time, and with great animation. In these, John
Adams, the present president of the United States,
and John Dickinson, took leading and opposite
parts. The former began one of his speeches, by
invoking all the powers of eloquence, to assist
him in defending the claims, and in enforcing the
duty of his countrymen. He strongly urged the
immediate dissolution of all political connexion of
the colonies with Great-Britain, from the voice of
the people, from the necessity of the measure, in
order to obtain assistance, from a regard to consistency,
and from a prospect of glory and happiness
which opened beyond the war, to a free and independent
people.
After a full discussion, the measure of declaring
the colonies free and independent, was approved
by nearly an unanimous vote. And the 1776-07-044th of
July announced to the world, the erection of this
new empire. This great event took place two
hundred and eighty-four years after the discovery
of America by Columbus—one hundred and sixty-
six from the first effectual settlement in Virginia
—and one hundred and fifty-six from the
first settlement of Plymouth, in Massachusetts,
which were the earliest English settlements in
America.
The act of the united colonies, for separating
themselves from the government of Great-Britain,
and declaring their independence, was expressed
in the following words:
necessary for one people to dissolve the political
bands, which have connected them with another,
and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the
separate and equal station, to which the laws of nature
and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent
respect to the opinions of mankind requires, that
they should declare the causes which impel them to
the separation. We hold these truths to be self evident, that
all men are created equal; that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain unalienable rights;
that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments
are instituted among men, deriving their just
powers from the consent of the governed; that
whenever any form of government becomes destructive
of these ends, it is the right of the people
to alter, or to abolish it, and to institute a new
government, laying its foundation on such principles,
and organizing its power in such form, as to
them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and
happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments
long established should not be changed for
light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience
hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed
to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to Tt4v 344
right themselves by abolishing the forms, to which
they are accustomed. But when a long train of
abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the
same object, evinces a design to reduce them under
absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty
to throw off such government, and to provide new
guards for their future security. Such has been
the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is
now the necessity, which constrains them to alter
their former systems of government. The history
of the present king of Great-Britain is a history
of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in
direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny
over these states. To prove this, let facts be
submitted to a candid world. He has refused his assent to laws, the most
wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws
of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended
in their operation till his assent should be
obtained; and whe so suspended, he has utterly
neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation
of large districts of people, unless
those people would relinquish the right of representation
in the legislature, a right inestimable to
them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at
places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from
the depository of their public records, for the purpose
of fatiguing them into compliance with his
measures. Uu1r 345He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly,
for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions
on the rights of the people. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions,
to cause others to be elected; whereby
the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation,
have returned to the people at large for their exercise;
the state remaining in the mean time exposed
to all the danger of invasions from without, and
convulsions within. He has endeavoured to prevent the population
of these states; for that purpose obstructing the
laws for naturalization; refusing to pass others to
encourage their migration hither, and raising the
conditions of new appropriations of land. He has obstructed the administration of justice,
by refusing his assent to laws for establishing
judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will
alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the
amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and
sent hither swarms of officers, to harass our people,
and eat out their substance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing
armies, without the consent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the military independent
of, and superior to, the civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to
jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged
by our laws; giving his assent to
their acts of pretended legislation: Uu Uu1v 346For quartering large bodies of armed troops
among us: For protecting them, by a mock trial, from
punishment from any murders which they should
commit on the inhabitants of these states: For cutting off our trade with all parts of the
world: For imposing taxes on us without our consent: For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits
of trial by jury: For transporting us beyond seas to be tried
for pretended offences: For abolishing the free system of English laws
in a neighboring province, establishing therein an
arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries,
so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument
for introducing the same absolute rule into
these colonies: For taking away our charters, abolishing our
most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally
the form of our governments: For suspending our legislatures, and declaring
themselves invested with power to legislate for us
in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring
us out of his protection, and waging war
against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts,
burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our
people. He is, at this time, transporting large armies
of foreign mercenaries, to complete the works of Uu2r 347
death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with
circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled
in the most barbarous ages, and totally
unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow citizens, taken
captive on the high seas, to bear arms against
their country, to become the executioners of their
friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their
hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst
us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants
of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages,
whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished
destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions, we have
petitioned for redress in the most humble terms:
our repeated petitions have been answered only
by repeated injuries. A prince, whose character
is thus marked by every act which may define a
tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in attention to
our British brethren. We have warned them from
time to time of attempts made by their legislature,
to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us.
We have reminded them of the circumstances of
our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed
to their native justice and magnanimity, and
we have conjured them, by the ties of our common
kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which
would inevitably interrupt our connexions and correspondence.
They too have been deaf to the
voice of justice and consanguinity. We must therefore Uu2v 348
acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces
our separation, and hold them, as we hold the
rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. We, therefore, the representatives of the
United States of America, in general congress assembled,
appealing to the Supreme Judge of the
world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in
the name, and by the authority of the good people
in these colonies, solemnly publish and declare,
that these united colonies are, and of right ought
to be, Free and Independent States;
that they are absolved from all allegiance to the
British crown; and that all political connexion between
them and the state of Great-Britain is and
ought to be totally dissolved; and that, as free y
and independent states, they have full power to
levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish
commerce, and to do all other acts and
things which independent states may of right do.
And for the support of this declaration, with a
firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence,
we mutually pledge to each other our
lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.”
The above declaration was signed by the representatives
of the United States.
The declaration of independence was read publicly
in all the states, and met with a welcome reception.
It was also publicly read to the American
army, and received by them with unfeigned
acclamations of joy. Though it was well known
that Great-Britain had employed a force of 55,000
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men, to war upon the new-formed states, and that
the continental army was not near equal to half
that number, and only engaged for a few months,
and that congress was without any assurance of
foreign aid, yet both the American officers and
privates gave every evidence of their hearty approbation
of the decree, which severed the colonies
from Great-Britain, and submitted to the decision
of the sword, whether they should be free
states, or conquered provinces.
The declaration of independence was perfectly
agreeable to the republican habits and sentiments
of the New-England states. A British author
observes, that “of all the American colonies,
New-England, from its independent spirit in religion,
had probably longest cherished the wish, and
even entertained hopes of becoming independent
in government.”
Previously to the declaration of independence,
congress had recommended to the respective
assemblies and conventions of the United States,
to adopt such governments as should, in their
opinion, best conduce to the happiness and safety
of their constituents. Accordingly new institutions
of government began to take place this year
in the different states. Though the kingly office
was abolished, yet, in most of the subordinate departments
of government, ancient forms and names
were retained. Each state appointed a supreme
executive head, with the title of governor or president.
They agreed, likewise, in deriving the
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whole powers of government, either mediately or
immediately, from the people.
As a further security for the continuance of republican
principles, in the American constitutions,
they united in prohibiting any hereditary honors
and distinction of ranks. All religious establishments
were also abolished.
The rejection of British sovereignty not only
involved a necessity of erecting independent constitutions,
but of centering the whole United
States by some common bond of union. The act
of independence did not hold out to the world
thirteen sovereign states, but a common sovereignty
of the whole, in their united capacity. It
therefore became necessary to run the line of distinction,
between the local legislatures, and the
assembly of the states in congress. A committee
was appointed for digesting articles of confederation
between the states, or united colonies, as they
were then called. Whilst the propriety of declaring
independence was under debate, and some
weeks previously to the adoption of that measure,
a committee met as above; but the plan was not
for sixteen months after so far digested, as to be
ready for communication to the states. Nor was
it finally ratified, by the accession of all the states,
till nearly three years more had elapsed.
The declaration of independence, which was
made by the united colonies, left the people on
the New-Hampshire grants in a situation more uncertain
and critical than they were previously to
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this event. Sensible of the difficulties they had to
encounter, the inhabitants of these grants were
induced to take a decisive step. In 1777-01January, 1777,
a general convention of representatives, from the
towns on both sides of the mountains, met at Westminster.
Being perfectly acquainted with the sentiments
of their constituents, after a serious debate
and consultation, they publicly proclaimed, that
the district of territory, usually known by the
name of the New-Hampshire grants, “of right
ought to be, and is hereby declared, forever hereafter
to be considered as a free and independent
jurisdiction, or state, to be forever hereafter called,
known and distinguished, by the name of
New-Connecticut, alias Vermont.” And that the
inhabitants shall be entitled to the same privileges,
as shall be allowed to the inhabitants of any of
the free and independent states of America. And
that such privileges and immunities shall be regulated
by a bill of rights, and by a form of government,
to be established at the next session of
the convention.
Thus was freedom and independence established,
by the general voice of the people in the
American states. A British author has observed,
“that, as the discovery of the American continent
was one of the most important discoveries
in natural: so the emancipation of North-America
from the authority of Great-Britain, with the
effects which the event must produce on the western
world, is one of the greatest in civil history.”
Chapter XXIX.
Battle at Long-Island. The Americans retreat to
New-York. Capt. Hale sent for a spy to Long-
Island, and is executed by the British. The royal
commissioners hold a conference with a committee
of congress. New-York abandoned. Battle at the
White Plains. The British overrun the Jersies.
The desperate situation of American affairs. Rhode-
Island taken, and commodore Hopkins’ squadron
blocked up. General Lee taken prisoner, and
closely confined. Proceedings of the American congress.
General Washington gives a new turn to
the affairs of America, by surprizing and defeating
the British in the battles of Trenton and Princeton.
The Americans were sensible that the
most vigorous exertions were necessary to maintain
that independence which they had boldly proclaimed.
Though that measure detached some timid
friends from supporting them in their opposition
to Great-Britain, it increased the vigor and union
of those who possessed more fortitude and perseverance.
As it had early occurred to Gen. Washington,
that the possession of New-York would be to the
British a favorite object; great pains were taken to
fortify that city, and the adjacent islands. The
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greatest part of the American army was ordered
thither; and Gen. Washington himself fixed his
head quarters in that city.
The force, destined to operate against New-
York, was far superior to any, which had ever before
appeared in America. It consisted of thirty
thousand excellent troops, among whom were
great numbers of experienced veterans. They
were amply provided with artillery, military stores,
and warlike materials of every kind, and were
supported by a numerous fleet. The fleet was
commanded by Lord Howe, and the land forces by
his brother, Gen. Howe; men of approved valor
and experience in the art of war. The admiral
and general, in addition to their military powers,
were appointed commissioners for restoring peace
to the colonies.
On the 1776-07-022d of July, Gen. Howe landed his troops
on Stated-Island, where he was soon joined by
Lord Howe, with the grand armament. Thence
his lordship sent on shore by a flag to Amboy a
circular letter, together with a declaration to several
of the late governors of the colonies, acquainting
them with the powers with which he
and his brother were intrusted, “of granting general
or particular pardons to all those, who,
though they had deviated from their allegiance,
were willing to return to their duty;” and of declaring
“any colony, province, county or town,
port, district or place, to be at the peace of his
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majesty.” The late governors were requested to
publish this declaration. Congress, impressed with
a belief, that the proposals of the commissioners,
instead of disuniting the people, would produce a
contrary effect, ordered them to be speedily published,
in the several American newspapers.
Lord Howe and his brother also sent two letters
to General Washington on the subject, which
he refused to accept, because they were not directed
in a style suitable to the dignity of his station.
Upon receiving the first letter, he wrote to
congress on the subject as follows: “I would not
on any occasion sacrifice essentials to punctilio; but
in this instance, I deemed it a duty to my country
and appointment to insist on that respect, which, in
any other than a public view, I would willingly
have waved.” Adjutant-general Paterson, who
was the bearer of the last letter, had an interview
with Gen. Washington, and observed to him, that
“the commissioners were armed with great
powers, and would be very happy in effecting an
accommodation.” They received for answer,
“that from what appeared, their powers were only
to grant pardon; that they, who had committed
no fault, wanted no pardon.” Soon after this interview,
a letter from Lord Howe, respecting prisoners,
which was properly addressed to General
Washington, was received.
The whole continental army, in and near New-
York, at this critical period, amounted only to
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17,225 men. These were chiefly new troops, and
were much scattered, some being fifteen miles apart.
The decision of the controversy was now, by
consent of both parties, left to the sword. The
British army resolved to make their first attempt on
Long-Island; and landed without opposition between
two small towns, Utrecht and Gravesend.
The night before the battle commenced, Gen.
Clinton found means to secure a pass of great importance,
which lay at a distance, and was not
sufficiently guarded by the Americans. This gave
an opportunity to a large body of troops, under
Lord Percy and Gen. Clinton, to attack the
Americans in the rear, while they were engaged
with the Hessians in the front. An action commenced
soon after day-break, in which the Americans were
surrounded on all sides, and entirely defeated.
Those, who were engaged with the Hessians’ first
began a retreat towards their camp; but the
passage was intercepted by the British troops, who
drove them back into the woods. Here they were
met by the Hessians; and thus for many hours
slaughtered between the two parties. The only
way to escape was by breaking through the British
troops, and thus regaining their camp. This was
effected by some of the regiments.
The Americans under Lord Stirling, who were
engaged with Gen. Grant, fought with great resolution
for about six hours. They were so late in
their knowledge of Gen. Clinton’s movements,
that their retreat was intercepted by some of the
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356
British troops, who had traversed the whole extent
of country in their rear. Several, notwithstanding,
broke through the enemy’s line, and got into the
woods. Numbers threw themselves into the
marsh at Gorvan’s cove; some were drowned, and
others perished in the mud; but a considerable
body escaped by this way to their lines.
The loss of the British and Hessians was about
450. The killed, wounded and prisoners of the
Americans, including those, who were drowned and
perished in the woods or mud, considerably exceeded
1000. Gen. Sullivan, Lord Stirling, and
a number of other officers, were among the prisoners.
A regiment, consisting of young gentlemen of
fortune and family in Maryland, was almost entirely
cut in pieces, and of the survivers not one escaped
without a wound. The British after their
victory were so impetuous, that it was with difficulty
that they could be restrained, by General
Howe’s orders, from attacking the American lines.
After this unfortunate engagement, GenWashington
called a council of war, who determined upon
an immediate retreat to New-York. The intention
was prudently concealed from the army,
who knew not whither they were going,
but imagined it was to attack the enemy. The
field artillery, tents, baggage, and about 9000
men, were conveyed to the city of New-York,
over East-river, more than a mile wide, in less than
thirteen hours, and without the knowledge of the
British, though not six hundred yards distant.
Ww3r
357
Providence, in a remarkable manner, favored the
retreating army. The wind, which seemed to prevent
the troops getting over at the appointed hour,
afterwards shifted to their wishes. Towards morning
an extreme thick fog came on, which hovered
over Long-Island, and, by concealing the Americans,
enabled them to complete their retreat without
interruption, though the day had begun to
dawn some time before it was finished. In about
half an hour after the island was finally abandoned,
the fog cleared off, and the British were seen
taking possession of the American lines.
on a more brittle thread, than previously
to this memorable retreat. A spectacle is here
presented of an army, destined for the defence of
a great continent, driven to the narrow borders of
an island, with a victorious army of double its
numbers in front, with navigable waters in its
rear; constantly liable to have its communication
cut off by the enemy’s navy, and every moment
exposed to an attack. The presence of mind,
which animated the commander in chief, in this
critical situation; the prudence, with which all the
necessary measures were executed, redounded as
much, or more to his honor, than the most brilliant
victories. An army, to which America looked
for safety, preserved! A general, who was
considered as an host himself, saved for the future
necessities of his country. Had not, however, the
circumstances of the night, of the wind and weather, Ww3v 358
been favorable to this operation, the plan,
however well concerted, must have been defeated.
The good Providence, therefore, are the people
of America indebted for the complete success of
an enterprize so important in its consequences. This retreat left the British in complete possession
of Long-Island. What would be their future
operations, remained uncertain. To obtain
information of their situation, their strength and
future movements, was of high importance. For
this purpose, General Washington applied to col. Knowlton,
who commanded a regiment of light
infantry, which formed the van of the American
army, and desired him to adopt some mode of
gaining the necessary information. Col. Knowlton
communicated this request to captain Nathan
Hale, of Connecticut, who was then a captain in
his regiment. This young officer, animated by a sense of duty,
and considering that an opportunity presented itself,
by which he might be useful to his country,
at once offered himself a volunteer for this hazardous
service. He passed in disguise to Long-Island,
examined every part of the British army, and obtained
the best possible information respecting
their situation and future operations. In his attempt to return he was apprehended,
carried before Sir William Howe, and the proof
of his object was so clear, that he frankly acknowledged
who he was, and what were his views. Sir William Howe at once gave an order to the
provost marshal to execute him the next morning. Ww4r 359This order was accordingly executed, in a
most unfeeling manner, and by as great a savage
as ever disgraced humanity. A clergyman, whose
attendance he desired, was refused him; a bible
for a few moments devotion was not procured,
although he requested it. Letters, which, on the
morning of his execution, he wrote to his mother,
and other friends, were destroyed; and this very
extraordinary reason given by the provost marshal,
‘that the rebels should not know they had a man
in their army who could die with so much firmness.’ Unknown to all around him, without a single
friend to offer him the least consolation, thus fell
as amiable and as worthy a young man as America
could boast, with this, as his dying observation,
‘that he only lamented, that he had but one
life to lose for his country.’ Although the manner of this execution will
ever be abhorred by every friend to humanity and
religion, yet there cannot be a question but that
the sentence was conformable to the rules of war,
and the practice of nations in similar cases. It is, however, a justice due to the character of
captain Hale to observe, that his motives for engaging
this service were entirely different from those,
which generally influence others in similar circumstances.
Neither expectation of promotion, nor pecuniary
reward, induced him to this attempt. A
sense of duty, a hope that he might in this way be
useful to his country, and an opinion, which he Ww4v 360
had adopted, that every kind of service necessary
to the public good, became honorable, by being
necessary, were the great motives, which induced
him to engage in an enterprize, by which his
connexions lost a most amiable friend, and his
country one of its most promising supporters. The fate of this unfortunate young man excites
the most interesting reflections. To see such a character, in the flower of
youth, cheerfully treading in the most hazardous
paths, influenced by the purest intentions, and only
emulous to do good to his country, without the
imputation of a crime, fall a victim to policy, must
have been wounding to the feelings, even of his
enemies. Should a comparison be drawn between major
Andre and captain Hale, injustice would be done to
the latter, should he not be placed on an equal
ground with the former. Whilst almost every
historian of the American revolution has celebrated
the virtues, and lamented the fate of Andre, Hale
has remained unnoticed, and it is scarcely known
such a character ever existed. Xx1r 361To the memory of Andre, his country have
erected the most magnificent monuments, and
bestowed on his family the highest honors, and
most liberal rewards. To the memory of Hale,
not a stone has been erected, nor an inscription to
preserve his ashes from insult.”
Under the idea that the victory at Long-Island
would intimidate the congress into a compliance with
his terms, Lord Howe sent Gen. Sullivan on parole,
with a message to that body, importing, that,
“though he could not consistently treat with them
as a legal assembly, he was desirous of conferring
with some of their members, in their private capacity;”
setting forth, at the same time, the nature
and extent of the powers, that were vested in him
and his brother, as commissioners. They replied,
that “the congress of the free and independent
states of America could not, with propriety, send
any of its members in any other capacity than
that, which they had publicly assumed; but that,
ever desirous of establishing peace on equitable
conditions, they would appoint a committee of
their body, to hear what proposals he could make
for that purpose.”
The committee, appointed by congress, was
composed of John Adams, the present president
of the United States, Dr. Franklin, and Edward
Rutledge. They met Lord Howe on Staten-Island,
and were received with great politeness. The
Xx
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362
committee behaved with dignity, and explicitly
assured his lordship, that neither they, nor the
congress which sent them, had authority to treat
in any other capacity, than as independent states.
Lord Howe ended the conference on his part, by
expressing his regard for America, and the extreme
pain he should suffer, in being obliged to
distress those, whom he so much regarded. Dr.
Franklin thanked him for his regards, and assured
him, “that the Americans would shew their gratitude,
by endeavouring to lessen, as much as possible,
all pain he might feel on their account, by
exerting their utmost abilities, in taking good
care of themselves.”
The unsuccessful termination of the battle on
Long-Island greatly dispirited the continental army.
Whole companies of militia relinquished the
camp. Their example infected the regular regiments.
General Mercer, who commanded the
flying camp, in a letter dated 1776-09-04September 4,
gives the following description: “General Washington
has not, as far as I have seen, five thousand
men to be depended on for the service of the
campaign; and I have not a thousand. Both our
armies are composed of raw militia, perpetually
fluctuating between the camp and their farms;
poorly armed, and still worse disciplined.” In
this critical situation, it was determined to act on
the defensive, and not risk the army for the
sake of New-York. The public stores were removed
to Dobbs’ ferry, about twenty-six miles
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363
from the city. Twelve thousand men were ordered
to the northern extremity of New-York island,
and four thousand five hundred were left in the
city. Before the British landed, it was impossible
to tell what place would be first attacked. For
this reason, works were erected for the defence
of a variety of places, as well as New-York;
and these were occupied by the remainder of the
troops.
General Howe, having prepared every thing
for a descent on New-York island, began to land
his men under cover of ships of war, between
Kepp’s bay and Turtle bay, where breast-works
had been erected, and a party stationed to oppose
the British. General Washington, in his letters
to congress, thus describes the scene which ensued.
“As soon as I heard the firing, I rode with all
possible dispatch towards the place of landing,
when, to my great surprize and mortification, I
found the troops, that had been posted in the lines,
retreating with the utmost precipitation, and those
ordered to support them (Parsons’ and Fellows’
brigades) flying in every direction, and in the
greatest confusion, notwithstanding the exertions of
their generals to form them. I used every means
in my power to rally and get them in some order;
but my attempts were fruitless and ineffectual;
and on the appearance of a small party of the
enemy (not more than sixty or seventy) their
disorder increased, and they ran away in the greatest
confusion, without firing a single gun.”
General Washington was highly distressed by
this cowardly conduct, and under the most lively
apprehensions of its fatal consequences. Impressed
with these ideas, he hazarded his person
for some considerable time in the rear of his own
men, and in front of the enemy, with his horse’s
head towards the latter, as if in expectation, that,
by an honorable death, he might escape the infamy
he dreaded, from the dastardly conduct of
troops on whom he could place no dependance.
His aids, and the confidential friends around his person,
by indirect violence, compelled him to retire;
in consequence of which, his life was preserved
for public service.
The subsequent day, a skirmish took place between
two battalions of light infantry and Highlanders,
commanded by brigadier-general Leslie,
and some detachments from the American army,
under the command of lieutenant-col. Knowlton,
of Connecticut, and major Leitch, of Virginia.
The colonel was killed, and the major dangerously
wounded. Their men behaved with great
bravery, and fairly beat the enemy from the field.
Most of these were the same men, who had disgraced
themselves the day before by flight. Struck
with a sense of shame, they had offered themselves
as volunteers, and requested the commander in
chief to give them an opportunity to retrieve their
honor. In this manner the general employed his
troops in continual skirmishes, in order to annoy
the enemy, and inure them to actual service; by
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365
which means they soon recovered their spirits,
and behaved with their usual boldness.
The Americans having evacuated New-York,
a brigade of the British marched into it. In order
to cut off General Washington’s communication
with the eastern states, General Howe left
Lord Percy, with a sufficient force to garrison this
city, and embarking his army in flat-bottomed boats,
passed through Hell-gate, and landed on Frogs-
neck, in West-Chester county. Two days after
the movement of the royal army, General Lee arrived
from Charleston, and, at a council of war,
pressed the necessity of evacuating Fort-Washington,
and the whole island of New-York. General
Greene opposed the evacuation of Fort-Washington
and Fort-Lee, opposite to the Jersey shore, as
they would divert a large body of the enemy from
joining their main force; and would also cover
the transportation of provisions and stores up the
North-river, for the service of the American
troops. His opinion prevailed. New-York island
was evacuated; but garrisons were left in Fort-
Washington and Fort-Lee; three thousand men
being assigned for the defence of the former.
Gen. Washington, while retreating from New-
York island, was careful to make a front towards
the British, from East-Chester almost to White
Plains, in order to secure the march of those, who
were left behind, and to defend the removal of the
sick, the cannon and stores of the army. A considerable
Xx3v
366
action ensued at White Plains, in which
several hundreds fell, but nothing decisive took
place.
The British met with complete success in reducing
the forts, which the Americans retained in New-
York island. Fort-Washington, which was commanded
by col. Magaw, was attacked in four different
places at once, and quickly reduced. The number
of prisoners amounted to about 2700. They
were considered by the articles of capitulation as
prisoners of war, and the officers were allowed to
keep their baggage and side arms. Soon after,
Lord Cornwallis, with a considerable force, passed
over to attack Fort-Lee, on the opposite Jersey
shore. The garrison were saved, by immediate
evacuation, at the expence of their artillery and
stores.
These disastrous events, and the diminution of
the American army, by the departure of those,
whose time of service had expired, encouraged the
British, notwithstanding the severity of the winter,
and the badness of the roads, to pursue the remaining
inconsiderable continental force, with the
prospect of annihilating it. By this turn of affairs,
the interior country was surprized into confusion,
and found an enemy within its bowels,
without a sufficient army to oppose it. To retreat
was the only expedient left. This having commenced,
Lord Cornwallis followed, and was close
in the rear of Gen. Washington, as he retreated
successively to Newark, to Brunswick, to Princeton,
to Trenton, and to the Pennsylvania side of
Xx4r
367
the Delaware. The pursuit was urged with so
much rapidity, that the rear of the one army,
pulling down bridges, was often within sight and
shot of the van of the other, building them up.
This retreat into and through New-Jersey commenced
in a few days after the reduction of Fort-
Washington. The army was almost constantly
diminishing; and the small force, which remained,
in want of necessary articles. In this gloomy state
of public affairs, numbers changed sides, and went
over to the British. Some of the leading men in
New-Jersey and Pennsylvania adopted this expedient.
During the royal successes in the Jersies, Gen.
Clinton, with four brigades of British and Hessian
troops, and a squadron of men of war under
Sir Peter Parker, was sent to attempt the conquest
of Rhode-Island. It was taken without the loss of
a man; the American forces being incapable of
making effectual resistance. Hence, on the day
that Gen. Washington crossed the Delaware, the
British took possession of the island, and at the same
time blocked up commodore Hopkins’ squadron,
and a number of privateers at Providence.
In this alarming situation of affairs, Gen. Lee
was taken prisoner at Baskenridge, by a party of
British light-horse, commanded by col. Harcourt.
This event greatly depressed the spirits of the Americans,
who had reposed extravagant confidence in
his military talents, and experience of regular European
war.
Every circumstance seemed, at this period,
unfavorable to the Americans. The northern
forces at Ticonderoga were in a disagreeable situation.
After they were expelled from Canada,
their naval force was nearly destroyed, and the
British had undisputed possession of Lake Champlain.
With the close of this year, a retreating
half naked army was to be dismissed, and the prospect
of a new one was both distant and uncertain.
The recently assumed independence of the states
was apparently on the verge of dissolution.
In proportion as difficulties increased, congress
redoubled their exertions; and evinced that firmness
and energy of mind, which no dangers could
discourage. They addressed the states in animated
language, calculated to remove their despondency,
renew their hopes, and confirm their resolutions.
At the same time they dispatched gentlemen of
character and influence, to excite the militia to take
the field. They also recommended to the United
States to appoint a day of solemn fasting and
prayer.
In this dangerous situation of affairs, congress
transferred extraordinary powers to Gen. Washington,
for the limited term of six months, unless
sooner determined by their authority. He was
empowered to displace and appoint all officers under
the rank of brigadier-general; to reform and new
model the military arrangements, in such a manner
as he judged best for the public service; to
raise 16 battalions of infantry, 3000 light-horse,
Yy1r
369
three regiments of artillery, and a corps of engineers,
in addition to those already voted by congress; to
establish their pay; to form magazines; to take
whatever he may want for the use of the army,
if the inhabitants will not sell it, upon paying a
reasonable price for the same; to enforce the acceptance
of continental currency; to present the
names and offences of the disaffected, together with
the witnesses to prove them.
The thick cloud which at present impended,
did not induce congress to entertain the most distant
idea of purchasing peace by returning to the
condition of British subjects. On the other hand,
they firmly resolved to abide by their declared independence;
and preferred freedom of trade to
any foreign nation, trusting the event to Providence,
and risking all consequences. Copies of
these resolutions were dispatched to the principal
courts of Europe; and proper persons appointed
to solicit their friendship to the new formed states.
In this crisis of danger, 1500 of the Pennsylvania
militia embodied, to reinforce the continental
army. The number of troops at this time under
the command of Gen. Washington, fluctuated between
2 and 3000 men. With this small force, he
formed the bold resolution of recrossing into the state
of New-Jersey, and attacking that part of the enemy,
which was posted at Trenton. This party
were in a state of perfect security, supposing it impossible
for the Americans, under their disadvantages,Yy
Yy1v
370
to commence offensive operations. It has
been said that col. Rahl, the commanding officer
in Trenton, being under some apprehensions for
that frontier post, applied to Gen. Grant for a reinforcement,
and that the general returned for answer,
“tell the colonel he is very safe; I will undertake
to keep the peace in New-Jersey, with a
corporal’s guard.”
On the night of the 1776-12-2525th of December, Gen.
Washington crossed the Delaware, and at day-break
marched down to Trenton. He so completely
surprized the enemy, that finding they were surrounded,
and that they must inevitably be cut to
pieces by making further resistance, they agreed
to lay down their arms. The number that submitted,
were 23 officers, and 886 men. Between
30 and 40 of the Hessians were killed and wounded.
Col. Rahl was among the number, who were
slain. Capt. Washington, of the Virginia troops,
and five or six of the Americans, were wounded.
Two were killed, and two or three frozen to death;
the night on which they crossed the Delaware, being
remarkable for the severity of the cold, and a
violent storm of hail.
Small reinforcements from several quarters arrived,
and, after securing the Hessian prisoners,
Gen. Washington recrossed the Delaware, and took
possession of Trenton.
situation. The close of the year 17761776, terminated
the engagements of almost the whole of the continental Yy2r 371
army, especially that part from New-
England. The British were collecting in strong
force in Princeton in his front; the Delaware was
in his rear, and the ice floated down in such quantities,
that a retreat became very difficult, if not
impossible. It is hardly possible to conceive, that
the position of an army could be more critical, or
the fate of a country more hazardous, than at this
moment. It remained for the genius of a Washington,
and the exertions of a patriot army, to surmount
the difficulties, which presented themselves. The first object of the general was to persuade
the continental troops to engage for six weeks.
As an inducement, he called on their patriotism,
and the dreadful consequences of their abandoning
him in that situation. He pointed out the dangers
and difficulties of retiring to their homes, hemmed
in as they were by the enemy on one side, and by
the elements on the others. He made a personal
address to the different regiments, and in such persuasive
language, that it produced the desired effect.
Although the soldiers had been a year from their
homes, had passed through unparalleled scenes of
danger and fatigue, were so destitute of necessary
clothing, that it was easy to trace them by the
blood from their feet, yet they almost unanimously
complied with his request. Perhaps the annals of
history do not present a brighter example of disinterested
patriotism, than was exhibited on this occasion.
When we consider the inclemency of the season,
the naked condition of the troops, the anxiety, Yy2v 372
which is naturally felt by men who had passed
through so many interesting scenes, to return to
their homes, repose from their labors, and relate
the wonderful events, which they had witnessed,
and in which they had been actors, it is almost a
miracle that any consideration could have prevailed
on them to adopt the measure. The consequences of this laudable conduct
were as happy to America as it was honorable to
the general, who projected it, and the army, which
had adopted it. The strength of the British army, having
been collected at Princeton, in consequence of the
defeat of the Hessians, and the command having
been intrusted to that distinguished officer, Lord
Cornwallis, in the afternoon of the 1777-01-022d of January,
1777, he appeared in strong force in the vicinity
of Trenton. Skirmishes took place between the
two armies, in the progress of the British, which
impeded their movements, and afforded the American
army an opportunity of removing all their
stores, artillery, &c. on the south side of the creek
where the army finally retired towards evening,
and took a position with the creek in their front,
their left extending towards the Delaware, and their
right towards Princeton, about two miles from the
mouth of the creek. The British army advanced
with great rapidity into the town, attempted to
force the bridge over the creek; but not being able
to effect it, took possession of the town, and the
high grounds on the creek, directly opposite to the
American army. Yy3r 373Night put an end to the operations, and left
the two armies in the positions, which have been
described. Early in the evening, Gen. Washington
called a council of war, and described the very
critical situation in which he was placed. That he
considered the fate of his country impending on
the operations of that night. That it was impossible
to repass the Delaware, on account of the ice.
That the British army was so far superior in point
of numbers, that to risk an action on that ground
would probably be fatal, and that some decided
measure must be adopted. He then stated the
force which was probably left at Princeton; and
amidst a choice of difficulties, thought an attempt
to make a circuitous march, so as to reach that
place by day-light in the morning, was the least. The council of war approved of the measure,
and orders were communicated to the different
regiments, about eleven o’clock in the evening, to
light up their fires, and to be ready to march at
a moment’s warning. About twelve at night, the
army began its march, leaving their fires lighted,
and the centinels on the margin of the creek, who
were to remain until day-light in the morning, and
then make their way off in the best manner possible.”
By a providential interposition, the weather,
which had been for some time past warm, moist
and foggy, suddenly changed; and soon rendered
Yy3v
374
the road, which had been deep and heavy, firm
and smooth as a pavement.
General Washington reached Princeton early
in the morning, and would have completely surprized
the British, had not a party, which were
on their way to Trenton, descried his troops, when
they were about two miles distant, and sent back
couriers to alarm their unsuspecting fellow soldiers
in the rear. The centre of the Americans, consisting
of the Philadelphia militia, whilst on their
line of march, was briskly charged by a party of the
British, and gave way in disorder. At this critical
moment, General Washington pushed forward,
and placed himself between his own men and the
British, with his horse’s head fronting the latter.
The Americans, encouraged by his example and
exhortations, made a stand, and returned the British
fire. The general, though between both parties,
was providentially uninjured by either. A
party of the British fled into the college, and were
there attacked. The seat of the muses became for
some time the scene of action. The party, who had
taken refuge in the college, after receiving a few
discharges from the American field-pieces, came
out and surrendered themselves prisoners of war.
In the course of the engagement, 60 of the British
were killed, a greater number wounded, and about
300 were taken prisoners. The remainder made
their escape. The loss of the Americans was inconsiderable
in point of numbers; but the death
of Gen. Mercer was justly and deeply lamented.
These important events filled the British with
consternation, and deranged all their plans. They
were soon obliged to evacuate both Trenton and
Princeton. The American militia collected, and
forming themselves into parties, waylaid their enemies,
and cut them off whenever an opportunity
presented. In a few days they overrun the Jersies.
Gen. Maxwell surprized Elizabethtown, and took
about 100 prisoners. The royal troops abandoned
Newark and Woodbridge; and were confined
to Amboy and Brunswick, which held a water communication
with New-York. Thus, in the short
space of a month, that part of Jersey, which lies
between New-Brunswick and Delaware, was both
overrun by the British, and recovered by the Americans.
The unbounded rapacity and cruelty of
the British and Hessian soldiers stimulated the militia
of Jersey to revenge, and inspired them with
courage in the defence of their country.
After the victories of Trenton and Princeton,
major-general Putnam was directed to take post at
Princeton, and cover the country in the vicinity.
He had only a few hundred troops, though he was
no more than eighteen miles distant from the strong
garrison of the British at Brunswick. At one period
he had fewer men for duty than he had miles
of frontier to guard. The force of General
Washington was so inconsiderable, that he thus
wrote, by the middle of 1777-03March,
“After the fifteenth,
when General Lincoln’s militia leave us,
Yy4v
376
we shall only have the remains of the five Virginia
regiments, who do not amount all together to more
than 5 or 600 men, and two of the other continental
battalions, very weak. The rest of our army
is composed of small parties of militia, from
this state and Pennsylvania, and little dependance
can be put on the militia, as they come and go
when they please. If the enemy do not move, it
will be a miracle. Nothing but ignorance of our
numbers and situation can protect us.” Notwithstanding
the Americans were obliged to contend
with far superior force, and in 17761776 an uncommon
sickness raged in their army; they were enabled,
by the firmness of congress, and the heroic enterprizes
of their general, to close the campaign of
this year with advantage, which at its commencement
threatened the country with destruction.
Annotations
Textual note 1
See a concise account of the first movers of the plan to tax
America, and the gradual steps taken to effect this purpose, in
History of the Disputes with America, written in
17741774.
Go to note 1 in context.
Textual note 51
Go to note 51 in context.
Textual note 61
, Vol. I.
p. 92. See Speeches of
to the Council of Massachusetts-Bay.
Go to note 61 in context.
Textual note 101
Go to note 101 in context.
Textual note 104
See these addresses in the proceedings of congress. See Life of
the Earl of Chatham.
Go to note 104 in context.
Textual note 177
The following beautiful lines are selected from Mrs. Morton’s
description of General Washington, in her truly sublime and elegant
Poem, stiled Beacon Hill.
Go to note 177 in context.
Textual note 211
, Vol. II.
p. 188. ,
Vol. I. p. 243. See Annual
Register, 17761776, p. 15.
Go to note 211 in context.
Textual note 223
“Left blank in the original, to guard against the danger of
miscarriage. Read ‘without powder.’”
Go to note 223 in context.
Textual note 225
Gen. Gage had departed for England, and was succeeded by
Gen. Howe.
Go to note 225 in context.
Textual note 288
The compiler of the History of New England is indebted to
Major-General Hall, of Newton, for the interesting account of
captain Hale.
Go to note 288 in context.
Textual note 292
Dr. Dwight, however, has the following beautiful lines on
capt. Hale, in his Conquest of Canaan, Book I. p. 3, 4.
Go to note 292 in context.
Textual note 298
, Vol. II.
p. 316-325.
,
Vol. I. p. 304, 305.
Letters, Vol. I. p. 231, 237.
Go to note 298 in context.
Textual note 324
The compiler of the History of New-England is indebted to
Major-General Hull, of Newton, for the above account of the
situation of the American army, after the battle of Trenton, who
was himself in the scene he has so accurately described.
Go to note 324 in context.
Chapter XXX.
The American army recruited. Stores at Peek’s-kill
destroyed. Magazines destroyed at Danbury. Gen.
Wooster killed. The American expedition against
Long-Island, under colonel Meigs. General Prescot
taken. The British plan an attempt against Philadelphia.
General Washington advances to the
relief of that city. Battle at Brandywine. Congress
flee to Yorktown. Philadelphia taken. Battle
at Germantown. Passage of the Delaware
opened to Philadelphia.
Soon after the declaration of independence,
the authority of congress was obtained,
for raising an army, that would be more permanent
than the temporary levies, which they had
previously brought into the field. For this purpose
the recruiting officers were instructed to offer
the alternative of enlisting either for the war,
or for three years. Those who engaged on the
first conditions, were promised an hundred acres
of land, in addition to their pay and bounty. The
troops raised by congress for the service of the
United States, were called continentals. Though
in 1776-09September, 1776, it had been resolved, to raise
88 battalions, and in 1776-12December following authority
was given to General Washington to raise 16
more, yet very little progress had been made in
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the recruiting business, till after the battles of
Trenton and Princeton. Even after that period,
so much time was necessarily consumed before these
new recruits joined the commander in chief, that
his whole force at Morristown, and the several outposts,
for some time, did not exceed 1500 men.
Yet, what is almost incredible, these 1500 kept as
many thousands of the British closely pent up in
Brunswick. Almost every party that was sent out
by the latter, was successfully opposed by the former,
and the adjacent country preserved, in a great
degree of tranquility.
It was matter of astonishment, that the British
suffered the dangerous interval, between the disbanding
of one army, and the raising of another,
to pass away without attempting something of consequence
against the remaining shadow of an armed
force.
Though General Howe made no capital stroke
against the Americans at this time, he concerted an
operation against the post at Peek’s-kill, which
General McDougal occupied, and where provisions
and stores were deposited. Colonel Bird, with a
detachment of 500 men, was convoyed by the
Brune frigate to
Peek’s-kill, nearly fifty miles from
New-York. At his approach, the few Americans,
who were stationed as a guard at this post, fired
the principal store-houses, and retired to a good position,
about two or three miles distant. The loss
of provisions, forage, and other valuable articles,
was considerable.
Soon after, major-general Tryon, with a detachment
of 3000 men, embarked at New-York, and
passing through the sound, landed between Fairfield
and Norwalk. They then marched to Danbury;
and the few continentals who were in the
town withdrew upon their approach. With wanton
barbarity they burnt the place, and destroyed a
large number of valuable articles. Upon their
return from this expedition, Generals Wooster,
Arnold and Silliman, having hastily collected a few
hundreds of the inhabitants, made arrangements for
interrupting their march; and they greatly annoyed
the invaders, when returning to their ships,
General Arnold, with about 500 men, by a rapid
movement, reached Ridgefield, in their front, barricaded
the road, kept up a brisk fire upon them,
and sustained their attack, till they had made a
lodgement on a ledge of rocks upon his left.
After the British had gained this eminence, a
whole platoon levelled at General Arnold, not
more than thirty yards distant; but one shot
had effect, and that killed his horse. He had presence
of mind to take his pistols, and escaped by
shooting a soldier, who, while he was extricating
himself from his horse, was advancing hastily to
run him through with his bayonet. The Americans,
in several detached parties, harrassed the
rear of the British; and from various stands, kept
up a scattering fire upon them, till they reached
their shipping.
In accomplishing this expedition, the British
had two or three hundred men killed, wounded or
taken. The loss of the Americans was about
twenty killed, and forty wounded. Among the
slain was the brave General Wooster, a native of
New-Haven, who, though seventy years of age, behaved
with the spirit and vigor of youth.
Soon afterwards, colonel Meigs, an enterprizing
officer, transported a detachment of about 170
Americans, in whale boats, over the sound, which
separates Long-Island from Connecticut. This
party burned twelve brigs and sloops belonging to
the British; destroyed the stores collected for their
use in Sagg-harbor, on that island; killed six of
their soldiers, and brought off ninety prisoners,
without having a single man killed or wounded.
At the opening of the campaign, the American
army in New-Jersey amounted only to 7272 men.
The military manœuvres of General Howe, at this
period, were such, that his determined object could
not be ascertained. In the mean time a spirited
adventure took place at Rhode-Island. Lieutenant-
colonel Barton, of a militia regiment of that state,
accompanied by about 40 volunteers, passed by
night from Warwick-neck to Rhode-Island; and
though they had ten miles to pass by water, they
eluded the ships of war and guard-boats, with
which the island was surrounded. The enterprize
was conducted with such silence and dexterity,
that they surprized General Prescot in his quarters,
and brought him and one of his aids safe off
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to the continent. This event retaliated the capture
of General Lee, and proved an indemnification
of his person.
At length the uncertainty in which General
Howe’s designs had been enveloped was dispersed,
and the possession of Philadelphia discovered to be
his object.
The royal army set out from the eastern heads
of the Chesapeak, on the 1777-09-033d of September, leaving
their tents and baggage behind, and trusted
their future accommodation to such quarters as
their arms might procure. They advanced till they
were within two miles of the American army,
which was then posted near Newport. General
Washington soon changed his position, and took
post on the high ground near Chadd’s fort, on the
Brandywine creek, with an intention of disputing
the passage. Though the American regular troops
were greatly inferior, both in discipline and numbers,
to the royal army, General Washington was
in a manner obliged to risk an action, for the
defence of Philadelphia. The opinion of the inhabitants,
though founded on no circumstances
more substantial than their wishes, imposed this species
of necessity.
The British advanced at day-break in two columns,
commanded by lieutenant-general Kniphausen,
and by Lord Cornwallis. In the afternoon a
warm engagement commenced, which lasted till
the close of twilight. General Washington, in this
action received wrong information from a quarter
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he thought himself obliged to credit, relative to the
different bodies of the enemy’s forces in front; and
opposing his strongest part to their weakest, gave
them an opportunity of passing their heaviest column,
to which the weakest part of the American
army was opposed. In consequence of this intelligence,
the Americans, after a severe conflict, in
which they exhibited great resolution, were obliged
to yield to superior force. The day, however, was
nearly consumed before the British obtained the
victory. The killed and wounded in the royal army
amounted nearly to 600; and the loss of the
Americans, including prisoners, was estimated at
twice that number.
Here the celebrated marquis de la Fayette first
bled in defence of liberty. This nobleman, when
only nineteen years of age, espoused the cause of
the Americans with the most disinterested and generous
ardor. His attachment continued unabated,
during the most alarming situation of their affairs;
and he determined to join their army, and serve
the cause he had long cherished. In 17761776, when
the continental army was reduced to the lowest
ebb, the American commissioners at Paris endeavoured
in vain to alter his purpose. He risked his
liberty and fortune, and fitted out a vessel, in which
he arrived in Charleston early in 17771777, and soon
joined the American army. Congress, in consideration
of his zeal, illustrious family and connexions,
gave him the rank of major-general. He accepted
the appointment, after exacting two conditions.
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The one, that he should serve at his own
expence; the other, that he should begin his services
as a volunteer. Notwithstanding the wound
he received at the battle of Brandywine, he continued
in the field, and exerted himself in rallying the
Americans.
The Americans at this time suffered a considerable
loss. General Howe, having received intelligence
that General Wayne was encamped in the
woods, with a corps of 1500 men, detached Gen.
Grey late at night, with two regiments and a
body of light infantry, to surprize him. This detachment
killed and wounded 300 of the Americans,
by a free and exclusive use of the bayonet.
The enterprize was conducted with so much
address, that the loss of the assailants did not exceed
eight.
Congress, who after a short residence at Baltimore,
had returned to Philadelphia, were obliged
a second time to consult their safety by flight.
They retired at first to Lancaster, and afterwards
to Yorktown.
On the 1777-09-2626th of September, Sir William Howe
made his triumphal entry into Philadelphia, with
a small part of his army, and where he was most
cordially received by the royalists. The bulk of
his troops were left in and about Germantown, a
village forming one continued street for about two
miles. General Washington’s army was encamped
near Skippack creek, about eighteen miles
from thence.
General Washington being informed, that
General Howe had detached a considerable part of
his force for reducing the forts on the Delaware,
conceived the design of attacking the British post
at Germantown. In the commencement of the
action, the Americans were successful; but these
promising appearances were speedily reversed. The
morning was extremely foggy; this, by concealing
the true situation of the parties, who made
the attack at different places, occasioned mistakes,
and made so much caution necessary, as to give
the British time to recover from the effects of
their first surprize. The Americans, however,
made a resolute assault; but they were compelled
to retreat, and all efforts to rally them proved ineffectual.
The loss of the royal army, including
the wounded and prisoners, was about five hundred.
Among their slain were brigadier-general
Agnew, and lieutenant-colonel Bird. The loss of
the Americans, including four hundred prisoners,
was about a thousand. Among their slain were
General Nash, and his aid-de-camp, major Witherspoon.
Soon after the battle, the royal army left Germantown,
and turned their principal attention
towards opening a free communication between
their army and shipping.
The British were apprized, that without the
command of the Delaware, their possession of
Philadelphia would be of no advantage. This
induced General and Admiral Howe to concert
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the most vigorous measures for opening the navigation
of that river. Batteries were erected on
the Pennsylvania shore, to assist in dislodging the
Americans from Mud-Island. At the same time
Count Donop, with 2000 men, having crossed into
New-Jersey, opposite Philadelphia, marched
down on the eastern side of the Delaware, to attack
the redoubt at Red Bank. In this attempt
Count Donop was mortally wounded, and taken
prisoner; and 400 of the royal detachment were
killed and wounded.
The expedition against Mud-Island met with
better success; the Americans being driven thence,
and forced to retire to Red Bank.
After various exertions, the British accomplished
their object; however, the Americans, by
protracting the defence of the Delaware, deranged
their plans for the remainder of the campaign,
and consequently saved the adjacent country.
Whilst Sir William Howe was succeeding in
every enterprize in Philadelphia, intelligence arrived
that General Burgoyne, with his whole army,
had surrendered as prisoners of war at Saratoga,
which will be related, in the account of
the northern campaign, in the subsequent chapter.
Chapter XXXI.
Plan of the British in the northern campaign of 17771777.
Conduct of that expedition committed to lieutenant-
general Burgoyne. His proclamation. Ticonderoga
besieged. Abndoned by Gen. St. Clair. His
conduct at first is highly censured; but, at length,
he is honorably acquitted. The Americans recruit
their army. Gen. Stark defeats colonels Baum and
Breyman, in an attempt to surprize the magazines
at Bennington. Gen. Burgoyne passes North-
river, at Saratoga, and advances to attack the
American army at Stillwater. Severe actions on
the 1777-09-1919th of September, and 1777-10-077th of October. The
British army nearly surrounded on all sides. Convention
concluded with Gen. Gates. State of both
armies. Sir Henry Clinton’s devastations on the
North-river.
One great object in the ministerial
plan for the campaign of 17771777, was to effect a free
communication between New-York and Canada,
and to maintain the navigation of the intermediate
lakes. On the other hand, the Americans were
very early attentive to their security in that quarter,
and had placed every possible obstruction in
their way.
The British ministry were very sanguine in their
hopes, from the consequences of forming a line of
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communication between New-York and Canada.
They considered the New-England people to be
the soul of the confederacy, and promised themselves
much by severing them from all free communication
with the neighboring states. They
hoped, when this was accomplished, to be able to
surround them so effectually with fleets and armies,
and Indian allies, as to compel their submission.
Animated with these expectations, they assiduously
endeavoured to ensure the success of the
plans they had formed for this purpose.
The command in the northern department was
transferred from Sir Guy Carlton to General
Burgoyne, an officer of distinguished reputation,
whose spirit of enterprize, and thirst for military
fame, could not be exceeded. The forces allotted
to him, consisting of British and German troops,
amounted to more than 7000 men, exclusive of
the artillery-corps. A powerful train of artillery,
with brass pieces, was furnished. Besides the regular
forces, several tribes of Indians were induced
to come into the field. The army was in every
respect in the best condition, the troops were in
the highest spirits, admirably disciplined, and uncommonly
healthy.
After issuing a proclamation, in which the
power of Britain was displayed in the most ostentatious
terms, General Burgoyne advanced with
his army to Crown-Point. At this place he issued
orders, of which the following words are part:
“The army embarks to-morrow to approach the
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enemy. The services required on this expedition
are critical and conspicuous. During our progress
occasions may occur, in which nor difficulty, nor
labor, nor life are to be regarded. This army must
not retreat.”
Gen. Burgoyne opened the campaign with the
siege of Ticonderoga. This place was garrisoned
by 2546 continental troops, and 900 militia, under
Gen. St. Clair. However, the works were so extensive,
that this number was too small for their
defence. The royal army, within a few days after
their arrival, had surrounded three fourths of
the American works at Ticonderoga, and Mount
Independence, and had also advanced a work on
Sugar-hill, which when completed would have invested
the continental army on all sides. In this
situation, Gen. St. Clair resolved to evacuate the
post; though he was sensible this measure would
expose his conduct to the severest censures. A
council of war was called, who unanimously approved
his heroic resolution of sacrificing personal
reputation to save his army. The evacuation of
Ticonderoga was completed with so much secrecy
and expedition, that a considerable part of the public
stores were saved.
A detachment of the British army, under
General Frazer, pursued the Americans, upon
perceiving they had evacuated their posts, and a
bloody conflict ensued. The continental troops,
who were commanded by colonel Warner, made
a gallant resistance, but, after sustaining considerable
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loss, were obliged to give way. Colonel Francis,
of the American army, fell in this action. He
was a very valuable officer, and on this occasion
conducted with great gallantry.
The evacuation of Ticonderoga was a subject of
severe scrutiny. Congress recalled their general
officers in the northern department, and ordered
an enquiry into their conduct. General St. Clair
was charged with incapacity, cowardice and
treachery. However, the wisdom and propriety of
his conduct was soon after evident; as the army
saved by these means stood as a barrier between
the inhabitants and General Burgoyne. This abated
the panic of the people, and became a centre
of rendezvous, to which they repaired. And, when
an enquiry into his behavior took place afterwards,
all the charges against him were found
groundless, and he was honorably acquitted.
The loss of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence
surprized General Washington, and spread
astonishment and terror through the New-England
states. But though the aspect of their affairs
was exceedingly threatening; yet instead of sinking
under the apprehensions of danger, they exerted
themselves with vigor and firmness to check the
progress of the British invaders.
The inhabitants of the New-England states
were assiduously engaged in recruiting their army,
and such numbers of volunteers were daily added,
that the people began to recover from their first
alarm. It was early conjectured that the royal
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army, by pushing forward, would be so entangled,
as not to be able to advance or retreat, on equal
terms.
As the principal force of the American army
was in front, between General Burgoyne and Albany,
he hoped, by advancing to them, to reduce
them to the necessity of fighting, or of retreating to
New-England. In the march of the British towards
Albany, several actions took place between
them and the American army. In these different
skirmishes, the regulars, as well as the Indians in
their interest, suffered very considerably. The
principal action happened at Bennington, where
the Americans had collected a magazine of supplies,
which was guarded only by militia. In order
to obtain these provisions for his army, Gen.
Burgoyne detached colonel Baum, with only 500
men, 100 Indians, and two field pieces, which
he supposed would be sufficient for the expedition.
When colonel Baum approached the place of his
destination, he found the American militia stronger
than had been supposed. He, therefore, took
post in the vicinity, entrenched his party, and dispatched
an express to General Burgoyne, with an
account of his situation. Colonel Breyman was
detached to reinforce him. A heavy rain, together
with the badness of the roads, prevented his
advance to Baum’s assistance with dispatch. Gen.
Stark, of New-Hampshire, who commanded the
American militia at Bennington, engaged with
the British, before the junction of the two royal
detachments could be effected. On this occasion,
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about 800 undisciplined militia, without bayonets,
or a single piece of artillery, attacked and routed
500 regular troops, advantageously posted behind
entrenchments, furnished with the best arms, and
defended with two pieces of artillery. The field
pieces were taken from the party commanded by
colonel Baum, and the greatest part of his detachment
were either killed or wounded. Colonel
Breyman arrived on the same ground, and on the
same day; but after the action was over. Instead
of meeting his friends, as he expected, he found
himself briskly attacked; and though his troops
behaved with great resolution, they were, at length
compelled to abandon their artillery, and retreat.
In these two actions the Americans took about
700 prisoners; and a valuable collection of military
stores. Their loss, inclusive of the wounded,
was about an hundred men.
The victory at Bennington gave spirits and animation
to the American army, and occasioned dejection
and dismay to the British. Among other
embarrassments, it reduced General Burgoyne to
the alternative of halting, till he could procure
supplies from Fort-George, or of advancing without
them, at the risk of being starved. The former
was adopted, and the progress of the royal army
retarded; which gave the Americans time and opportunity
to collect in great numbers.
When General Burgoyne had brought forward
from Lake George, the necessary stores for thirty
days subsistence, he crossed Hudson’s river, and encamped
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on the heights, about two miles from Gen.
Gates’ camp, which was three miles above Stillwater.
The Americans, elated by their success at
Bennington, came out to meet the advancing
British, and engaged them with firmness and resolution.
In this action a continual blaze of fire
was kept up, and both armies seemed to be determined
on death or victory. The Americans and
British alternately drove and were driven by each
other. Men, and particularly officers, dropped
every moment, and on every side. The British
lost upwards of 500 men, including their killed,
wounded and prisoners. The Americans, inclusive
of the missing, lost 319.
This battle decided nothing; however, it
caused a diminution of the zeal and alacrity of the
Indians in the British service; and they deserted
in great numbers. General Burgoyne was also
highly mortified at having no intelligence of the
stipulated assistance from Sir Henry Clinton. He
now received a letter from him, by which he was
informed, that Sir Henry intended to make a diversion
on the North-river in his favor. In answer
to this communication, he dispatched some
trusty persons, with a full account of his distressed
situation, and with instructions to press the immediate
execution of the proposed co-operation; and
to assure General Clinton that he was not able, in
point of provisions, to maintain his present position
only till the 1777-10-1212th of October.
The army under General Burgoyne continued
to labor under the greatest distresses; so that in
the beginning of 1777-10October he had been obliged to
diminish the allowance of the soldiers. On the
1777-10-077th of the month, the general determined to move
towards the Americans. For this purpose he sent
a body of 1500 men, to reconnoitre their left
wing; intending, if possible, to break through it,
in order to effect a retreat. The detachment,
however, had not proceeded far, when a violent
attack was made on the left wing of the British
army, which was with great difficulty preserved
from being entirely broken, by a reinforcement
brought up by General Fraser, who was killed in
the attack. After the troops had, with the most
desperate efforts, regained their camp, it was furiously
assaulted by Gen. Arnold, who, notwithstanding
all opposition, would have forced the entrenchments,
had he not received a dangerous
wound, which obliged him to retire. Thus the
attack failed on the left; but on the right, the
camp of the German reserve was forced by the
Americans. The regiment of col. M. Jackson,
who was then confined by a wound, led on by
lieut. col. Brooks and major Hull, made the first
successful impression on that part of the lines.
Col. Breyman was killed, and his countrymen defeated
with great slaughter. Nine pieces of brass
artillery, with all their baggage, fell into the hands
of the victors. The day was fatal to many brave
men. Among the slain General Fraser, on accountBBb
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394
of his distinguished merit, was the subject
of particular regret. General Burgoyne had a
narrow escape; a shot passed through his hat, and
another through his waistcoat. The officers and
privates, taken by the Americans, amounted to
more than two hundred; but their own loss was
inconsiderable.
The royal troops were under arms the whole
of the next day, in expectation of another action;
but nothing more than skirmishes took place. At
this time, General Lincoln, when reconnoitring,
received a dangerous wound; an event, which was
greatly regretted, as he possessed much of the esteem
and confidence of the American army.
All this time the American army was increasing,
by the continual arrival of militia and volunteers
from all parts, particularly from New-England.
The situation of the royal army was truly
distressing. General Burgoyne was encamped at
Saratoga, where he was invested by an army nearly
three times the number of his forces, without
a possibility of retreat, or of replenishing their exhausted
stock of provisions.
On the 1777-10-1313th of October, he found that his
troops had only scanty subsistence for three days,
and no prospect of speedy assistance. In this embarrassing
situation, he called a council of war,
which comprehended generals, field-officers and
captains. There was not a spot of ground in the
whole camp, but what was exposed to cannon or
rifle shot. Whilst the council was deliberating,
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an eighteen pound ball crossed the table. By
the unanimous advice of the council, the general
was induced to open a treaty with Gen. Gates.
The first proposals of the latter were rejected;
and the sixth article with disdain, wherein it was
required, that the British army should lay down
their arms in their entrenchments. Burgoyne’s
counter proposals were unanimously approved, and
being sent to Gates, were agreed to on the 1777-10-1515th,
without any material alteration.
Soon after the convention was signed, the
Americans marched into their lines, and were
kept there till the royal army had deposited their
arms at the place appointed. Dr. Ramsay observes,
that “the delicacy with which this business
was conducted, reflected the highest honor
on the American general. Nor did the politeness
of Gates end here. Every circumstance was
withheld, that could constitute a triumph in the
American army. The captive general was received
by his conqueror with respect and kindness.
A number of the principal officers of both
armies, met at General Gates’ quarters, and, for
a while, seemed to forget, in social and convivial
pleasures, that they had been enemies.”
The number of those, who surrendered at Saratoga,
amounted to 5791; which was very far
short of their number when setting out from Canada.
The Americans also captured a great variety
of valuable military stores, including thirty-five
pieces of brass ordnance, of singular excellence,
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The American forces, at the time of the convention,
were in all 13,222, of which 4129 were
militia. The total loss of the British, by this
expedition, was 9213.
In the mean time an expedition was made up
the North-river, in order to divert part of the
American force from the side of Canada, by Sir
Henry Clinton, who had been left in command
at New-York. In this excursion, Gen. Vaughan
burnt Esopus, a fine flourishing village in the
neighborhood of Stillwater.
The surrender of Saratoga forms a memorable
era in the American war. This event caused great
grief and dejection in Britain, whilst it animated
and encouraged the Americans; and the eclat of
capturing a large army of British and German
troops, soon procured them powerful friends in
Europe.
During the three preceding years, the Americans
had resisted the arbitrary measures of Britain
with the sword, without the assistance of any foreign
power. In the first year, they had exhibited
undaunted courage in the battles of Lexington and
Bunker’s-hill—blockaded the regular army in Boston
—expelled the royal governors, and repelled
the attempts of the British against the southern
colonies. In the year 17761776, animated with heroic
fortitude, they renounced their allegiance to
Britain, and declared independence. In the most
gloomy situation of affairs, during this eventful
year, we find the Americans, inspired with an
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unconquerable spirit of liberty, persist in defending
their recently assumed independence with the
sword. In 17771777, their affairs began to wear a
brighter aspect. The victory of Bennington paved
the way for the capture of Burgoyne’s army; and
the capture of his army was the event, which procured
them foreign assistance in the subsequent year.
It appears, from this imperfect review, that, under
Heaven, the blessings of liberty and independence
were, chiefly, purchased by the wise counsels,
the undaunted resolution, and the energetic exertions
of the Americans. However, their success ought
ever ultimately to be ascribed to the good providence
of the Lord. From the first settlement,
no nation had ever experienced more extraordinary
interpositions of Providence than America;
and at no period were those interpositions more
singularly visible, than during the controversy with
Britain.
Chapter XXXII.
Treaty between France and America. Lord North’s
conciliatory bills. British commissioners are sent
to negociate a peace. Their terms are rejected
by congress. The royal army burn part of Warren
and Bristol. French fleet arrives in America.
Philadelphia evacuated. The battle of Freehold,
or Monmouth. Congress gives public audience to
a minister plenipotentiary from the court of France.
Narrow escape of the British fleet. The Americans
make an unsuccessful attempt to regain Rhode-
Island. Predatory excursions of the British.
Their successful expedition against Georgia. Reforms
made in the American army.
Soon after the intelligence of the
capture of Burgoyne reached Europe, the king
of France concluded treaties of alliance and commerce
with the United States, at Paris. This
important transaction was the fruit of long negociation.
The policy of Great-Britain, in attempting
to deprive the Americans of arms, was the
first event, which rendered it necessary for them to
seek foreign assistance. The evident advantage,
which France might derive from the continuance
of the dispute, and the countenance, which individuals
of that country daily gave the Americans,
encouraged congress to send a political and commercial
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agent to that kingdom, with instructions to
solicit its friendship, and to procure military stores.
Silas Deane, being chosen for this purpose, sailed
for France early in 17761776, and was soon after his
arrival instructed to sound count de Vergennes,
the French minister for foreign affairs, on the subject
of the American controversy. In the month
of 1776-06June, Mr. Deane obtained a supply of arms,
ammunition and soldiers’ clothing, sufficient for
loading three vessels. It is not yet publicly known
what agency the court of France had in furnishing
these supplies, or whether they were sold or given
as presents. However, during the whole negociation,
Great-Britain was amused with declarations
of the most pacific dispositions on the part of
France, whilst the Americans were supplied with
the means of defence.
Congress having agreed upon the plan of the
treaty, which they intended to propose to his most
christian majesty, elected Dr. Franklin, Silas
Deane, and Arthur Lee, to solicit its acceptance.
The three agents having rendezvoused at Paris,
opened their business in a private audience with
count de Vergennes on the 1776-12-2828th of December,
1776. Though a diminution of the exorbitant
power of Britain could not fail to be highly agreeable
to France, yet prudence and policy forbad that
nation to be precipitate in openly espousing the
American cause.
Hence they artfully avoided either discouraging
the Americans, or alarming the rulers of Great-
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Britain. Private encouragement, and public discountenance
were given alternately, but both varied,
according to the complexion of news from
America.
At this period congress did not so much expect
any direct assistance from France, as the indirect
relief of a war between that country and
Great-Britain. Hence, they resolved, that “their
commissioners at the court of France should be
furnished with warrants and commissions, and authorized
to arm and fit for war in the French
ports, any number of vessels, not exceeding six, at
the expence of the United States, to war upon
British property, provided they were satisfied this
measure would not be disagreeable to the court of
France.” This resolution was carried into effect.
In the year 17771777, marine officers, with American
commissions, both sailed out of French ports, and
carried prizes of British property into them. They
could not procure their condemnation in the courts
of France, nor sell them publicly; but they found
means to turn them into money.
In the mean time the American commissioners
were urging the acceptance of the treaty proposed
by congress. The French still refused to act openly
and decidedly in their favor; and matters remained
in a fluctuating state, till the capture of
Burgoyne turned the scale. This great event convinced
them that there was the utmost probability
that the united energetic efforts of the Americans
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would finally be successful. The French court
was, therefore, determined to espouse their cause.
The commissioners of congress were informed
by M. Gerard, one of the secretaries of the king’s
council of state, “that it was decided to acknowledge
the independence of the United States, and
to make a treaty with them. That no advantage
would be taken of their situation, but the
terms of the treaty should be such as the new
formed states would be willing to agree to, if established
in strength and power. That his most
christian majesty was fixed in his determination,
not only to acknowledge, but to support their independence.
That in doing this, he might probably
soon be engaged in a war; yet he should not expect
any compensation from the United States, on that
account, nor was it pretended that he acted wholly
for their sakes, since, besides his real good will to
them, it was manifestly the interest of France, that the
power of England should be diminished, by the separation
of the colonies from its government. The only
condition he should require, and rely on, would
be, that the United States, in no peace to be made,
should give up their independence, and return to
the obedience of the British government.”
Conformably to the preliminaries proposed
by M. Gerard, his most christian majesty, Louis
XVI. on the 1778-02-066th of February, entered into
treaties of amity and commerce with the United
States of America, on the footing of the most
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402
perfect equality and reciprocity. On the 1778-05-03third of
May, Mr. Simeon Deane arrived in America with
dispatches from France, and the treaties were received
by congress with inexpressible joy.
The congress, after receiving the treaties, had
a stronger feeling of their own importance than before,
and resolved that “the commissioners appointed
for the courts of Spain, Tuscany, Vienna
and Berlin, should live in such style and manner at
their respective courts, as they may find suitable
and necessary to support the dignity of their public
character.”
After the alliance between France and the
United States was made known to the British ministry,
Lord North introduced his conciliatory propositions,
which were founded on the idea of obtaining
a reunion of the new states with Great-
Britain. The conciliatory bills were speedily followed
by royal commissioners, deputed to solicit
their reception. Governor Johnstone, Lord Carlisle,
and Mr. Eden, appointed to this business,
attempted to open a negociation on the subject.
Previously to the arrival of the British commissioners,
and before they were informed of the treaty,
which was concluded at France, congress had given
a decided negative to the overtures contained in
the conciliatory bills. There was therefore no
ground left for further deliberation.
In addition to his public exertions as commissioner,
governor Johnstone opened a correspondence
with certain members of congress, in order to
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corrupt them. Private information was communicated
to Joseph Reed, Esq. that it had been intended
to offer him, in case of his exerting his abilities
to promote a reunion of the two countries,
ten thousand pounds sterling, and any office in the
colonies in his majesty’s gift. To which Mr. Reed
replied, “I am not worth purchasing; but such
as I am, the king of Great-Britain is not rich
enough to do it.”
After the commissioners found all their attempts
to negociate with congress ineffectual, they
endeavoured to persuade the inhabitants to adopt a
line of conduct opposite to that of their representatives.
Their proposals were not more favorably
received by the people than they had been by
congress. In no one place, not immediately commanded
by the British army, was there any attempt
to accept, or even to deliberate, on the propriety
of closing with the offers of Britain.
Notwithstanding these pacific negociations
on the part of the British, the royal troops continued
their devastations by fire and sword. In
one of their excursions from Philadelphia, they
proceeded to Bordentown, and there burnt a number
of vessels and store-houses. Soon after, 500
British and Hessians, under the command of lieutenant-colonel
Campbell, made an excursion from
Newport. This party destroyed a number of boats,
burnt the meeting-house in Warren, the church in
Bristol, and a number of buildings in each town.
A French squadron, of twelve ships of the
line and four frigates, commanded by Count
D’Estaing, sailed from Toulon for America, in
about two months after the treaty had been agreed
upon between the United States and the king of
France. After a passage of eighty-seven days, the
count arrived at the entrance of the Delaware.
From an apprehension of something of this kind,
and from the prospect of greater security, it was
resolved in Great-Britain immediately to evacuate
Philadelphia, and to concentrate the royal force
in the city and harbor of New-York.
The royal army passed over the Delaware, into
New-Jersey. General Washington, having penetrated
into their design of evacuating Philadelphia,
had previously detached Gen. Maxwell’s
brigade, to co-operate with the Jersey militia, in
obstructing their progress, till he could overtake
them with his army. This detachment was afterwards
strengthened by a body of 600 men, under
col. Morgan.
After various movements on both sides, Sir
Henry Clinton, with the royal army, arrived at
a place called Freehold, where judging the Americans
would attack him, he encamped in a very
strong situation. When General Washington was
informed that his army had begun their march, he
sent orders to Gen. Lee (who having been lately
exchanged, had joined the army) to move on and
attack them, unless there should be very powerful
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405
reasons to the contrary; acquainting him, at the
same time, that he was marching to support him.
When General Washington had marched about
five miles, to support the advanced corps, he found
the whole of it retreating, by Lee’s orders, and
without having made any opposition of consequence.
General Washington rode up to Lee, and
proposed certain questions to him, which implied
censure. Lee answered with warmth, and unsuitable
language. Part of the retreating troops were
then formed by the general with the utmost expedition.
By their spirited conduct they checked
the advance of the British army; and, at length,
compelled them to retire behind the defile, where
the first stand in the beginning of the action had
been made.
General Washington intended to have renewed
the engagement the next day; but the British
troops marched away in the night, without the
loss of either their covering party or baggage;
and with such silence, that General Poor, who
lay very near them, knew nothing of their movements,
till it was too late to urge a pursuit.
The loss of the Americans, in killed and
wounded, was about 250. Col. Bonner, of Pennsylvania,
and major Dickenson, of Virginia, officers
highly esteemed by their country, fell in this
engagement. The loss of the royal army, inclusive
of prisoners, was about 350.
In this action, General Lee was charged by
General Washington with disobedience and misconduct,
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406
in retreating before the British army.
He was tried by a court martial, and sentenced
to be suspended from his command in the American
army for twelve months. Previously to this
battle, Lee’s conduct at several times had been
very suspicious; and it was suspected he had formed
designs to supplant General Washington, and
that his friends attempted to place him at the
head of the army.
The British army pursued their march without
any interruption to the neighborhood of Sandy-
Hook, and on the 1778-07-055th of July crossed the narrow
channel to Sandy-Hook on a bridge of boats, and
were afterwards safely conveyed to New-York.
Soon after the battle of Freehold, or Monmouth,
as it is sometimes called, the American
army took post at the White Plains, a few miles
beyond King’s Bridge; and the British, though
only a few miles distant, did not molest them.
They remained in this position from an early day
in 1778-07July, till a late one in autumn, and then the
Americans retired to Middle Brook, in New-Jersey,
where they remained in huts, as they had
done at Valley Forge, the preceding winter.
Immediately on the departure of the British
from Philadelphia, congress, after an absence of
nine months, returned to the former seat of their
deliberations. Soon after their return, they were
called upon to give a public audience to a minister
plenipotentiary from the court of France.
The person appointed to this office, was M. Gerard,
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the same, who had been employed in the negociations,
antecedent to the treaty. Dr. Ramsay
observes, that “the arrival and reception of a
minister from France, made a strong impression
on the minds of the Americans. They felt the
weight and importance, to which they were risen
among nations. That the same spot, which, in
less than a century, had been the residence of
savages, should become the theatre, on which
the representatives of a new, free and civilized
nation, gave a public audience to a minister plenipotentiary
from one of the oldest and most
powerful kingdoms of Europe, afforded ample
materials for philosophic contemplation. That
in less than three years from the day, on which
an answer was refused by Great-Britain, to the
united supplications of the colonists, praying for
peace, liberty and safety, they should, as an independent
people, be honored with the residence of
a minister from the court of France, exceeded the
expectation of the most sanguine Americans. The
patriots of the new world revolved in their minds
these transactions, with heart-felt satisfaction; while
the devout were led to admire that Providence,
which had, in so short a space, stationed the United
States among the powers of the earth, and
clothed them in robes of sovereignty.”
The British had but barely completed the removal
of their fleet and army from the Delaware
and Philadelphia, to the harbor and city of New-
York, when they received intelligence, that a
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French fleet, which was commanded by Count
D’Estaing, was on the coast of America. Their
first object was the surprize of Lord Howe’s fleet
in the Delaware; but they arrived too late. The
capture of the British fleet was prevented, by the
various hindrances which retarded D’Estaing on
his voyage to the term of eighty-seven days, in
the last eleven of which Lord Howe’s fleet not
only quitted the Delaware, but reached the harbor
of New-York.
The next attempt of Count D’Estaing was
against Rhode-Island, of which the British had been
in possession since 1776-12December, 1776. A combined
attack against it was projected, and it was agreed
that General Sullivan should command the American
land forces. Such was the eagerness of the
people to co-operate with their new allies, and so
confident were they of success, that some thousands
of volunteers engaged in the service. The militia
of Massachusetts were under the command of major-
general John Hancock. The royal troops on the
island, having been lately reinforced, were about
6000. General Sullivan having collected about
10,000 men, of whom one half at least were volunteers
from New-England and Connecticut, passed
over into the island on the 1778-09-088th of August, at the
same time the French fleet entered the harbor of
Newport.
Lord Howe received intelligence of the danger
which threatened Rhode-Island, and hastened to its
relief. On the appearance of Lord Howe, the
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French admiral put out to sea with his whole fleet,
to attack him. The engagement was prevented by
a violent tempest, by which both fleets were greatly
damaged. The British suffered less in the storm
than their adversaries, yet enough to render it necessary
for them to return to New-York, for the
purpose of refitting. The French fleet returned to
Newport, in a very shattered condition, on the
1778-08-2020th of August; and two days after, count D’
Estaing sailed for Boston, in order to refit his
ships.
In the mean time General Sullivan had commenced
his military operations. But General Pigot,
who commanded the British garrison, in
Rhode-Island, had taken such measures, that without
the assistance of a marine force, it was impossible
to attack him with any probability of success.
The conduct of D’Estaing, who had abandoned
them when master of the harbor, highly irritated
the people of New-England, and occasioned such
numbers of the discontented militia to return home,
that the regular army, which remained was in danger
of being cut off from a retreat.
In these embarrassing circumstances, General
Sullivan retreated to the north end of the island;
where his troops were soon discovered, and fired
upon by the British. In the first instance, these
light troops were compelled by superior numbers
to give way, but they kept up a retreating fire. On
being reinforced, they gave their pursuers a check,
and at length repulsed them. By degrees the actionDDd
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became in some respects general, and near
1200 Americans were engaged. The loss on each
side was between 2 and 300.
Lord Howe’s fleet, with Sir Henry Clinton, and
about 4000 troops on board, being seen off the
coast, General Sullivan concluded immediately to
evacuate Rhode-Island. He retreated in excellent
order, without leaving a man behind, or losing a
single article.
Sir Henry Clinton, finding that the Americans
had left Rhode-Island, returned to New-York, but
directed General Grey to proceed to Bedford, in
Massachusetts, and the neighborhood, where several
American privateers resorted. On the 1778-09-055th of September,
this party landed, and in a few hours destroyed
seventy sail of shipping. They also burnt
wharves, stores, vessels on the stocks, and a considerable
number of dwelling-houses. The buildings
burnt at this place, were estimated to be
worth 20,000l. sterling.
About this time a disastrous event occurred.
Colonel Baylor, with his regiment, was surprized
and barbarously put to the bayonet on an advanced
post, by major-general Grey, after they
had sued for quarter.
The campaign in the northern states having
produced nothing advantageous to the British, and
the winter being the proper season for southern expeditions,
Sir Henry Clinton concluded upon turning
his arms against Georgia. This expedition
was committed to colonel Campbell, an officer of
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known courage and ability. He embarked at
New-York for Savannah, with a force of about
2000 men, escorted by a small squadron of ships
of war, commanded by commodore Hyde Parker.
Major-general Prevost, who commanded the royal
forces in East-Florida, was directed to advance
with them into the southern extremity of Georgia.
The fleet, that sailed from New-York in about three
weeks, effected a landing, near the mouth of the river
Savannah. The continental army, to whom
the defence of Georgia was entrusted, had lately
returned from a fruitless summer’s expedition
against East-Florida, in which they suffered so great
a diminution, that, joined with the state militia,
then present, the whole amounted only to about 820
men. Gen. Howe, the American officer, who commanded
the forces in Georgia, posted his army between
the landing-place, and the town of Savannah,
with the river on his left, and a morass in
front. Whilst col. Campbell was making the necessary
arrangements for dislodging the enemy, he
received intelligence of a private path in the
swamp, through which the British might pass unobserved,
and attack the rear of the American army.
As soon as a number of his troops had
availed themselves of this advantage, the British in
front of the continental army were directed to advance
and engage. Gen. Howe, finding himself attacked
in the rear, as well as in the front, ordered
an immediate retreat. The British pursued with
great rapidity, and gained a complete victory. Upwards
of 100 of the Americans were killed. Thirty
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eight officers, 415 privates, 48 pieces of cannon,
23 mortars, the fort, with its ammunition
and stores, the shipping in the river, a large quantity
of provisions, with the capital of Georgia, were
all, in the space of a few hours, in the possession
of the conquerors. The broken remains of the
American army retreated up the river Savannah,
and took refuge in South-Carolina.
About the period of the embarkation at New-
York, General Prevost marched from East-Florida.
After encountering many difficulties, the royal
troops reached the inhabited parts of Georgia, and
brought Sunbury under subjection. Lieut. col.
Campbell behaved with such prudence and moderation,
that he not only extirpated military opposition,
but subverted, for a time, every trace of republican
government in Georgia, and established
the authority of Great-Britain in that state. On
the arrival of General Prevost, he took the command
of the combined forces from New-York and
St. Augustine.
The errors of the first years of the war induced
congress, at this period, to make some useful reforms,
in that department. Between two and three
hundred officers had resigned their commissions, on
account of the insufficiency of the provision, which
had been made for their support. From a conviction
of the justice and policy of making commissions
valuable, and from respect to the warm, but
disinterested recommendations of General Washington,
congress resolved, “That half pay should
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be allowed to their officers, for the term of seven
years, after the expiration of their service.” This
was afterwards extended to the end of their lives.
And, finally, that was commuted for full pay, for
five years.
This year, a more regular discipline was introduced
into the American army, by the industry,
abilities and judicious regulations, of Baron de
Steuben, a most excellent disciplinarian, who had
served under the king of Prussia. A very important
reform took place in the medical department,
by appointing different officers to discharge the directing
and purveying business of the military hospitals,
which had been previously united in the
same hands. Dr. Rush, of Philadelphia, was principally
instrumental in effecting this beneficial alteration.
Chapter XXXIII.
General Lincoln appointed to command at the southward.
The British make a descent with a land
and sea force, into Virginia. Governor Tryon’s
destructive expedition into Connecticut. Brave action
of General Putnam. General Wayne storms
Stoney-Point. Major Lee takes the British post
at Paulus Hook. The Americans unsuccessful in
an attempt against a post in Penobscot. Their fleet
destroyed. The king of Spain joins the confederacy
against Britain. Of the campaign at the southward,
in 17791779. D’Estaing appears before Savannah.
Besieges it in conjunction with General
Lincoln. The allies are defeated, and retreat.
Rhode-Island evacuated. Expedition against the
Indians.
Towards the close of the former
year, the South-Carolina delegates requested congress
to appoint General Lincoln, on whose character
they justly reposed great confidence, to the
command of all the southern forces. Accordingly
they made the appointment, and he repaired to
Charleston.
The British began their operations this year
with expeditions tending rather to distress the
Americans, than to benefit their own cause.
In the month of 1779-05May, Sir Henry Clinton sent a
naval and land force to make an inroad into Virginia,
under the command of Sir George Collier and
General Matthews. They sailed for Portsmouth,
and on their arrival took possession of that defenceless
town. The remains of Norfolk, on the opposite
side of the river, fell of course into their hands.
The Americans burned some of their own vessels,
but others were made prizes by the invaders. The
British guards marched eighteen miles in the night,
and arriving at Suffolk by morning, burnt the houses
in that town; and proceeded to the destruction
of vessels, naval stores, and a large magazine of provisions,
which had been there deposited. A similar
destruction was carried on in other parts of
the vicinity; nor were the frigates and armed vessels
less active and successful in their service.
In about five weeks after the termination of
this expedition, a similar one was projected against
the exposed margin of Connecticut. Governor
Tryon was appointed to conduct the land forces,
consisting of about 2600 men; and he was seconded
by brigadier-general Garth. The transports,
which conveyed these troops, were covered by a
suitable number of armed vessels, commanded by
Sir George Collier. They proceeded from New-
York, and landed at New-Haven. The town,
on their entering it, was delivered up to promiscuous
plunder, a few instances of protection excepted.
Whigs and tories, indiscriminately, though
not universally, had their money, plate, rings and
other articles taken from them; and much of
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their furniture, which could not be carried off,
was wantonly destroyed. After perpetrating various
species of enormity, the invaders suddenly
re-embarked, and proceeded by water to Fairfield.
The militia of that place and the vicinity posted
themselves at the court-house green, and gave considerable
annoyance to them, as they were advancing,
but soon retreated to the height back of
the town. Governor Tryon sent by a flag to col.
Whitney, who commanded them, an address, in
which he assured them, that their property lay
within the power of the British, and threatened
them with its destruction, unless they returned to
their allegiance. Though the colonel was allowed
an hour to consider and answer, he had
scarcely time to read it, before the town was in
flames. He nevertheless returned the following
answer. “Connecticut having nobly dared to
take up arms against the cruel despotism of Great-
Britain, and the flames having preceded the answer
to your flag, they will persist to oppose to
the utmost the power exerted against injured innocence.”
The British, in this excursion, also burnt East-
Haven, the greatest part of Green’s farms, and
the flourishing town of Norwalk. A considerable
number of ships, either finished or on the
stocks, with whale-boats, and a large amount of
stores and merchandize, were destroyed. In order
to vindicate these devastations, the British alledged,
that the houses which they had burnt
gave shelter to the Americans, while they fired
from them, and on other occasions concealed
their retreat.
A sudden period was put to these devastations.
In about ten days after the landing of the
British troops, an order was issued for their immediate
return to New-York. This they effected
in a short time, and with a loss so inconsiderable,
that in the whole expedition, it did not exceed
150 men.
About this time, Gen. Putnam, who had been
stationed with a respectable command at Reading,
in Connecticut, when on a visit to his outpost,
at Horse-Neck, was attacked by governor
Tryon, with about 1500 men. Gen. Putnam had
only a picket of 150 men, and two iron field
pieces, without horses or drag-ropes. He however
planted his cannon on the high ground, near
the meeting-house, and by several discharges retarded
the advancing British, and continued to
make opposition, till he perceived the enemy’s horse,
supported by the infantry, were about to charge.
Gen. Putnam, after ordering the picket to provideEEe
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for their safety, by retiring to a swamp inaccessible
to horse, plunged down the precipice at
the church. This is so steep as to have artificial
stairs, composed of nearly one hundred stone steps,
for the accommodation of foot passengers. The
dragoons stopped short, without venturing down
the abrupt declivity; and before they got round
the brow of the hill, Putnam was far beyond
their reach. Of the many balls that were fired at
him, all missed except one, which went through
his hat. He proceeded to Stamford, and having
strengthened his picket with some militia, faced
about, and pursued governor Tryon on his return.
The campaign of this year was distinguished
by the capture of Stoney-Point, on the North-
river. This fort had been erected by the Americans,
and was taken and strongly fortified by the
British. Gen. Wayne was the commanding officer,
who was entrusted with the execution of this
plan; and the troops employed, on this occasion,
were chiefly natives of New-England. All the
Massachusetts light-infantry marched from West-
Point, under lieut. colonel Hull, on the morning
of the 1799-07-1515th of July, and joined General Wayne,
at Sandy-Beach, fourteen miles from Stoney-Point.
The roads were exceedingly bad and narrow, and
the troops having to pass over high mountains,
through difficult defiles and morasses, were obliged
to move in single files the greatest part of the
way. By eight in the evening, the van arrived
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within a mile and a half of the enemy, where the
men, being formed in two columns, remained till
General Wayne, and several of the principal officers,
returned from reconnoitring the works.
At half past eleven at night, the whole moved forward
to the attack. The general placed himself
at the head of the right column, and gave the most
pointed orders not to fire, but to depend solely on
the bayonet, which order was faithfully obeyed.
The two columns directed their attacks to opposite
points of the works, whilst a detachment engaged
the attention of the garrison, by a feint in
the front. The approaches were more difficult, than
had been apprehended; the works being covered
by a deep morass, which at that time was overflowed
by the tide.
“But neither the morass, the double rows of
abbatis, nor the strength of the works, damped the
ardor of the Americans. In the face of an incessant
and tremendous fire of musketry and of cannon,
loaded with grape-shot, they forced their way
at the point of the bayonet, through every obstacle,
till the van of each column met in the centre
of the works, and the garrison were obliged to surrender
at discretion.”
General Wayne was wounded in the head
by a musket ball, as he passed the last abbatis,
but nevertheless insisted on being carried forward,
adding, as a reason for it, that if he died he wished
it might be in the fort. The killed and wounded
of the Americans amounted to 98. The killed of
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the garrison were 63, and the number of the prisoners
543. Two flags, two standards, fifteen
pieces of ordnance, and a considerable quantity of
military stores fell into the hands of the conquerors.
This successful enterprize emboldened the
Americans to make a similar attempt on Paulus
Hook, a fortified post on the Jersey side, opposite
to New-York. After having completely surprized
the posts, the American commander, major
Lee, finding it impossible to retain them, made an
orderly retreat, with about 160 prisoners, among
whom were seven officers.
About this period, an unsuccessful attempt was
made by the state of Massachusetts against a post
on the river Penobscot, on the borders of Nova-
Scotia, of which the British had lately taken possession,
and where they had begun to erect a fort,
which threatened to be a great inconvenience to
the Americans. In order to counteract the establishment
of this post, a considerable fleet was fitted
out with extraordinary expedition, and put under
the conduct of commodore Saltonstall. The land
forces were commanded by General Lovel. The
Americans with great difficulty effected a landing,
but, previously to their giving a general assault,
they perceived Sir George Collier, with a British
fleet, sailing up the river to attack them. As his
force was vastly superior to theirs, to escape was
impracticable. The whole American fleet was destroyed.
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Their soldiers and sailors were obliged to
return a great part of their way by land; and to
wander through immense deserts. A great scarcity
of provisions augmented their calamities.
In the mean time the war, which originated in
America, was extended to distant countries. Hostilities
between the fleets of France and Great-
Britain were carrying on frequently in both the Indies,
and the European seas. The king of Spain
was also, about this time, induced to accede to the
confederacy against Great-Britain.
Whilst the progress of the war in the northern
states was marked with devastation and distress,
the affairs of the Americans at the southward wore
a more alarming aspect.
The British forces, as has been related in the
preceding chapter, had effected the reduction of
the greatest part of Georgia. The royal army at
Savannah, being reinforced by the junction of the
troops from St. Augustine, was in a condition to
extend their posts. Major Gardner, with 200 men,
being detached with this view, landed on Port-
Royal island, in South-Carolina. General Moultrie,
at the head of an equal number of Americans,
chiefly militia, attacked and drove him off. After
this repulse, the British endeavoured to strengthen
themselves by reinforcements from the tories in
the western settlements of Georgia and Carolina.
A number of loyalists, who assembled to join the
British forces, were, with colonel Boyd, their leader,
utterly routed and dispersed.
In the mean time General Lincoln, with a considerable
body of troops, fixed encampments at
Black-Swamp, and nearly opposite to Augusta, on
the Carolina side. From these posts he formed a
plan of crossing into Georgia, in order to limit the
British to the low country, near the ocean. To assist
this design, General Ash, with fifteen hundred
North-Carolina militia, and a few regular troops,
took a position at Briar-Creek. In order to dislodge
this party, lieut. col. Prevost made a circuitous
march of about fifty miles, with 900 men.
The Americans were totally defeated; 150 men
were killed, and 160 taken. This event deprived
Gen. Lincoln of one fourth of his numbers, and
opened a communication between the British, the Indians,
and the tories of North and
South-Carolina.
The disasters, which followed the American
arms, after the landing of the British in Georgia,
stimulated the South-Carolinians to energetic exertions,
to oppose the extension of their conquests.
John Rutledge, a Carolinian of the most distinguished
abilities, was unanimously chosen governor
of the state, and, in conjunction with his council,
invested with dictatorial powers. He assembled a
large body of the militia near the centre of the
state, that they might be in constant readiness to
march whithersoever public service required. Part
of the American force was stationed on the north
side of the Savannah, at Purrysburg and Black
Swamp, while General Lincoln, and the main army,
crossed into Georgia, near Augusta.
When the American army was 150 miles up
the Savannah, Gen. Prevost, availing himself of
that critical moment, crossed over to Carolina with
2400 regulars, and a considerable body of Indians.
On his advance, General Moultrie, who was charged
with the defence of South-Carolina, was compelled
to retire. When General Lincoln found
that Prevost was marching for Charlestown, he recrossed
the Savannah, and pursued him. The inhabitants
of South-Carolina were assiduously engaged
in their preparations to repel the British invaders;
and a force of 3300 men was assembled
in Charleston for the defence of that city.
The main body and baggage of the British army
being left on the south side of Ashley river, an
advanced detachment of 900 men, crossed the ferry,
and appeared before the town. In the mean
time Lincoln was marching with all possible expedition
for the relief of Charleston. As his timely
arrival was dubious, and the crisis extremely hazardous,
a proposition was made by the garrison to
Gen. Prevost, “that South-Carolina would remain
in a state of neutrality during the war.” The
British commander rejected this advantageous offer;
and the Americans made preparations for a
vigorous defence. Prevost, having learnt, by an
intercepted letter, that Lincoln was advancing in
his rear, retreated from the main land to the
islands on the sea coast. Both armies encamped
in the vicinity of Charleston, watching each other’s
motions till the 1779-06-2020th of June, when an attack was
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made by about 1200 Americans, on 6 or 700 of
the British, advantageously posted at Stono ferry.
The action was continued for an hour and twenty
minutes, and the assailants had the advantage; but
the appearance of a reinforcement rendered their
retreat necessary. The loss of the Americans in
killed and wounded was about 150.
After this attack, the British retreated from
the islands adjacent to Charleston; and the main
body went to Savannah.
On the 1779-09-011st of September, Count D’Estaing arrived
with a fleet of twenty sail of the line, two
of fifty guns, and eleven frigates. As soon as the
count’s arrival on the coast was known, General
Lincoln, with the army under his command, marched
with the utmost expedition to Savannah; and
orders were given for the South-Carolina and
Georgia militia to rendezvous immediately near
the same place. The British were equally diligent
in preparing for their defence.
The French and Americans, after having spent
some time in making regular approaches, at last
determined to take the place by storm. Accordingly,
1779-10-09October 9th, two feints were made with
the country militia, and a real attack on Spring-
hill battery early in the morning, with 3500 French
troops, 600 continentals, and 350 of the inhabitants
of Charleston. These boldly marched up
to the lines, under the command of D’Estaing and
General Lincoln; but a heavy and well directed fire
from the batteries, and a cross fire from the gallies,
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threw the front of their columns into confusion.
Two standards, however, were planted on the
British redoubt. A retreat of the assailants was ordered,
after they had sustained the enemy’s fire for
fifty-five minutes. Count D’Estaing and Count
Polaski were both wounded. The former slightly,
but the latter mortally. Six hundred and thirty-
seven of the French, and upwards of two hundred
of the continental soldiers and militia were killed
or wounded. After this unsuccessful assault, the
American militia almost universally returned to
their homes. Count D’Estaing re-embarked his
troops and artillery, and left the continent.
The expedition of D’Estaing on the American
coast, though unsuccessful as to its principal object,
was eventually of benefit to the United States.
It disconcerted the measures already digested by
the British commanders, and procrastinated the
period of determining on a new plan of operation.
It also occasioned the evacuation of Rhode-Island;
though not to the advantage of America; for the
British had nearly 6000 men stationed two years
and eight months on that island, where they
could render little more service to the royal
cause, than could have been obtained by a couple
of frigates.
There was for some time a cessation of important
military operations through the province of
New-York. Congress embraced an opportunity
to dispatch General Sullivan to take vengeance on
the Indians of the Six Nations for their ravages
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and devastations. Upon which, General Sullivan
marched into the Indian country; burnt their
villages, destroyed their provisions, and laid waste
their fields and gardens. Not only the men and
warriors, but the women and children, and whole
settlements were involved in promiscuous desolation.
The cruelties, which the Indians and Americans
inflicted on each other, during the contest
with Britain, open a scene deeply wounding to
the feelings of humanity; and the brevity of this
work forms an apology for drawing a veil over
those horrid and destructive operations.
Chapter XXXIV.
The British troops gain the possession of Charleston,
in South-Carolina. Tarleton defeats Buford.
The inhabitants of South-Carolina generally submit
to the British government. General Sumpter’s
success. Battle of Camden. Tarleton defeats
Sumpter. Patriotism of the ladies of South-
Carolina. A party of loyalists dispersed by the
Americans. Sumpter collects a body of volunteers,
and performs several brave actions. Predatory
excursions of the British. The academy of arts
and sciences instituted in Massachusetts. Mutiny
of two regiments of Connecticut troops. Arrangements
in the army. Arrival of the French
fleet. Treaty between Holland and the United
States. General Arnold deserts the American
cause; and agrees to deliver West-Point to the
British. Unhappy fate of major Andre. Arnold
is made brigadier-general in the British army;
and endeavours to engage the continental troops to
desert the American cause.
The British army, under the command
of Sir Henry Clinton, commenced their
operations early this year with an attempt against
Charleston, in South-Carolina. The Americans,
at this period, were greatly dispirited with their
repulse at Savannah; and the number of troops
under General Lincoln was far too few for the
defence of the city.
On the 1780-04-1212th of April, the royal army opened
their batteries against Charleston; and during
eight days, a constant fire was kept up between
both parties. General Lincoln exerted himself
to the utmost in defending the town; but the
British speedily completed its investiture, both by
land and water; and brought the preparations to
storm it in every part in great forwardness. Necessity
at length impelled General Lincoln, who
had been applied to for that purpose by the inhabitants,
to surrender the town, on such articles of
capitulation as had been previously agreed to, by
General Clinton.
The loss on either side, during the siege, was
nearly equal. Of the king’s troops, 76 were killed,
and 189 wounded. Of the Americans, 89
were killed, and 140 wounded. The numbers,
which surrendered prisoners of war, inclusive
of the militia, and every adult male inhabitant,
were about 5000; but the proper garrison,
at the time of the surrender, did not exceed
2500. This was the first instance, in which the
Americans had attempted to defend a town.
After the surrender of Charleston, the next
object of the British was to secure the general
submission of the inhabitants. To this end they
posted garrisons in different parts of the country.
They also marched with upwards of 2000 men
towards North-Carolina. This caused an immediate
retreat of some parties of Americans, who
had advanced into the northern extremity of
South-Carolina, with the expectation of relieving
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Charleston. Among the corps, which had come
forward with that view, there was one consisting
of about 300 continental soldiers, commanded by
col. Buford. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, with
700 horse and foot, completely defeated this party,
who, dispirited by the loss of Charleston, made
but a feeble resistance. It is said, that Tarleton’s
forces refused quarter to the Americans, after they
had ceased to resist, and laid down their arms.
Sir Henry Clinton having left about 4000
men for the southern service, embarked early in
1780-06June, with the principal part of the army for New-
York. On his departure, the command devolved
on lieutenant-general Cornwallis. His lordship
committed the care of the frontier to Lord Rawdon,
and repairing to Charleston, devoted his
principal attention to the commercial and civil
regulation of South-Carolina. In the mean time,
the impossibility of removing their families and effects,
and the want of an army to which the militia
of the states might repair, induced the people in
the country to abandon all schemes of farther resistance.
At Beaufort, Camden and Ninety-six,
they generally laid down their arms, and submitted,
either as prisoners or subjects.
The first effort the Americans made in South-
Carolina was two months after the fall of Charleston.
1780-07-12July 12, col. Sumpter, a native of that
state, at the head of a number of exiles, took the
field against the victorious British. With the
small force of 133 men, he attacked and routed a
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detachment of the royal forces and militia, which
were posted in a lane at Williamson’s plantation.
The troops from the north-western frontier of
South-Carolina joined col. Sumpter with such
alacrity, that in a few days the force under his command
amounted to 600 men. With this increase
of strength, he made a spirited attack on a party
of British at Rocky-Mount; but having no artillery,
was obliged to retreat. This active partizan
attacked another royal detachment, consisting of
the prince of Wales’ regiment, and a large body of
tories, under colonel Bryan, posted at Hanging
Rock. He reduced the above regiment,
from 278 men, to nine. The remainder of loyalists
in that quarter were dispersed; and the
panic occasioned by the fall of Charleston daily
abated.
After General Lincoln was made prisoner at
Charleston, General Gates was appointed to command
in the southern department. On the approach
of his army, Earl Cornwallis hastened from
Charleston to Camden, where he attacked the
American troops, in an unfavorable situation; and
after a long and obstinate contest, gained a complete
victory. The continental troops fought
with undaunted courage; but the militia were
soon dismayed, and left the former to oppose the
whole force of the British army. Gen. Gates
exerted himself to the utmost to rally the militia,
but without effect. Two hundred and ninety
American wounded prisoners were carried into
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431
Camden, after the action, among whom was the
brave Baron de Kalb, who was mortally wounded.
The numbers slain cannot be precisely ascertained;
but it is supposed they amounted to about
700. More than 500 of the British were killed
and wounded, according to their own account.
Lieut. colonel Tarleton, who had greatly distinguished
himself in this action, was detached the
subsequent day, with a small body of cavalry and
light-infantry, to attack a corps of Americans
under Gen. Sumpter. He executed this service
with such celerity and address, as to overtake and
surprize this party at Fishing-Creek. Sumpter
was totally defeated, and his whole detachment
were either killed, captured or dispersed.
After the battle at Camden, Gen. Gates
retired first to Charlotte, from thence to Salisbury,
and soon after to Hillsborough. A minute
description of the retreat of the Americans from
Charlotte to Salisbury, would be the image of
complicated wretchedness.
Lord Cornwallis remained at Camden. The
loss he sustained in the battle, and the other disadvantages
under which he labored, restrained
him from pursuing his conquests. To compel the
re-establishment of British government, he, in about
four weeks after his victory, issued a proclamation
for the sequestration of all estates belonging
to the active friends of independence.
Intimidated by the prospect of poverty and ruin,
many became British subjects. However, several
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432
of the richest men in the state suffered their fortunes
to remain in the power and possession of the
conquerors, rather than stain their honor, by joining
the enemies of their country. The patriotism
of the ladies contributed greatly to this firmness.
They crowded on board prison-ships, and other
places of confinement, to solace their suffering countrymen.
Large numbers of females, who were banished
from their families, and whose property was
seized by the conquerors, cheerfully parted with
their sons, husbands and brothers, exhorting them
to fortitude and perseverance, and repeatedly entreating
them never to suffer family attachments to
interfere with the duty they owed to their country.
When, in the progress of the war, they were also
comprehended under a general sentence of banishment,
with equal resolution they parted with
their native country, and their many endearing
connexions; followed their husbands into prison-
ships and distant lands, where they were reduced
to the necessity of receiving charity.
Whilst Lord Cornwallis was restrained from
active operations, major Ferguson undertook personally
to visit the settlements of the disaffected to
the American cause, and to train their young men
for service in the field. Having collected a corps
of militia, he encamped on the top of King’s
mountain, near the confines of North and South-
Carolina. Here he was attacked by a party of American
volunteers, and after a severe conflict, received
a mortal wound. The contest was terminated
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433
by the submission of the survivers. Upwards
of 800 became prisoners, and 225 had been previously
killed or wounded. The total rout of
the party, which had joined major Ferguson, operated
as a check on the future exertions of the
loyalists.
The defeat of major Ferguson, and the consequent
retreat of Lord Cornwallis, encouraged the
American militia to renew their exertions. Gen.
Sumpter, after the dispersion of his force on the
1780-08-1818th of August, collected a corps of volunteers,
and received such occasional reinforcements, as enabled
him to keep the field, though there was no
continental army in South-Carolina for three
months. Having mounted his followers, he infested
the British, beat up their quarters, intercepted
their convoys, and so harrassed them with successive
alarms, that their movements could not be
made but with caution and difficulty. He was attacked
at Broad-river by major Wemys, commanding
a corps of infantry and dragoons. In this action,
the British were defeated, and their commanding
officer taken prisoner. Soon after, he
was attacked at Black Stocks, near Tyger-river,
by lieutenant-colonel Tarleton; but the royal
forces were obliged to retreat, with considerable
loss.
In the mean time General Gates was exerting
himself to the utmost to repair the injuries of his
defeat, and was again in a condition to face the
enemy, when he received official information, that
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General Greene was appointed to succeed him in
the command of the southern department.
Whilst the war raged in South-Carolina, an
incursion was made into Jersey, from New-York,
with 5000 men, commanded by lieutenant-general
Knyphausen. They landed at Elizabethtown, and
proceeded to Connecticut farms. In this neighborhood,
the Rev. Mr. Caldwell resided, a Presbyterian
clergyman, who had rendered himself
peculiarly obnoxious to the British, by his active
zeal in the American cause. A soldier entered
his house in his absence, and shot Mrs. Caldwell
instantly dead. After this cruel action, the house,
and every thing in it was reduced to ashes. The
British burnt about twelve other houses, and also
the Presbyterian church, and then proceeded to
Springfield. As they advanced, the Americans
marched in such numbers to oppose them, that
they retreated to Elizabethtown. Whilst the royal
detachment was in Jersey, Sir Henry Clinton had
returned from Charleston to New-York, and having
sent a reinforcement to Knyphausen, the whole advanced
a second time to Springfield. They were
now opposed by General Greene, with a considerable
number of continental troops. Colonel Angel,
with his regiment, and a piece of artillery, defended
the bridge, which he was ordered to secure,
with great gallantry. Superior numbers, however,
at length, overcame obstinate bravery, and the
Americans were obliged to retire. They lost
about 80 men in this action; and the loss of the
British was supposed to be much greater. They
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closed this expedition with burning nearly fifty
dwelling-houses, in Springfield, and returned to
New-York.
By such desultory operations, were hostilities
conducted at this time in the northern states. Individuals
were killed, houses were burnt, and much
mischief done; but nothing was effected, which
tended either to reconcilement or subjugation.
It is remarkable, that amidst the anxieties and
avocations attending the war, the Massachusetts
general court passed an act (1780-05-04May 4) to incorporate
and establish a society for the cultivation and
promotion of the arts and sciences, by the name of
the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. It is
declared in the act, “that the end and design of
the institution is, to promote and encourage the
knowledge of the antiquities of America, and of
the natural history of the country; and, in short,
to promote the study of all the arts and sciences
that may tend to advance a free, independent and
virtuous people.”
The distress which the Americans suffered from
the diminished value of their currency, this year
arrived to its highest pitch. The consequences of
this depreciation were felt with peculiar severity by
those, who were engaged in military services, and
greatly augmented their other hardships. This
cause, superadded to a complication of wants and
sufferings, occasioned a disposition to mutiny to
appear in the American army. Thirty-one of
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436
the soldiers, who were stationed at Fort-Schuyler,
went off in a body. Being pursued, sixteen of
them were overtaken, and thirteen of that number
instantly killed. About the same time, two regiments
of Connecticut troops mutinied, and got
under arms. They determined to return home,
or to gain subsistence at the point of the bayonet.
Their officers reasoned with them, and urged
every argument that could either interest their
pride or their passions. After much expostulation,
they were at length prevailed upon to go to their
huts.
In order to mitigate these distresses, congress endeavoured
to give all possible satisfaction to their
officers and soldiers. They appointed a committee
for arranging their finances; and made some
other regulations respecting the various public departments.
The committee of congress in the American
camp, wrote sundry letters to the states, stimulating
them to vigorous exertions. It was agreed
to make arrangements for bringing into the field
35,000 effective men; to make up the deficiency
in the enlistments by draughts from the militia,
and to call on the states for specific supplies
of every thing necessary for their support.
Whilst these preparations were making, the
French armament was on its way to America. On
the 1780-07-1010th of July M. de Ternay
arrived at Newport,
in Rhode-Island, with a fleet consisting of seven
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437
ships of the line, several frigates, and other vessels
of inferior force; and a body of land forces,
to the amount of about 6000 men, under the command
of lieutenant-general Count de Rochambeau.
General Heath was present to receive the
troops upon their landing, and to give them the
possession of the forts and batteries in the island,
which by their exertions were soon put in a state of
defence.
On the 1780-09-044th of September, the plan of a treaty
of commerce, between the states of Holland and
the United States, was signed by their respective
agents. Mr. de Neusville, as agent from the city
of Amsterdam, engaged that the regency of that
city would never adopt any measure contrary to
the interests of America, so long as the conduct of
the Americans should be conformable to the interests
of the states of Holland; but that they would
use all their influence with the states of the seven
United Provinces, to effect the desired connexion.
The business was conducted, on the part of America,
by John Adams, the present president of the
United States.
In the month of 1780-09September, a discovery of the
utmost importance was made, which was a scheme
for delivering West-Point into the hands of Sir
Henry Clinton. Gen. Arnold, who had the command
of that post, possessed the most distinguished
military talents, and had been prodigal of life in
defence of his country. A taste for parade and
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438
extravagant living had deeply involved him in
debt, and his necessities induced him to desert the
American cause. His love of pleasure produced
the love of money, and that extinguished all sensibility
to the obligations of honor and duty.
Hence contracts were made, speculations entered
into, and partnerships instituted, which could not
bear investigation. Oppression, extortion, misapplication
of public money and property, furnished him
with the farther means of gratifying his favorite
passions. In these circumstances, a change of
sides afforded the only hope of evading a scrutiny,
and at the same time, held out a prospect of replenishing
his exhausted coffers. Influenced by
these motives, he solicited the command of West-
Point, which had been stiled the “Gibraltar of
America”, in order to betray that important fortress
into the hands of the British.
The agent employed in this negociation on the
part of Sir Henry Clinton, was major Andre, adjutant-general
in the British army, who is described
by Dr. Ramsay as “a young officer of great
hopes, and of uncommon merit. Nature had
bestowed on him an elegant taste for literature and
the fine arts, which by industrious cultivation he
had greatly improved. He possessed many amiable
qualities, and great accomplishments. His
fidelity, together with his place and character,
eminently fitted him for this business; but his
high ideas of candor, and his abhorrence of duplicity,
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439
made him inexpert in practising those arts of
deception which it required.”
For the speedy completion of the negociation,
that was conducted between Sir Henry and General
Arnold, the Vulture sloop of war was stationed in
the North-river, at such a distance from the
American posts, as without exciting suspicion,
would serve for the necessary communications.
A written correspondence, through other channels,
had been maintained, since the year 17791779, between
Arnold and Andre at New-York, under the names
of Gustavus and Anderson.
On the 1780-09-2121st of September, the necessary arrangements
being made, a boat was sent at night
from the shore to fetch major Andre, which
brought him to the beach without the posts of either
army, where he met Arnold. Their business
was not finished, till it was too near the dawn of
day for the major to return; and Arnold informed
him he must be concealed till the next night. For
that purpose he was conducted within one of the
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440
American posts, against his previous stipulation
and knowledge, and continued with Arnold the
following day. The boatmen refused to conduct
him back the next night, as the Vulture, from being
exposed to the fire of some cannon, brought up
to annoy her, had changed her position. Andre
was, therefore, obliged to return to New-York by
land. To favor his escape, he quitted his uniform,
which he had hitherto worn under his surtout, for
a common coat. He was furnished with a horse,
and under the name of John Anderson, received a
passport from Arnold “to go to the lines of
White Plains, or lower, if he thought proper, he
being on public business.”
Major Andre pursued his journey alone, and
proceeded undisturbed a great part of the way to
New-York. When he imagined himself out of
danger, he was stopt by three of the New-York
militia, who were out on a scouting party, between
the out posts of the two armies. One of these men
sprung from his covert, and seized Andre’s horse
by the bridle. The major, instead of instantly producing
his pass, asked the man where he belonged,
who answered, “to below.” Andre, suspecting no
deceit, said, “so do I.” Then declaring himself a
British officer, he pressed that he might not be detained,
being on urgent business. Upon the arrival
of the other two soldiers, he discovered his
mistake. His captors proceeded to search him,
and found his papers. He offered them a purse
of gold, and a valuable new watch, if they would
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441
permit him to pass; and permanent provision, and
future promotion, if they would convey and accompany
him to New-York. They nobly disdained
these proffered bribes, and declared, that “ten
thousand guineas, or any other sum, would be no
temptation to them.” They delivered him a prisoner
to lieutenant-colonel Jameson, who commanded
the scouting parties.
In order to give Arnold time to escape, Andre
requested colonel Jameson, that a line might be
sent to acquaint him with the detention of Anderson.
This was inconsiderately granted. Arnold,
on the receipt of this letter, abandoned every
thing, and hastened on board the Vulture sloop of
war. Colonel Jameson forwarded to General
Washington all the papers found on Andre;
together with a letter, giving an account of the
whole affair; but the express missed him, by taking
a different route from the general, who was returning
from a conference at Hartford, with Count
de Rochambeau. This caused such a delay, as
gave Arnold time to effect his escape. The packet
was accompanied with a letter from the prisoner,
which, says Dr. Ramsay, “was expressed in terms
of dignity, without insolence, and of apology,
without meanness.” He avowed himself to be
major Andre, adjutant-general in the British army;
related the manner of his capture, and endeavoured
to show that he did not come under the description
of a spy. His principal request was, that
“whatever his fate might be, a decency of treatmentHHh
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442
might be observed, which would mark, that
though unfortunate, he was branded with nothing
that was dishonorable, and that he was involuntarily
an impostor.”
On the 1780-09-2929th of September, General Washington
appointed a board of fourteen general officers,
with the assistance of the judge advocate general,
to examine major Andre’s case, and to determine
in what light it ought to be considered. Andre,
disdaining all subterfuge and evasion, voluntarily
confessed more than he was asked, and sought not
to palliate any thing relating to himself, whilst he
concealed, with the most guarded and scrupulous
delicacy, whatever might involve others. The
board did not examine a single witness; but
founded their report merely upon his own candid
confession. Hence, they declared it to be their
opinion, “that major Andre ought to be considered
as a spy, and that, agreeably to the laws and
usages of nations, he ought to suffer death.”
The royal commanders made every exertion in
favor of Andre. Several letters passed between
the Generals Clinton and Washington, relative to
this unhappy affair, and an interview took place
between Generals Robertson and Greene, on this
occasion; but all their efforts were ineffectual.
Andre, though superior to the terrors of death,
wished to die like a soldier. To obtain this favor,
he wrote a letter to General Washington, fraught
with sentiments of military dignity. From an adherence
to the usage of war, it was not thought
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443
proper to grant this request; but his delicacy was
saved from the pain of receiving a negative answer.
When led out to the place of execution, at Tappan,
in the state of New-York, the way over which
he passed was crowded on each side by anxious
spectators. Their sensibility was strongly impressed,
by beholding a well dressed youth, in the
bloom of life, of a peculiarly engaging person,
mien and aspect, devoted to immediate execution.
Major Andre walked with firmness, composure and
dignity; and a smile of complacency expressed the
serene fortitude of his mind. Upon seeing the
preparations at the fatal spot, he asked, with some
degree of concern, “must I die in this manner?”
He was informed that it was unavoidable. He replied,
“I am reconciled to my fate, but not to the
mode;” but soon subjoined, “it will be but a
momentary pang”. He ascended the cart with a
pleasing countenance, and with a degree of composure,
which excited the admiration, and melted
the hearts of all the spectators. He was asked,
when the fatal moment was at hand, if he had any
thing to say; he answered, nothing, but to request,
“that you will witness to the world, that I die
like a brave man.” The succeeding moments
closed the affecting scene.
A review of the unhappy fate of the accomplished
Andre, must be deeply affecting to the feeling
heart. Among the calamities of war, we behold
the virtuous and brave destroying each other;
and the feelings of humanity yielding to the stern
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dictates of military justice. In this affecting instance,
we see the life of an amiable individual sacrificed
to policy, and the usages of war. His
blooming youth, accomplished manners, and the
many beautiful traits in his character, excite
esteem, admiration, the tenderest compassion, and
deepest regret. Such emotions were doubtless
felt, in the strongest manner, by the brave officers,
who passed the decisive sentence, that put a
period to his valuable life.
The traitor Arnold was made a brigadier-
general in the British army. He published an address
to the inhabitants of America, dated from
New-York, 1780-10-07October 7, in which he endeavoured
to justify his desertion of their cause. This address
was soon followed by another, inscribed to the officers
and soldiers in the continental army, in
which he used a variety of insinuating arguments,
and offered them large pay and promotion, to allure
them to follow his example. But all his endeavours
were abortive, and desertion wholly ceased
at this remarkable period of the war.
Chapter XXXV.
Revolt of the Pennsylvania line. Of a number of
Jersey troops. Expedition against Morrissania.
Virginia invaded by Arnold. Engagement between
the British and French fleets. Generals Phillips
and Arnold ravage Virginia. General Morgan
defeats lieut. col. Tarleton, in a battle at the
Cowpens. Lord Cornwallis pursues General
Morgan. Battle at Guildford court-house. Gen.
Greene returns to South-Carolina. He is defeated
by Lord Rawdon, at Camden. He takes a number
of British posts. Ninety-Six besieged; but relieved
by Lord Rawdon. General Greene retreats.
His heroic resolution. Battle at Eutaw-
Springs. The British driven down to Charleston.
.
Though General Arnold’s address
to his countrymen produced no effect in detaching
the American soldiers from the unproductive service
of congress, their steadiness could not be accounted
for from any melioration of their circumstances.
They still remained without pay, and
destitute of such clothing as the season required.
These complicated distresses excited a mutiny in
the army, which made its first threatening appearance
in the Pennsylvania line. On the 1781-01-011st of
January, 1300 of these troops turned out, and peremptorily
refused to serve any longer, unless they
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could obtain redress of grievances. At the same
time, they repeatedly, and in the strongest terms,
denied being influenced by the least disaffection to
the American cause; or having any intention of
deserting to the enemy. They rejected all the
flattering proposals which were made to them, at
this period, by the British, with disdain. They
even delivered two of Sir Henry Clinton’s messengers
to General Wayne. They were tried by a
board of officers, condemned for spies, and instantly
executed.
In order to accommodate matters with the revolters,
commissioners were appointed to hear their
complaints, and redress their grievances. Upon
which they cheerfully returned to their duty in
the continental army. They nobly refused a purse
of an hundred guineas, which was offered them
as a reward for their fidelity, in delivering the
spies.
On occasion of this revolt, the commander in
chief stated, in a circular letter to the four eastern
states, the well founded complaints of his army;
and the impossibility of keeping them together,
under the pressure of such a variety of sufferings.
General Knox was requested to be the bearer of
these dispatches; and to urge the states to an immediate
exertion for the relief of the soldiers. He
visited New-England, and with great earnestness
described their wants and distress. His energetic
efforts induced the states to make advances for their relief.
The success of the Pennsylvania revolters encouraged
about 160 of the Jersey brigade, soon
after, to seek redress in a similar method. They
did not, however, conduct with equal spirit
and prudence; but committed several acts of
outrage against particular officers, while they
affected to be submissive to others. Three of the
most notorious of the leaders, were, by a court-
martial, unanimously sentenced to death, and accordingly
executed. The others made public
concessions to their officers, and promised, by
future good conduct, to atone for past offences.
These unfortunate events, however, did not
damp the enterprizing spirit of the American army.
An expedition was formed, under the direction
of General Parsons; the executive part of
which was confided to the military address of
lieut. col. Hull, against a post of the enemy, called
Morrissania. The army, after contending with a
severe storm of hail and snow, while on a march
of more than thirty miles, surprized them in their
huts, on the 1781-01-2222d of January, and captured 100
persons, with some horses and cattle; and after destroying
the barracks and forage, effected a retreat
in good order. For this well conducted service,
General Parsons, for his arrangement, and colonel
Hull, for his intrepidity, received the thanks of
congress, and of the commander in chief.
The British appear to have planned the campaign
of 17811781 in such a manner, as to attack the
Americans in a variety of places at once. Accordingly,
in that year, the war raged not only
in the vicinity of New-York, but in Georgia,
South and North-Carolina, and in Virginia.
This year General Arnold made a predatory incursion
into Virginia. His force consisted of about
1600 men, and was supported by such a number
of armed vessels, as enabled him to commit extensive
ravages in the country. The invaders first
destroyed large quantities of stores in Richmond,
and soon after committed similar devastations in
several other places.
The destructive ravages, which were made by
General Arnold, and the apprehension of a design
to fix a permanent post in Virginia, induced General
Washington to detach 1200 men, under the
conduct of the Marquis de la Fayette, to the relief
of that state. He was also to urge the French in
Rhode-Island to co-operate with him in attempting
to capture Arnold and his party. The French
commanders supposed an opportunity offered of
rendering essential service to their allies, and accepted
the proposal with avidity. A partial engagement
took place, between their fleet and that
of the British. The contest was nearly balanced,
and ended without the loss of a ship on either side.
The British, however, obtained the fruits of victory
so far as to oblige their adversaries to return to
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Rhode-Island, without effecting the purposes of
the expedition.
A few days after this engagement, a convoy arrived
from New-York, having on board about 2000
chosen troops, under General Phillips, who was
appointed to the command in Virginia. He soon
effected a junction with Arnold, and they successively
defeated those bodies of militia, which remained
to defend the country. In their destructive expeditions,
they spread terror and desolation; and
destroyed property to an immense amount.
Whilst the royal forces were plundering Virginia,
the war raged in the two Carolinas. The
success of the British, in reducing Charleston, encouraged
them to project an invasion of North-
Carolina. Hence Lord Cornwallis began to make
vigorous exertions, in order to penetrate into that
state. His progress was retarded by an attempt
made by the Americans, under General Morgan,
to gain possession of the valuable district of Ninety-Six.
In order to counteract this design, Lord
Cornwallis detached lieutenant-colonel Tarleton,
with about 1100 men. His force was much superior
to the Americans, and two thirds of the
latter were militia. With these fair prospects
of success, Tarleton attacked
Morgan at the Cowpens,
a place near Pacolet river. The Americans,
after an obstinate contest, gained a complete victory.
Upwards of 300 of the British were killed or
wounded, and about 500 prisoners were taken.
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The Americans had only twelve men killed, and
sixty wounded.
This brilliant success entirely disconcerted the
plan of Lord Cornwallis. He hoped, however, by
vigorous exertions, to recover what he had lost.
With the expectation of retaking the prisoners
captured at the Cowpens, and to make reparation
for the late defeat in that place, his lordship instantly
determined on the pursuit of General Morgan,
who had moved off towards Virginia, with his
prisoners. The movements of the royal troops, in
consequence of this determination, induced General
Greene to leave the main army under the command
of Gen. Huger, that he might join Morgan’s
detachment, and direct the motions of both
divisions of his army.
The British urged the pursuit with so much
rapidity, that they reached the ford of the Catabaw
on the evening of the same day on which
their fleeing adversaries had crossed it. Before the
next morning, a heavy fall of rain rendered this
river impassable. Had it risen a few hours earlier,
the Americans would have had no chance of escape,
and their prisoners would have been retaken
by the enemy. The arrival of General Greene
at this time, who directed the retreat in the most
judicious manner, was equally providential.
After the British had effected a passage of
the Catabaw, they continued their pursuit. The
Americans soon after crossed the Yadkin, and secured
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the boats on the north side. The want of
boats, and the rapid rising of the river, again prevented
Lord Cornwallis from reaching them.
These repeated providential escapes were considered
by the Americans as evidences, that their cause
was favored by heaven.
Lord Cornwallis had disengaged his army of
part of their baggage, in order to accelerate his
pursuit. The Americans, however, by a rapidity
of movements, and the interference of Providence,
eluded his efforts, and by the most indefatigable
exertions, General Greene transported his army,
artillery and baggage, over the river Dan, into
Virginia.
In this state, he received some reinforcements;
upon which he returned to North-Carolina, and encamped
in the vicinity of Lord Cornwallis’ army.
By a variety of the best concerted manœuvres, and
by the secrecy and promptitude of his motions, he so
judiciously supported the arrangement of his troops,
that during three weeks, whilst the enemy remained
near him, he prevented their taking any advantage
of their superiority, and cut off all opportunity
of their receiving succors from the royalists.
At length, General Greene effected a junction
with a continental regiment, and two considerable
bodies of Virginia and Carolina militia. He, therefore,
determined no longer to avoid an engagement.
The American army consisted of about 4400
men, of whom nearly two thirds were militia. The
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British were about 2400, of chosen troops, grown
veteran in victories. Lord Cornwallis, being apprized
of General Greene’s intentions, marched
out to meet him; and an action commenced near
Guildford court-house. After an obstinate contest,
which continued an hour and an half, the
discipline of veteran troops gained the victory.
The battle was terminated by General Greene’s
ordering a retreat, when he perceived, that the enemy
were on the point of encircling his troops.
The victory gained by the British was dearly
bought. Their losses, in killed, wounded and missing,
were estimated at 532, among whom were
several officers of distinction. The loss of the
Americans amounted to about 400 killed and
wounded. Lord Cornwallis found himself unable
to pursue the advantage, which his recent success
seemed to promise.
Soon after this engagement, General Greene returned
to South-Carolina, and advanced to Camden.
This place was covered on the south and east
sides by a river and a creek, and to the westward
and northward by six redoubts. It was defended
by Lord Rawdon, with 900 men. The American
army, consisting of about an equal number of continentals,
and between two and three hundred militia,
was unequal to the task of carrying this post by
storm, or of completely investing it. General
Greene therefore took a good position, about a mile
distant, in expectation of alluring the garrison out
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of their lines. Lord Rawdon, with great spirit,
sallied out, and attacked General Greene in his
camp. The defence was obstinate; and for some
part of the engagement, victory evidently inclined
to the Americans; but, in the progress of the action,
the premature retreat of two companies eventually
occasioned the defeat of their whole army.
Their loss, in killed, wounded and missing, was between
two and three hundred. Lord Rawdon lost
258. After this action, the Americans encamped
about five miles from their former position; and
the British retired to Camden. Lord Rawdon,
however, was soon after obliged to evacuate this
post.
Gen. Greene continued to make the most vigorous
exertions, in order to recover South-Carolina
from the power of the British. His efforts were, in
various instances, crowned with success. The numerous
forts, garrisoned by the enemy, fell, one
after the other, into the hands of the Americans.
Orangeburg, Motte, Watson, Georgetown, and
Granby, were surrendered; and they contained a
very considerable number of prisoners of war,
with military stores and artillery.
Whilst operations were carrying on against
the small posts, Gen. Greene proceeded, with his
main army, and laid siege to Ninety-Six, in which
lieut. col. Cruger, with 500 men, were advantageously
posted. The siege was conducted for a
considerable time with great spirit; and the place
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was defended with equal bravery. When, at
length, the works were so much reduced, that farther
resistance would have been temerity, Lord
Rawdon received from Europe a reinforcement of
three regiments, which enabled him to relieve
this important post. In these circumstances, Gen.
Greene was reduced to the alternative of abandoning
the siege, or proceeding to an assault. The
latter, being more agreeable to his enterprizing
spirit, was attempted; and, though the assailants
displayed great resolution, they were repulsed, with
the loss of 150 men; upon which he raised the
siege, and retreated over the Saluda.
This event involved the American army in great
distress. Their expectations were blasted, when
in the grasp of victory; and they were obliged to
seek a retreat in the extremity of the country,
when nearly masters of the whole. In this gloomy
situation, Gen. Greene was advised to retire with
his remaining force to Virginia. To suggestions
of this kind he nobly replied, “I will recover
South-Carolina, or die in the attempt.”
Some unimportant skirmishes took place, between
detached parties of both armies, in 1781-07July and
1781-08August. On the 1781-09-099th of
September, Gen. Greene
having assembled about 2000 men, proceeded to
attack the British, who, under the command of
col. Stewart, were posted at Eutaw-Springs. A
most obstinate battle ensued in this place, and
continued from nine in the morning till one in
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the afternoon. The American forces were drawn
up in two lines. The first was composed of militia,
the second of continental troops. As they
advanced, they fell in with two parties of the
British, three or four miles ahead of their main
army. These being briskly attacked, soon retired.
The militia continued to pursue and fire,
till the action became general, and they were
obliged to give way. In the hottest part of the
engagement, Gen. Greene ordered the Maryland
and Virginia continentals to charge with trailed
arms. Nothing could surpass the intrepidity of
both officers and men on this occasion. They
rushed on in good order through a heavy cannonade,
and a shower of musketry, with such unshaken
resolution, that they bore down all before
them. Lieut. colonel Campbell, while bravely
leading his men on to that successful charge, received
a mortal wound. After he had fallen, he
enquired who gave way, and being informed that
the British were fleeing in all quarters, replied,
“I die contented,” and immediately expired. The
British were vigorously pursued, and upwards of
500 of them were taken prisoners. They, however,
made a fresh stand, in a favorable position,
in a strong brick house, and picketed garden.
Lieut. col. Washington, after having made every
effort to dislodge them, was wounded and taken
prisoner. Four six-pounders were ordered up
before the house, from under cover of which the
British were firing. The Americans were compelled
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to leave these pieces and retire; but they
left a strong picket on the field of battle, and
only retreated to the nearest water in their rear.
In the evening of the next day, lieut. col. Stewart,
who commanded on this occasion, left 70 of
his wounded men, and a thousand stand of arms,
and moved from the Eutaws, towards Charleston.
The loss of the British, inclusive of prisoners, was
upwards of 1100; that of the Americans about
500, in which number were 60 officers.
Soon after this engagement, the Americans retired
to their former position, on the high hills of
Santee, and the British took post in the vicinity of
Monk’s corner. In the end of the year, General
Greene moved down to the lower country, and
about the same time, the royal army abandoned
their out posts, and retired to the quarter-house, on
Charleston-neck.
The battle at Eutaw, may be considered as closing
the national war in South-Carolina. The exertions
which the enemy afterwards made, produced
no other effect than the loss of property and individual
lives. The crops, which the British had
planted in the spring, were reaped by the Americans.
“History,” says Dr. Ramsay,
“affords but
few instances of commanders, who have achieved so
much with equal means, as was done by General
Greene, in the short space of a twelvemonth. He
opened the campaign with gloomy prospects, but
closed it with glory. His unpaid and half naked
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army, had to contend with veteran soldiers, supplied
with every thing that the wealth of Britain, or
plunder of Carolina could procure. Under all
these disadvantages, he compelled superior numbers
to retire from the extremity of the state, and confine
themselves in the capital and its vicinity. Had
not his mind been of the firmest texture, he would
have been discouraged; but his enemies found him
as formidable on the evening of a defeat, as on the
morning of a victory.”
Chapter XXXVI.
Lord Cornwallis joins the royal forces in Virginia.
The Marquis de la Fayette’s able movements.
General Wayne attacks the British army. Lord
Cornwallis fortifies Yorktown and Glocester. Plan
for his capture. Arrival of Count de Grasse with
his fleet. Admiral Greaves engages the French
fleet off Chesapeak. Arnold’s expedition into Connecticut.
Lord Cornwallis closely besieged in
Yorktown. He surrenders. Joy of the Americans
on that occasion.
Lord Cornwallis, soon after the battle
at Guildford court-house, marched to Wilmington,
in North-Carolina. Previously to his departure
from that place, he received information, that
General Greene had begun his march for Camden.
Though his lordship was apprehensive of danger
from that quarter, yet, preferring the extensive
scale of operations which Virginia presented, to the
narrow one of preserving past conquests, he determined
to leave South-Carolina to be defended by
Lord Rawdon. Before the end of 1781-04April, he,
therefore, proceeded to Virginia. By the combination
of the royal force previously employed in
this state, with the troops which had marched from
Wilmington, Lord Cornwallis was at the head of
a very powerful army; and soon after his arrival,
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he was reinforced by 1500 men from New-York.
About the same time he received information, that
three British regiments had sailed from Cork to
Charleston. These events, together with Lord
Rawdon’s report of the advantage he had gained
over General Greene, dissipated all his anxiety for
South-Carolina, and inspired him with the most
sanguine expectations of a glorious campaign.
The defensive forces, which were opposed to the
formidable British army, were principally entrusted
to the Marquis de la Fayette. Early in the year,
as has been already related, he had been detached
from the main American army on an expedition,
the object of which was a co-operation with the
French fleet in capturing General Arnold. On
the failure of this, the marquis marched back as
far as the head of Elk. There he received an order
to return to Virginia to oppose the British forces,
which had become more formidable, by the arrival
of a considerable reinforcement, under Gen.
Phillips. He proceeded, without delay, to Richmond,
and arrived there the day before the British
reached Manchester, on the opposite side of James
river. His presence, with a body of troops, secured
Richmond from the hostile attacks of the British,
and saved the military stores with which it
was then filled. The superiority of the royal
forces was so great, that he had before him an arduous
task, and was pressed with various embarrassments.
In this situation he began to retire with
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his little army, which consisted of about 1000
regulars, 200 militia, and 60 dragoons.
Lord Cornwallis advanced from Petersburg to
James river, which he crossed at Westown, and
thence marching through Hanover county, crossed
the South Anna, or Pamunkey river. The marquis
followed his motions, but at a guarded distance.
The superiority of the British army enabled
them to traverse the country in all directions. In
the course of their marches, and countermarches,
immense quantities of property were destroyed,
many unimportant skirmishes took place, and many
partial conquests were made, without any permanent
effect. Lord Cornwallis despised the youth
of his opponent, and unguardedly wrote to Great-
Britain, “The boy cannot escape me.” The young
marquis, however, acted with so much caution,
made so judicious a choice of posts, and exhibited
so much vigor and design in his movements, as to
prevent any advantage being taken of his weakness
He effected a junction at Racoon Ford with
General Wayne, who was at the head of 800
Pennsylvanians. Whilst this junction was forming,
the British got between the American army and its
stores, which had been removed from Richmond
to Abemarle old court-house. The marquis had
the address to extricate himself from this difficulty.
By forced marches he arrived within a few miles
of the enemy, when they were two days march
from Abemarle court-house, and opened in the
night a nearer road, which had been long disused,
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and was much embarrassed. To the surprize of
Lord Cornwallis, the marquis fixed himself the next
day in a strong position, between the British army
and the American stores.
This judicious movement deranged the plans of
the British general, and induced him to commence
a retrograde movement to Richmond. About this
time, the marquis’ army was reinforced by Steuben’s
troops, and by militia, from the parts adjacent.
He followed Lord Cornwallis, and had the
address to impress him with an idea, that the American
army was much greater than it really was.
His lordship, therefore, retreated to Williamsburg.
The day after the main body of the British army
arrived, their rear was attacked by an American
light corps, under col. Butler, and sustained a considerable
loss.
About the time Lord Cornwallis reached Williamsburg,
he received intelligence from New-
York, exhibiting the danger, to which that city
was exposed, from a combined attack, that was
said to be threatened by the allies. Sir Henry
Clinton, therefore, required his lordship to send
him a detachment, if he was not engaged in any
important enterprize; and recommended to him
a healthy station, with an ample defensive post, till
New-York should be out of danger. Lord Cornwallis,
in order to comply with this requisition, determined
to retire to Portsmouth, judging that
he could more easily maintain that post, with a
diminished force, than his present position. For
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the execution of this plan, he was obliged to cross
James river. The Marquis de la Fayette, supposing
this to be a favorable opportunity for acting
offensively, advanced on the British. General
Wayne, being informed, that the main body of
the royal forces had crossed the river, pushed forward
with 800 men, to harrass their rear. Contrary
to his expectations, he found the whole
British army ready to oppose him. With great
presence of mind, he extricated himself from his
perilous situation, by boldly attacking and engaging
them with spirit; and then retreating with the
utmost expedition. Lord Cornwallis, suspecting
the whole was a scheme to draw him into an ambuscade,
did not pursue. The British passed the river
at night, and retired to Portsmouth without molestation.
Lord Cornwallis had previously taken the necessary
steps for forwarding part of his army to
New-York. But before they failed, an express arrived
from Sir Henry Clinton, with a letter, allowing
him to detain the whole of the forces under
his command, expressing his preference of Williamsburg
to Portsmouth, for the residence of the
army, and his desire that Old Point Comfort, or
Hampton Road, should be secured as a station for
line of battle ships. It being a principal object of
the campaign to fix on a strong permanent post or
place of arms in the Chesapeak, for security of both
the army and navy, and the places above mentioned
having been found unfit for this purpose, Yorktown
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and Glocester-Point were considered as most
likely to accord to the views of the royal commanders.
Lord Cornwallis therefore evacuated Portsmouth,
and assiduously applied himself to fortify
those posts, and render them equally respectable
by land and water. His whole force amounted to
about 7000 excellent troops.
Whilst his lordship was thus exerting himself
to render his post impregnable; the combined army
of French and Americans were equally active
in their attempts to repel their enemies, and hoped,
by vigorous exertions, to put a period to the war.
The plan of the whole campaign had been fixed
at Weatherfield, in an interview between Generals
Washington, Knox and du Portal, on the part
of the Americans, and the Count de Rochambeau
and the chevalier Chasteleux, on the part of the
French. This was to lay siege to New-York, in
concert with a French fleet, which was to arrive on
the coast in the month of 1781-08August. It was agreed
that the French troops should march towards the
North-river. Letters were addressed to the executive
officers of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts,
Connecticut and New-Jersey, requiring, among
other things, militia to the amount of 6200. The
French troops marched from Rhode-Island in 1781-06June,
and early in the following month joined the American
army. About the time this junction was effected,
General Washington marched his army
from their winter encampment near Peek’s kill, to
the vicinity of King’s Bridge. He was, however,
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after these introductory movements, deterred from
executing his plan by the insufficiency of his
forces.
Dr. Ramsay observes, that, “the tardiness of
the states, which at other times had brought them
near the brink of ruin, was at present the accidental
cause of real service. Had they sent forward
their recruits for the regular army, and their quotas
of militia, as was expected, the siege of New-
York would have commenced in the latter end of
1781-07July, or early in 1781-08August.
Whilst the season was
wasting away in expectation of these reinforcements,
Lord Cornwallis, as has been related, fixed
himself near the capes of Virginia. His situation
there, the arrival of a reinforcement of 3000 Germans
from Europe at New-York, the superior
strength of the garrison, the failure of the states in
filling up their battalions, and embodying their
militia, and especially the recent intelligence from
Count de Grasse, that his destination was fixed to
the Chesapeak, concurred, about the middle of
1781-08August, to make a total change of the plan of the
campaign.”
The American commander still kept up the appearance
of an intention to attack New-York, in
order to amuse and deceive the British general.
Whilst this deception was played off, the allied army
crossed the North-river, and passed on, by the
way of Philadelphia, to Yorktown.
Whilst the attack of New-York was in serious
contemplation, a letter from General Washington,
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detailing the particulars of the intended operations
of the campaign, fell into the hands of Sir Henry
Clinton. Under the strong impression of this intelligence,
the British commander believed every
movement towards Virginia to be a feint, calculated
to draw his attention from the defence of
New-York. Hence he bent his whole force to
strengthen that post, and suffered the French and
American armies to pass him without any molestation.
When General Washington had reached Chester,
he received the joyful intelligence, that Count
de Grasse had arrived in the Chesapeak, with
twenty-eight sail of the line, from the West-Indies.
The count, on his passage, fell in with
and took a packet from Charleston, having Lord
Rawdon on board, who was on his return to
Great-Britain.
Count de Grasse, with the utmost expedition,
blocked up York-river, with three large ships and
some frigates, and moored the principal part of
his fleet in Lynhaven-bay. In order to relieve
Lord Cornwallis, Admiral Greaves, with a British
fleet, appeared off the capes of Virginia. The French
admiral, with his superior fleet, went out to meet
him, and an indecisive engagement took place.
In the beginning of 1781-09September, Count de Grasse’s
fleet was joined by eight sail of men of war, from
Rhode-Island, under M. Barras. After the French
fleet had obtained such a superiority, Admiral
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Greaves soon took his departure, and M. de Grasse
re-entered the Chesapeak.
General Washington and Count Rochambeau
reached Williamsburg on the 1781-09-1414th of September.
They, with Generals Chasteleux, du
Portal and Knox, proceeded to visit Count de
Grasse on board his ship, the Ville de Paris, and
agreed on a plan of operations.
Whilst the combined armies were advancing
to the siege of Yorktown, Sir Henry Clinton dispatched
General Arnold, with a sufficient land
and marine force, to Connecticut, in order to
ravage New-London, and lay waste his native
country. Upon the arrival of the British troops
in that place, Fort-Griswold, on Groton hill, was
furiously attacked by lieutenant-col. Eyre, who
commanded one of the detachments employed in
the expedition. The garrison defended themselves
with great resolution, but, after a severe conflict
of forty minutes, the fort was carried by the assailants.
Upon which a severe execution took
place, though resistance had ceased on the part of
the Americans. The brave col. Ledyard, who
commanded the fort, was slain with his own sword,
after he had surrendered. Sixty dwelling-houses,
in New-London, and eighty-four stores, were reduced
to ashes. The loss which the Americans
sustained, by the destruction of naval stores, of
provisions and merchandize, was immense. Gen.
Arnold, having completed the object of the expedition,
returned in eight days to New-York.
The combined forces proceeded on their way
to Yorktown, partly by land, and partly down
the Chesapeak. The whole, together with a
body of Virginia militia, under the command of
General Nelson, amounting in the aggregate to
12,000 men, rendezvoused at Williamsburg, on
the 1781-09-2525th of September, and in five days more
moved down to the investiture of Yorktown.
The French fleet, at the same time, moved to the
mouth of York-river, and took a position, which
was calculated to prevent Lord Cornwallis, either
from retreating, or receiving succor by water.
In the mean time, the royal army were exerting
themselves to the utmost to strengthen their
works, and their artillery was constantly employed
in impeding the operations of the combined
army. On the 1781-10-099th and 1781-10-1010th of October, the
French and Americans opened their batteries, and
a tremendous roar of cannon and mortars was
continued for six or eight hours, without ceasing.
On the 1781-10-1111th, the besiegers commenced the second
parallel, two hundred yards from the works
of the besieged. Two redoubts, which were advanced
on the left of the British, greatly retarded
the progress of the combined army; it was, therefore,
determined to attack both at the same hour.
To excite a spirit of emulation, the reduction of
the one was committed to the French, of the
other to the Americans. Both detachments having
passed the abbatis and palisades with unloaded
muskets, carried them in a few minutes. The
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Americans had only 8 men killed, and 28 wounded;
but the French lost a considerable number
of men.
The allied army continued to carry on the
siege with great success. By this time the batteries
of the besiegers were covered with nearly
an hundred pieces of heavy ordnance, and the
works of the besieged were so destroyed, that they
could scarcely shew a single gun. Lord Cornwallis
was now driven to the disagreeable alternative,
either to surrender, or attempt an escape. He
determined on the latter. Boats were prepared,
under different pretences, to receive the troops
in the night, and transport them to Glocester-
Point. After one embarkation had arrived at the
place of their destination, and the greater part of
the troops were landed, the weather, which was
before moderate and calm, instantly changed to
a most violent storm of wind and rain. The
boats, with the remaining troops, were all driven
down the river, and the design of passing over
was not only entirely frustrated, but the absence
of the boats rendered it impossible to bring the
troops from Glocester. Thus weakened and divided,
the army was exposed to great danger.
However, the boats returned, and the troops were
brought back in the course of the forenoon, with
very little loss.
The failure of this scheme involved the British
army in extreme distress. Their works were
sinking under the weight of the French and American
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artillery. All hopes of relief from New-
York were over, and the spirits of the royal army
exhausted by their unremitting fatigue. In
this desperate situation, Lord Cornwallis sent a
letter to General Washington, requesting a cessation
of arms for twenty-four hours, and that
commissioners might be appointed, for digesting
the terms of capitulation. Commissioners were
accordingly appointed; and on the side of the
allies were Viscount de Noailles and lieutenant-
colonel Laurens. The father of the latter of these
gentlemen was, at this period, closely confined
in the Tower of London, of which Earl Cornwallis
was constable. By this singular combination
of circumstances, his lordship became a prisoner
to the son of his own prisoner.
On the 1781-10-1919th of October, the posts of Yorktown
and Glocester were surrendered. The honor
of marching out with colors flying, which had
been denied to Gen. Lincoln, was now refused
to Lord Cornwallis; and Lincoln was appointed
to receive the submission of the royal army at
Yorktown, precisely in the same manner his own
had been conducted, about eighteen months before,
at Charleston.
The regular troops of France and America, employed
in this siege, consisted of about 7000 of
the former, and 5500 of the latter; and they were
assisted by about 4000 militia. On the part of the
combined army, about 300 were killed or wounded.
On the part of the British, about 500; and
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70 were taken in the redoubts, which were stormed
on the 1781-10-1414th of October.
A British fleet, destined for the relief of Lord
Cornwallis, arrived off the Chesapeak, the fifth day
after his surrender; but on receiving intelligence
of this event, they returned to New-York.
The reduction of the British army was considered
as decisive of the independence of America;
and occasioned unusual transports of joy in the
breasts of the whole body of the people. Well
authenticated testimony asserts, that the nerves of
some were so agitated, as to produce convulsions,
and that at least one man expired under the tide of
pleasure which flowed in upon him, when informed
of Lord Cornwallis’ surrender.
Gen. Washington
manifested his exultation, by a general release of
those who were under arrest, in order to diffuse
universal joy. Two days after the capitulation,
divine service was performed in all the brigades of
the American army, in order to return thanks to
the Almighty, for this great event; and the commander
in chief recommended to all the troops that
were not upon duty, that they should assist at divine
service, “with a serious deportment, and with that
sensibility of heart, which the recollection of the
surprizing and particular interposition of Providence
in their favor claimed.”
Congress, on receiving official accounts of the
great events, which had taken place at Yorktown,
resolved to go in procession to church, and return
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their public acknowledgments to the Deity, for the
advantages they had gained. And the 1781-12-1313th of
December was appointed, to be observed as a day
of thanksgiving and prayer throughout the United
States. The thanks of congress were voted to
Gen. Washington, and to the French commanders,
by sea and land. The singularly interesting event
of captivating a second royal army, was universally
considered as closing the scene of the American
war.
In about three months after the capture of Lord
Cornwallis was known in Great-Britain, the king
and parliament resolved to abandon all offensive
operations in America. In consequence of this,
every idea of conquest being given up, arrangements
were made for withdrawing the royal forces
from Georgia and South-Carolina, and stationing
them in New-York.
During the war, the sufferings of the American
prisoners were extreme. Vast numbers were confined
in prison-ships, almost famished with hunger;
and in the most deplorable circumstances pressed
to join the royal service. However reprehensible
the British may have been, indiscriminate censure
would be unjust. General Carlton, during his
command, conducted towards the American prisoners
with a degree of humanity, that reflects the
highest honor on his character. The refugees, in
general,, treated the prisoners with more cruelty than
the British. As an instance of this, captain
Joshua Huddy, who commanded a small party of
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Americans, was by them taken prisoner, and executed,
after a severe confinement. General Washington,
having in vain applied to the British to
deliver up the murderers of Huddy, was reduced
to the disagreeable necessity of retaliating. Captain
John Asgill, a young gentleman of great accomplishments,
was designated by lot for that purpose. In
the mean time Gen. Washington received a letter
from the Count de Vergennes, interceding for
capt. Asgill, which was also accompanied with a very
pathetic one from his mother, Mrs. Asgill, to the
count. Copies of these letters being transmitted to
congress, they resolved, that the commander in
chief be directed to set captain Asgill at liberty. The
friends of humanity rejoiced, that the benevolent
character of Sir Guy Carlton, who was appointed
commander in chief of the British troops in America,
would supercede the necessity of retaliation;
and also in the well founded prospect of a speedy
peace.
Chapter XXXVII.
Of the foreign affairs, which tended to bring about
the general peace. The United Provinces acknowledge
American independence. A treaty of
amity and commerce is concluded with them.
Change in the British ministry. The definitive
treaty of peace is concluded. The American army
disbanded. General Washington resigns his commission,
and retires to his seat in Virginia.
The United States afforded few great
events, during the year 17821782. This period, however,
was deeply interesting to those European
powers, who were involved in the consequences
of the American war.
Britain was, at this time, attacked in every
quarter, where she had foreign possessions. After
a tedious siege, the island of Minorca was surrendered
to the combined armies of France and Spain,
under the command of the duke de Crillon, in
the service of his most Catholic majesty. About
the same time, the settlements of Demarara and
Essiquibo, which in the preceding year had been
taken by the British, were taken from them by the
French. They were also successful in reducing
St. Eustatius and St. Kitts. The islands of Nevis
and Montserrat likewise fell into their hands.
In the mean time, the British ministry sent a
squadron, under the command of Admiral Rodney,
for the protection of their possessions in that
quarter. An engagement took place between him
and the Count de Grasse, in which the French
were defeated, with prodigious slaughter. Their
killed and wounded amounted, by computation, to
3000 killed, and 6000 wounded; while the loss of
the British did not much exceed 1100 men. For
nearly a century, they had not suffered so much
in any naval engagement.
By this signal victory, the designs of France
and Spain were frustrated, and no farther enterprizes
were undertaken against the fleets or possessions
of Great-Britain, in the West-Indies.
Other decisive events soon followed. Gibraltar
had for some time been besieged, and the
Spanish monarchy used every exertion to reduce
that important fortress. For this purpose, the
Chevalier d’Arcon constructed machines, which
were so well calculated for withstanding the combined
force of fire and artillery, that they appeared
for some time to bid defiance to the powers of the
heaviest ordnance. At length, however, the batteries
were on fire, while the besiegers were wholly
employed to preserve their men from this devouring
element. The generous humanity of the conquerors
on this occasion, redounds more to their
honor, than the most splendid victories. In endeavouring
to save the lives of his enemies the gallant
and philanthropic captain Curris nearly lost his
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475
own. Whilst for the most benevolent purpose he
was along side the floating batteries, one of them
blew up, and some heavy pieces of timber fell into
his boat, and pierced through its bottom. By similar
perilous exertions, nearly 400 men were saved from
inevitable death. The complete relief of Gibraltar
favored the re-establishment of a general peace.
Whilst the belligerent powers were successively
induced to think favorably of peace, Holland
acknowledged the independence of the United
States. This event was, in a great measure, effected
by the address of John Adams (the present
president of the United States) who, upon the
capture of John Laurens, had been commissioned
as minister plenipotentiary to the States General of
the United Provinces. He was also empowered
to negociate a loan of money amongst the Hollanders,
and was successful in obtaining a seasonable
supply, and in concluding a treaty of amity and
commerce, between Holland and the United
States of America.
It was expected, not only by the sanguine Americans,
but by many in England, that the capture of
Lord Cornwallis would instantly dispose the nation
to peace; but the American war was too much
the favorite of the ministry to be relinquished, without
a struggle for its continuance.
On the 1781-11-2727th of November, after intelligence
arrived of the capitulation of Yorktown, the king
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476
of Great-Britain opened the session of parliament,
with a speech, decidedly favorable to the continuance
of the American war. The majority of lords
and commons echoed back his sentiments. However,
the minority daily gained ground, and obliged
the ministry, by degrees, to relinquish their
plans of subjugating America.
At this period, a change of ministry took place
in Great-Britain. A new administration was formed,
under the auspices of the marquis of Rockingham,
and was composed of characters who opposed
the American war. The first business of the new
ministry, was taking measures for effecting a general
peace.
On the 1782-05-055th of May, Sir Guy Carlton arrived
at New-York, and was instructed to use his endeavours
to promote an accommodation. For this
purpose, he dispatched a letter to General Washington,
informing him of the late proceedings of
parliament, and of the pacific disposition of the
government and people of Great-Britain towards
the United States. He also solicited a passport for
his secretary, Mr. Morgan, to pay a visit to congress.
His request was refused, for it was considered,
with its concomitant circumstances, as introductory
to a scheme for opening negociations
with congress, or the states, without the concurrence
of their allies. On this occasion congress resolved,
“that they would not enter into the discussion
of any overtures for pacification, but in confidence
and in concert with his most Christian majesty;
and as a proof of this, they recommended
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to the several states to pass laws, that no subject of
his Britannic majesty, coming directly or indirectly
from any part of the British dominions, be admitted
into any of the United States during the war.”
This decisive conduct extinguished all hopes that
Great-Britain might have entertained, of making a
separate peace with America.
In the mean time the negociations for peace were
continued. The commissioners, appointed on the
part of the United States, were John Adams, Benjamin
Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens.
On the part of Great-Britain, Mr. Fitzherbert, and
Mr. Oswald. Provisional articles between Great-
Britain and the United States were, on the 1782-11-3030th of
November, agreed upon, and signed, to take effect
whenever peace should be finally settled with the
court of France. The indefatigable exertions of
the American commissioners, particularly those of
Mr. Adams and Mr. Jay, procured highly advantageous
terms for their country. By these, the independence
of the states was acknowledged in its
fullest extent. Very ample boundaries were allowed
them, which comprehended the fertile and
extensive countries on both sides of the Ohio, and
on the east side of the Missisippi. An unlimited
right of fishery on the banks of Newfoundland,
and on other places where both nations had heretofore
been accustomed to fish, was likewise continued
to the Americans. From the necessity of
the case, the loyalists were sacrificed; nothing further
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478
than a simple recommendation for restitution
being stipulated in their favor.
On the 1782-09-033d of September, the definitive treaties
between Great-Britain, France and Spain, were
signed at Versailles, by the duke of Manchester,
and the plenipotentiaries of the said courts. On
the same day, the definitive treaty with Great-
Britain and the United States of America was also
signed at Paris, by David Hartley, Esq. the
British plenipotentiary, and the plenipotentiaries
of the said states.
After the return of peace was announced, the
United States were reduced to the disagreeable necessity
of dismissing their brave troops, without
paying them their stipulated wages. In this emergency,
an attempt was made, by spirited and anonymous
publications, to inflame the minds of the officers
and soldiers, and induce them, previously to
laying down their arms, to unite in redressing their
own grievances. As soon as General Washington
was informed of the nature of these papers, he requested
the general and field officers, with one officer
from each company, and a proper representation
from the staff of the army, to assemble on an
early day. When they were convened, he addressed
them in a pathetic and animated speech, in
which he pledged himself to exert all his abilities
and influence in their favor; requested them to rely
on the faith of their country, and conjured them,
“as they valued their honor—as they respected the
right of humanity—and as they regarded the military
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and national character of America, to express
their utmost detestation of the man, who was attempting
to open the floodgates of civil discord,
and deluge their rising empire with blood.” The
patriotic exertions of their beloved general, saved
the states from impending danger. The American
army was disbanded, and returned peaceably to
their respective places of abode.
The army being disbanded, the commander in
chief proceeded to Annapolis, then the seat of congress,
to resign his commission. In every town and
village through which he passed, he was welcomed
by public and private demonstrations of gratitude
and joy. When arrived at Annapolis, in a
public audience, he resigned his commission to
congress. A large number of distinguished personages
attended this interesting scene. The general
made a pathetic address to the president of congress,
expressing the warmest affection for his country;
and the devout and grateful feelings of his heart
towards the Supreme Being. The president returned
an answer; and the affecting review of past
scenes almost deprived them of utterance. The
mingled emotions, which agitated the minds of the
spectators, on this occasion, were beyond description.
Immediately on resigning his command, the
magnanimous deliverer of America retired to his
delightful seat at Mount Vernon, in Virginia.
Almost eight years had elapsed, from the commencement
of hostilities in Lexington, to the ratification
of the provisional treaty. “There is,” says
Dr. Gordon, “scarcely an instance in history, of so
great a revolution being effected, in so short a time,
with so little loss of lives and property.” A British
author allows, “that so vast a force as was exerted
by Great-Britain, had never been sent to so
great a distance, nor was resisted by any power,
apparently so unequal to the contest.”
Though war exhibits all the ferocious passions
of human nature, and opens scenes deeply wounding
to the feeling heart; yet it also developes all the energies
of character; and during the American
contest, we contemplate with admiration the love
of country, rising, in many instances, superior to
every selfish consideration; an enthusiasm for liberty
supplying the place of military discipline; and
invincible resolution, finally, surmounting every
obstacle.
The American war exhibited the most eminent
military characters, and brought to view the immortal
Washington, and placed him at the head of
an illustrious train of heroes. Among these, we
view the enterprizing Greene, triumphing over the
British in the southern states; Gates, defeating
Burgoyne at Ticonderoga; Lincoln, Putnam,
Wayne, St. Clair, Mercer, Knox,
Sumpter, Moultrie,
Morgan, Mifflin, and many others, shining
with distinguished lustre in their several departments.
The energy of American public councils, was as
remarkable as their military courage. The proceedings
of congress, during the war, evince the
most determined resolution, blended with prudence
and moderation. Among the many eminent men
in this department, the illustrious Adams rises
preeminent, and reflects immortal honor on the
political character of America.
The various beautiful traits in particular characters
appear more striking, when contrasted with
the gloomy and distressing images of war. For instance,
the humanity of Carlton shines with
brighter lustre, when opposed to the cruelty of
some other British officers. The amiable qualities
of an Hale and Andre are rendered more interesting,
by the sympathy which is excited for their unhappy
fate.
The numbers of brave heroes, who fell during
the contest with Britain, will ever be deeply regretted
by every friend to humanity, and lover of
his country. Among those illustrious characters,
we view Warren, Montgomery, Wooster, Mercer,
Campbell, and many others, who, animated with
glowing patriotism, cheerfully sacrificed their lives
in the cause of American freedom and independence.
The humane and liberal mind, rising superior to
local views and prejudices, will acknowledge the
merit, and regret the fate of numbers of the British,
who fell during the contest. Among these we
behold Fraser, Andre, and others, “to whom
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glory paid her the highest tribute, and for whose fate
even enemies have shed a tear.”
The striking divine interpositions in favor of
America, during the contest, afford an interesting
subject of contemplation to pious minds; while,
amidst the apparently uncertain chances of war,
they view, with grateful admiration, the controling
hand of Providence, rendering every event
subservient to the liberty and independence of the
United States.
Chapter XXXVIII.
Difficulties after the peace. Rebellion in Massachusetts.
No sooner was peace restored, by the
definitive treaty, and the British troops withdrawn
from the country, than the United States began to
experience the defects of their general government.
Whilst an enemy was in the country, fear gave
energy to the resolutions and recommendations of
congress, and generally commanded a ready acquiescence
on the part of the state legislatures. Articles
of confederation and perpetual union had
been framed in congress, and submitted to the
consideration of the states, in the year 17781778. Some
of the states immediately acceded to them; others
hesitated, and delayed giving their assent. However,
in 1781-03March, 1781, all objections to those articles
were overcome, and they were ratified, as the
frame of government for the United States.
These articles, however, were framed during
the rage of war, and under circumstances the most
critical and embarrassing. To have offered to the
people at this time a form of government, armed
with the powers necessary to regulate and control
the contending interests of thirteen states, and the
possessions of millions of people, might have raised
a jealousy between the states, or in the minds of
the people at large, that would have weakened
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their military operations, and, perhaps, have
rendered a union impracticable. Hence the numerous
defects of the confederation.
On the conclusion of the peace, when these defects
began to be felt, the enemies of the revolution
exerted all their talents to increase the popular
discontent. A remarkable instance of this happened
in Connecticut. As soon as the tumults of
war had subsided, an attempt was made to convince
the people, that the act of congress, passed in
17781778, granting to the officers of the army half
pay for life, was highly unjust and tyrannical, and
that it was but the first step towards the establishment
of pensions, and an uncontrolable despotism.
The act of congress, passed in 17831783, commuting
half pay for life, for five years full pay, was designed
to appease the apprehensions of the people,
and to convince them that this gratuity was intended
merely to indemnify the officers for their losses
by the depreciation of the paper currency, and not
to establish a precedent for the granting of pensions.
This act, however, did not satisfy the people, who
supposed that the officers had been generally indemnified
for the loss of their pay, by the grants made
them, from time to time, by the legislatures of the
several states. Besides, the act, whilst it gave five
years full pay to the officers, allowed but one
year’s pay to the privates, a distinction which had
great influence in exciting and continuing the popular
ferment, and one that turned a large share of
the public rage against the officers themselves.
During this situation of affairs, the public
odium against the officers was augmented by another
circumstance. Just before the disbanding of
the army, they had formed a society, which was
called by the name of the Cincinnati, after the
famous Roman dictator Cincinnatus. Their avowed
designs were to perpetuate their friendship, and
afford relief to their indigent brethren. The ostensible
views of this society, however, could not
screen it from popular jealousy. A spirited pamphlet
appeared in South-Carolina, the avowed production
of Mr. Burke, one of the judges of the supreme
court in that state, in which the author attempted
to prove, that the principles, on which this
institution was formed, would, in process of time,
originate and establish an order of nobility in the
country, which would be repugnant to the genius
of republican governments, and dangerous to liberty.
This pamphlet appeared in Connecticut, during
the commotions raised by the half pay and commutation
acts; and greatly contributed to spread
the flame of opposition.
The opposition to the congressional acts, in favor
of the officers, and to the order of the Cincinnati,
did not rise to the same pitch in the other
states, as in Connecticut; yet it produced much
disturbance in Massachusetts, and some others.
Dr. Morse observes, “jealousy of power had been
universally spread among the people of the United
States. The destruction of the old forms of government,
and the licentiousness of war, had in a
great measure broken their habits of obedience;
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486
their passions had been inflamed by the cry of despotism;
and, like centinels, who had been suddenly
surprized by the approach of an enemy, the rustling
of a leaf was sufficient to give them an alarm. This
spirit of jealousy operated, with other causes, to
relax the energy of federal operations.”
The long war, through which the states had
struggled, involved them in a debt, which, on the
return of peace, amounted to about forty millions
of dollars. Though the people were instructed, by
their contest, in the nobler science of the rights of
mankind, it gave them no proportionable insight
into the mazes of finance. Many judicious and
influential characters, supposed the duties of excise
and impost to be antirepublican. Those measures,
therefore, could be adopted, at first, but partially,
and to small effect. The necessary arrangements
at the treasury were wanting. The paper currency
which had been emitted during the war, was
depreciating; and it was not, perhaps, possible to
preserve the public credit, under so many discouraging
circumstances.
To provide funds for paying their continental
debt, engaged the attention of congress for
some time before and after the peace. At length,
a system of revenue, for funding, and ultimately
paying the whole public debt, was completed
and offered to the states for their ratification.
By this it was proposed to raise two millions and an
half of dollars annually, to defray the interest of
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487
the continental debt. The whole system was transmitted
to the state legislatures, and accompanied by
an animated address, enforcing the propriety of
its immediate adoption. Some of the states adopted
the whole of this plan; others partially complied
with it; and others wholly neglected to make
provision for paying the interest of the continental
debt. No efficient funds being provided for this
purpose, the public securities greatly depreciated,
and were negociated only as a matter of speculation.
The officers and soldiers of the late army,
and those who furnished supplies for public exigencies,
were obliged to receive for wages these
certificates, or promissory notes, which deprived
them of the greatest part of the reward due for
their services. The non payment of public debts,
sometimes inferred a necessity, and always furnished
an apology, for not discharging private contracts.
Public faith being first violated, private
engagements lost much of their obligatory force.
Massachusetts, in her zeal to comply fully
with the requisitions of congress, and satisfy the
demands of her own creditors, laid a heavy tax
upon the people. The new taxes, which the
emergency of public affairs required, were loudly
complained of by the inhabitants of that state.
They could not realize, that they had shed their
blood in the field, to be loaded with oppressive burdens
at home. Their ideas of freedom were so
high wrought, that it was difficult for the legislature
either to govern, without appearing to tyrannize,
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or to relieve, without appearing to be overcome.
The commotions, which took place in Massachusetts
at this period, were owing to the following
causes, viz. A heavy debt lying on the state, added
to burdens of the same nature, upon almost
every incorporation within it; a decline, or rather
an extinction of public credit; a relaxation of
manners, and a free use of foreign luxuries; a decay
of trade and manufactures, with a prevailing
scarcity of money; and, above all, individuals involved
in debt to each other. The heavy taxes,
which were at present imposed upon the people,
inflamed their minds, and caused them to feel the
evils above enumerated, in the most sensible manner.
The long restraints, which the confusion of
war had laid upon the administration of justice, in
private cases, occasioned a very rapid increase of
civil actions, when those restraints were removed.
This circumstance gave employment to the practitioners
at the bar, and increased their numbers beyond
what had been usual in the state. The profession
naturally became a subject of observation;
and, at length, was generally spoken of as an object
of reform. Advantage was taken of the prevailing
jealousy against lawyers; and, unfortunately, a prelude
to the insurrections was framed out of it.
Inflammatory writings increased the prejudice
against the profession, till the flame pervaded the
greatest part of government; and the lawyers
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were, in most instances, excluded from the house
of representatives. The outcry against this order
of men, was, at length, drowned in more general
complaints; and grievances arose in all quarters,
from a variety of causes.
The general discontent of the people arose to
such a degree, as to produce acts of violence in
Massachusetts, in the year 17861786. Insurrections took
place in various parts, in order to impede the sitting
of the courts of common pleas, and the courts
of general sessions of the peace. At length, an attempt
was made to prevent the sitting of the supreme
judicial court itself, by a number of insurgents,
headed by one Daniel Shays, who had been
a captain in the late continental army, but had resigned
his commission, for reasons quite problematical.
The general court, which convened at this distressing
period, passed three different laws for easing
the burdens of the people, viz. an act for collecting
the back taxes in specific articles; an act
for making real and personal estate a render in discharge
of executions, and actions commenced in
law; and an act for rendering law processes less expensive.
They provided for the apprehending and
trial of dangerous persons, but at the same time
tendered pardon to all the insurgents. The act of
indemnity was treated with so much neglect, that
scarce a single person deigned to accept the benefit
it held up. The lenient system of government
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was attributed, not to their humanity, but to their
timidity and weakness.
The rebels used every effort to inflame the
minds of the people, by the grossest misrepresentation
of the proceedings of government, and of the
characters of public officers; they addressed the
pity, and claimed the assistance of the people;
they continued to assemble, and endeavoured to impede
the measures of government, by an armed
force.
The resolutions of the insurgents continuing
thus hostile, a detachment of the militia, under
the command of General Lincoln, was ordered
out to support the judicial courts, and suppress the
insurrection, during the winter of this year. Yet
the rebels were so numerous in the counties of
Worcester, Hampshire and Berkshire, and so obstinately
combined to oppose the execution of
law by force, that the governor and council of the
state thought proper not to entrust General Lincoln
with military powers, except to act on the defensive,
and to repel force with force, in case the insurgents
should attack him. The leaders of the rebels,
however, were not men of talents; they were
desperate, but without fortitude; and whilst they
were supported with superior force, they appeared
to be impressed with that consciousness of guilt,
which awes the most daring wretch, and makes
him shrink from his purpose. This appears, by
the conduct of a large party of the rebels before
the magazine of Springfield, where Gen. Shepard,
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with a small guard, was stationed, to protect the
continental stores. The insurgents appeared upon
the plain, with a vast superiority of numbers; but
a few shot from the artillery made the multitude
retreat in disorder, with the loss of four men. This
spirited conduct of General Shepard, with the industry,
perseverance and prudent firmness of Gen.
Lincoln, dispersed the rebels, drove the leaders
from the state, and restored tranquility. An act
of indemnity was passed in the legislature, for all
the insurgents, except a few of the leaders, on condition,
that they should become peaceable subjects,
and take the oath of allegiance. The leaders afterwards
petitioned for pardon, which, from motives
of policy, was granted by the legislature, on
condition, that they should never accept or hold
any office, civil or military, in the commonwealth.
The ingenious author of the History of the Insurrection
in Massachusetts, observes, on this occasion,
that “a dangerous internal war was finally
suppressed, by the spirited use of constitutional
powers, without the shedding of blood, by the hand
of the civil magistrate; a circumstance, which it is
the duty of every citizen to ascribe to its real cause,
the lenity of government, and not to their weakness;
a circumstance, too, that must attach every
man to a constitution, which, from a happy principle
of mediocrity, governs its subjects without oppression,
and reclaims them without severity.”
Chapter XXXIX.
A new constitution is formed. Of its distinguishing
traits. After mature consideration, it is received
by the United States. General Washington chosen
president.
The disagreeable events recited in the
foregoing chapter, were overruled for great national
good. From the obvious defects in the articles of
confederation, the people were induced to see the
necessity of establishing a form of government, equal
to the exigencies of the union.
Agreeably to a proposition made by Virginia,
delegates from all the states, except Rhode-Island,
assembled at Philadelphia, in 1787-04May, 1787, and chose
General Washington for their president. After
four months deliberation, in which the clashing interests
of the several states appeared in all their
force, the convention agreed to recommend the
plan of federal government.
“The fundamental distinction, between the articles
of confederation and the new constitution,”
says Dr. Ramsay, “lies in this; that the former
acted only on states, the latter on individuals; the
former could neither raise men nor money, by its
own authority, but lay at the discretion of thirteen
different legislatures, and without their unanimous
concurrence was unable to provide for the
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public safety, or for the payment of the national
debt. The experience of several years had proved
the impossibility of a government answering the
end of its institution, which was dependent on
others for the means necessary for attaining these
ends. By the new constitution, one legislative, executive
and judicial power pervades the whole
union. This ensures an uniform observance of
treaties, and gives a stability to the general government,
which never could be attained, while the
acts and requisitions of congress were subject to the
revision of thirteen legislatures, and while thirteen
distinct and unconnected judiciaries had a constitutional
right to decide on the same subject. The
people of the United States gave no new powers
to their rulers, but made a more judicious arrangement
of what they had formerly ceded. They
enlarged the powers of the general government,
not by taking from the people, but from the state
legislatures. They took from the latter a power
of levying duties on the importation of merchandize
from foreign countries, and transferred it to congress,
for the common benefit of the union. They
also invested the general government, with a
power to regulate trade, and levy taxes and internal
duties on the inhabitants. That these enlarged
powers might be used only with caution and deliberation,
congress, which formerly consisted of
only one body, was made to consist of two; one of
which was to be chosen by the people, in proportion
to their numbers; the other by the state legislatures.
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The execution of the acts of this compounded legislature
was committed to a supreme magistrate,
with the title of president.”
The president and vice-president, are elected
every four years. The senators are chosen for six
years; one third of their seats become vacant every
two years. The representatives are biennially
elected. One of the distinguishing traits in the
constitution is, that it is formed without any civil
establishment of religion; and expressly declares,
“that no religious test shall ever be required, as a
qualification to any office or public trust under the
United States.”
When the new constitution was completed, conventions
were called in each state; and the
question of “acceptance or rejection,” was discussed
with animation and ability. In those bodies, composed
of persons who represented, impartially,
every class and distinction of the people, it underwent
the most critical and severe discussion.
Whilst it was in debate, the anxiety of all parties
was excited in the highest degree; the efforts of
its advocates and opposers were unremitted. Yet,
however various the sentiments respecting the merits
of the system, all felt and acknowledged the
necessity of an efficient federal government.
The celebrated John Adams, present president
of the United States, was absent from America
when the new constitution was formed; he being,
at that time, minister at the court of St. James’.
Previously to the formation of the federal
constitution, there were county conventions in the
state of Massachusetts, which passed some resolutions,
voting the senate an useless branch in the
constitution, and they were fast approaching to a
single assembly. This scheme led to the writing
of those volumes, called the Defence of the American
Constitution.
The author of this celebrated work advocates, as
the fundamental principles of a free government,
equal representation, of which numbers, or property,
or both, should be the rule; a total separation
of the executive from the legislative power, and of
the judicial from both, and a balance in the legislative,
by three independent, equal branches. “If
there is one certain truth,” says he, “to be collected
from the history of all ages, it is this; that the
democratical mixture in a constitution can never
be preserved, without a strong executive; or, in
other words, without separating the executive
power from the legislative.”
The first volume of this work arrived in America,
whilst the convention were sitting, to form the
federal constitution, and facilitated its acceptance,
by uniting the members in one sentiment.
“In this excellent book, the president expresses
his approbation of the principles, on which the
constitution is founded. The singleness of the executive
power, its separation from the legislative
and judicial departments, and the division of the
legislative into two branches, instead of one, as M.
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Turgot and the French theorists had proposed,
could not fail to attract the approbation of this
great and enlightened statesman. His work will
descend to posterity, who will compare the profound
principles it developes, with the actual operation
of our constitution, and will enjoy the precious
advantage of knowing experimentally whether
we have proceeded as far as we ought in the
path he has pointed out. The withholding of a
complete negative from the president, the interference
of the senate in appointments to office, the
mode of their election by the respective states, the
want of permanency in that body, sufficient for
their self preservation against the paroxisms of sudden
democratic intemperance, which have generally
denied to republics the enjoyment of both tranquility
and longevity, and, above all, the discordant
and seemingly anarchial conflict of national
and state sovereignties, the imperium in imperio, are
yet considered by many, as deviations from a correct
political theory. Those, who hold these opinions,
are willing, nevertheless, to wait quietly for
the lights, that time and experience will certainly
throw on the subject.”
The constitution for the state of Massachusetts
was drawn up by the present president, and reported
to a committee. It underwent some amendments,
and some alterations; one, which has since
been regretted, that of taking from the governor
the power of appointing military officers.
The constitutions of the states of Connecticut
and Rhode-Island, are founded on the charters
which in 16621662 and 16631663 were granted them by
Charles II.
The federal constitution, and several state constitutions
agree in preserving the legislative, judiciary,
and executive branches of government separate
and distinct from each other.
Religious liberty is a fundamental principle in
the constitutions of the respective states. Some,
indeed, retain a distinction between Christians and
others, with respect to their eligibility to office;
but the idea of raising one sect of Protestants to a
legal preeminence, is universally reprobated.
After a mature consideration, the federal constitution
was acceded to by eleven of the United
States. The ratification of it was celebrated in most
of the capitals, with elegant processions, which far
exceeded any thing of the kind exhibited in America
previously to this period.
On the 1789-03-033d of March, 1789, the delegates from
the eleven states, which at that time had ratified the
constitution, assembled at New-York, where a convenient
and elegant building had been prepared for
their accommodation. On opening and counting
the votes for president, it was found that George
Washington was unanimously elected to that dignified
office, and that John Adams was chosen
vice-president. The annunciation of the choice of
the first and second magistrates of the United
States, occasioned a general diffusion of joy among
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the friends to the union, and fully evinced that
these eminent characters were the choice of the
people.
On the 1789-04-3030th of April, 1789, George Washington
was inaugurated president of the United States of
America, in the city of New-York. The ceremony
was performed in the open gallery of Federal
Hall, in the view of many thousand spectators.
The oath was administered by chancellor Livingston.
Several circumstances concurred to render
the scene unusually solemn—the presence of the
beloved father and deliverer of his country—the
impressions of gratitude for his past services—the
vast concourse of spectators—the devout fervency
with which he repeated the oath, and the reverential
manner in which he bowed to kiss the sacred
volume. Those circumstances, together with that
of his being chosen to the most dignified office in
America, and perhaps in the world, by the unanimous
voice of more than three millions of enlightened
freemen, all conspired to place this among
the most august and interesting scenes, which have
ever been exhibited on this globe.
After this great event, the federal union was
strengthened by the addition of two other states.
On the 1790-05-2424th of May, 1790, a convention of the
state of Rhode-Island met at Newport, and on the
1790-05-2929th adopted the constitution, by a majority of two
only.
The general assembly of Vermont met at Bennington,
1791-01-10January 10, 1791; and chose commissioners
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to attend congress, and negociate the admission
of that state into the union of the confederated
states of America. The commissioners repaired to
Philadelphia, and laid before the president of the
United States, the acts of the convention and legislature
of Vermont; and on the 1791-02-1818th of February,
1791, the admission of this state was completed, by
an act of congress, without any debate, or one dissentient
vote. By this event, all the controversies
respecting Vermont, were brought to a conclusion.
She was to take her seat in congress, 1791-03-04March 4th,
1791; and the federal union was completed, in
every part of the United States of America.
Chapter XL.
Of the state of literature in New-England. The
conclusion.
The adoption of the federal constitution,
by securing prosperity at home, and respectability
abroad, placed the political affairs of
the United States on a permanent basis. Since
that period, learning has flourished, and new literary
institutions have been founded.
Dr. Morse observes, that “learning is more
generally diffused among all ranks of people in
New-England, than in any other part of the globe;
arising from the excellent establishment of schools
in almost every township.”
The seminaries of learning in the United States,
have occasioned a general diffusion of knowledge
amongst the great body of the people.
After the declaration of the independence of
the United States, the charter, which was granted
Harvard college in 16501650, was established by the
constitution of Massachusetts; and the governor
and lieutenant-governor for this time being, together
with the council and senate of the commonwealth,
the president for the time being, and
the Congregational ministers of the six adjacent
towns, were declared successors of the board of
overseers.
All elections, to fill up vacancies in their own
body, are made by the corporation; they also
chuse all the executive officers; but all these elections
are laid before the board of overseers for
their concurrence, as also all their votes for the
enaction of standing laws, granting salaries to the
officers of the university, and conferring academical
degrees. Other affairs respecting the university,
the corporation manage according to their
own discretion.
The executive government consists of the president,
three professors, four tutors, and the librarian.
They watch over the morals of the students,
see that the standing laws are obeyed, and
make discretionary regulations, in cases not provided
for by the laws.
The professors and tutors give instructions in
the university. There is a professor in divinity, a
professor of mathematics and natural philosophy,
and a professor of Hebrew and other oriental languages.
The two first of these professorships were
founded by Mr. Thomas Hollis, of London, merchant;
who also presented to the university a philosophical
apparatus, and a large number of valuable
books; the divinity professorship in 17221722;
the mathematical professorship in 17261726. The
professorship of Hebrew, &c. was founded by the
hon. Thomas Hancock, Esq. in 17651765. These professorships
bear the name of their founders.
The professors deliver public lectures to all the
students assembled, beside which they give private
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instructions to each scholar separately, in their
several branches.
Every spring, the professor of mathematics and
natural philosophy gives a course of experimental
lectures in philosophy, in all its branches, the
apparatus furnishing him with a complete set of instruments
for the purpose. These lectures are
given in the philosophy chamber, to the two senior
classes assembled together, so that each class has
the lectures repeated. Besides these lectures, he
gives annually a complete course of lectures in astronomy,
both theoretical and practical, to the
senior class.
The tutors teach the languages, rhetoric, geography,
history, logic, metaphysics, ethics, the
elements of geometry, natural philosophy and astronomy.
There are foundations laid for two professorships
in the university, which are not yet come
into operation, viz. a professorship of rhetoric and
oratory, and a professorship of natural religion, moral
philosophy and civil policy. The fund for the
first was a legacy, left by the late Nicholas Roulstone,
Esq. of Boston. The fund for the second
was from the estate of the late hon. John Alford,
Esq. of Charlestown. These funds are fast
accumulating by interest, and will soon be sufficient
for the purposes designed.
Among the presidents and professors of this
university, have been men highly distinguished,
both for their natural abilities and acquired accomplishments.
The students are instructed in the learned languages,
and the various branches of the arts and
sciences. They are annually examined very critically
and fully respecting their progress, before
a committee of the corporation and overseers.
Besides this committee, on the part of the
overseers, who attend the examination, they also
appoint a committee twice a year to visit the college,
and strictly to enquire into its state. These
committees make report to the board of overseers,
and if they judge, that by any new regulations,
the interests of religion, morality and literature
can be promoted, they propose them. The corporation
more frequently meet, and are always
attentive to these objects; so that great care is
taken of the institution.
Four years complete a course of education in
the university, at the end of which term, if there
are no circumstances prohibiting, the president
presents the names of those, who have completed
their course, to the corporation and overseers,
as candidates for the degree of Bachelor of Arts;
who vote them the degree, upon their complying
with the exercises appointed by the executive government.
At the end of three years, from the
time of their receiving the degree of Bachelor of
Arts, they may be admitted to that of Master of
Arts, if there be no lawful impediment.
All academical degrees are publicly conferred
by the president, on the commencement day,
which is on the third Wednesday in July annually.
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This is one of the most splendid anniversaries
in the United States.
From the establishment of this college, to the
year 17941794, 3399 young gentlemen had received
its honors, of whom 1079 had been, or were then
ministers of the gospel. This most ancient of all
the American literary institutions, has furnished,
both for the church and state, its full proportion
of eminently learned and useful men.
There are no fellowships, for maintaining
graduates at the university; but there is a fund,
from the estate of Edward Hopkins, Esq. of Great-
Britain, which yields a considerable sum annually,
towards the support of six resident Bachelors of
Arts, appointed by the corporation, which they
receive after a certain term of residence, and publicly
delivering in the chapel four theological dissertations,
two in the Latin, and two in the English
language.
“The late governor Bowdoin left the sum of
400l.” “the interest to be annually applied in the
way of premiums, for the advancement of useful
and polite literature among the residents, as well
graduates as undergraduates of the university.
The president and fellows of the university to give
forth subjects to be treated upon, judge of the
performances, and determine every thing concerning
this donation, in such manner as they shall apprehend
most conducive to the design of it.”
The corporation have put this excellent design into
operation.
In the year 17821782, a medical institution was
formed in the university. It consists of three professorships,
viz. a professorship of anatomy and surgery,
a professorship of the theory and practice of
physic, and a professorship of chymistry and materia
medica. Each of the professorships is established
upon a foundation. These professors give a complete
course of lectures in their several branches.
The public buildings, belonging to the university,
are Harvard hall, Massachusetts hall, Hollis
hall, and Holden chapel. The library contains
twelve thousand volumes, and is continually increasing
by donations, and by the income of a legacy,
left by the late Thomas Hollis, Esq. of London.
In point of literary value, it is equalled by
none in America, and perhaps exceeded by none
in the civilized world. The philosophical apparatus,
which cost about 1500l. contains a complete
set of instruments, for exhibiting a course of experimental
lectures in natural philosophy and astronomy.
Newly invented and improved instruments
are frequently added to the apparatus, which is
far superior to that of any other seminary of learning
in the United States.
The museum contains a handsome collection of
natural and artificial curiosities. It may be said to
be pretty rich in minerals, owing to the munificence
of Dr. Lettsom, of London, in the year
17941794; and of the French republic the year following.
The collection from these two sources, is extensive
and various.
A course of lectures in natural history, in
which mineralogy is particularly attended to, is
given every spring and autumn in the university,
by Dr. Waterhouse; but there is no professorship
of natural history yet established.
In the year 17971797, 3533 young gentlemen were
computed to have received their education in the
university of Cambridge.
The other seminaries of learning in New-England,
were also in a flourishing situation.
According to the original charter of Yale college,
the trustees were limited to the choice of
ministers. In 17921792, the general assembly of Connecticut
passed an “act for enlarging the powers,
and increasing the funds of Yale college.” This
act grants a very generous addition to the funds of
that college, on condition that the governor, lieut.
governor, and six senior counsellors, be associated
with the corporation, in the collegiate government.
The corporation, on the 1792-06-2828th of June, unanimously
voted their acceptance of this act; and this
transaction received the general approbation of the
clergy, and of the citizens of every description,
throughout the state. At the subsequent commencement,
in 1792-09September, a junction was formed
between the civilians expressed in the act, and the
members of the old corporation, who from that
time constituted one united board in the government
of the college.
The funds of the college, before the liberal
addition made to them in 17921792, consisted of rents
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of land, to the amount of 800 l. a year, about
800 l. raised by tuition money, upon the students,
besides funds for the support of two professorships.
In 17921792, the college library consisted of about
3000 volumes. This seminary is furnished with
a valuable philosophical apparatus, and the museum
contains many natural curiosities.
The three learned languages, together with the
liberal arts and sciences, in their several branches,
and a general course of universal literature, are
taught in this college.
In May and September, annually, the several
classes are critically examined in all their classical
studies. As incentives to improvement in composition
and oratory, quarterly exercises are appointed
by the president and tutors, to be exhibited by
the respective classes, in rotation. A public commencement
is held annually, on the second Wednesday
in September, which calls together a more
numerous and brilliant assembly, than are convened
by any other anniversary in the state.
On the augmentation of the funds of Yale college,
a sufficient sum was applied to the erection
of another edifice, which was completed on the
1794-07-077th of July, 1794. Another part of the augmented
funds was applied to the professorship of mathematics
and natural philosophy.
From the foundation of Yale college, to the
year 17951795, 2372 received their education at this
seminary, of which number 618 were educated
under the presidency of Dr. Stiles.
From 1776-12December, 1776, to 1782-06June, 1782, the
college edifice at Providence, in Rhode-Island,
was used by the French and American troops for
an hospital and barracks, so that the course of
education was interrupted during that period. No
degrees were conferred from 17761776 to 17861786. From
17861786 the college again became regular, and is now
very flourishing, containing upwards of 60 students.
This institution is under the instruction of a
president, a professor of divinity, a professor of
natural and experimental philosophy, a professor
of mathematics and astronomy, a professor of natural
history, and three tutors. The institution has
a library of between two and three thousand volumes,
containing a valuable philosophical apparatus.
Nearly all the funds of the college are at interest
in the treasury of the state, and amount to
almost two thousand pounds.
In the year 17951795, 380 young gentlemen had
received their education in this college.
The situation of Dartmouth college, in a frontier
country, exposed it, during the late war, to
many inconveniences, which impeded its prosperity.
It flourished, however, amidst all its embarrassments,
and is now one of the most growing
seminaries in the United States.
The funds of this college consist chiefly of lands,
amounting to 80,000 acres, which are increasing
in value, in proportion to the growth of the country.
The revenue of the college, arising from the
lands, in 17931793 amounted annually to 140 l. By
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contracts then made, would amount, in four years
after, to 450 l. and in twelve years to 650 l. The
income for tuition, is about 600 l. per annum.
The number of undergraduates is, on an average,
about 150. A grammar school, of about 50
or 60 scholars, is annexed to the college.
The students are under the immediate government
and instruction of a president, who is also
professor of history; a professor of mathematics
and natural philosophy, a professor of languages,
and two tutors. The college is furnished with a
handsome library, and a philosophical apparatus,
tolerably complete. A new college was erected
in 17861786, containing thirty-six rooms for students.
Its situation is elevated, healthful and pleasant,
commanding an extensive prospect to the west.
There are three other public buildings, belonging
to the college.
It was computed in the year 17951795, that 621 students
had received their education at this seminary.
In 1791-10October, 1791, the legislature of the state
of Vermont passed an act for establishing a university
at Burlington, on Lake Champlain, in a delightful
situation, on the south side of the Winouski,
or Onion river, and appointed ten trustees.
The sum of 6000 l. was secured by donation,
part of which is to be applied to the erecting of
buildings, and part settled as a fund for the support
of the institution. There have been reserved,
in the several grants made by this state, about
33,000 acres of land, for the use of the university.
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This, in a few years, will become a valuable
fund.
A number of years have elapsed, since the
adoption of the federal constitution, during which
time experience has fully evinced its distinguishing
excellences; and the flourishing state of the country
has exhibited the blessings of a wise administration.
The beloved commander of the American
forces, who excelled the most celebrated heroes in
the field, was equally eminent in the cabinet; and,
after presiding at the head of the union with an
unrivalled sublimity of character, crowned with
the fervent benedictions of a grateful people, he
retired to spend the remainder of his days in tranquil
solitude. But, the alarming aspect of affairs
again rouses his glowing patriotism, and he cheerfully
relinquishes the sweets of retirement, and
magnanimously takes the chief command of the
armies of the United States, to reanimate their
courage, and add energy to their exertions. This
evinces the most noble and disinterested virtue,
and adds the brightest lustre to his immortal fame,
while the Americans behold with triumph the heroic
deliverer of their country, generously devoting
the remnant of his life to its defence.
At the present critical period, the United States
contemplate with exalted satisfaction, the illustrious
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Adams, a native of New-England, placed at
the head of government. His penetrating genius,
and solid judgment, the dignified calmness, blended
with the energy of his character, his profound
political knowledge, his early and persevering exertions
for the liberties of his country, his inviolable
integrity and sincerity, his invincible firmness,
supreme regard for religion, and the rectitude
and prudence of his present administration,
promise all the success that human wisdom can ensure,
and open to the United States a fair prospect
of increasing respectability.
In reviewing the history of New-England, and
the late American revolution, we find the wonders
of divine Providence, rising conspicuously in
evry scene. At first we behold a small number
of people, who, when opprest by cruel persecution,
preferred the sacred rights of conscience to
all earthly enjoyments, and exchanged their native
country for a dreary wilderness, inhabited by
savages. After struggling with complicated hardships,
the wilderness, at length, was made to blossom
“like a rose,” by the hand of persevering
industry. The persecution in England proved the
mean of planting flourishing colonies in the new
world; and though their prosperity was sometimes
clouded, yet their misfortunes, and even their
prejudices and bigotry were overruled for good.
Those emigrants, who were driven from Massachusetts
by persecution, formed new settlements. The
colonies increased, and rose in wealth; and the
interposing hand of Heaven protected them under
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every difficulty. When involved in the distressing
Philipic war, they were enabled to subdue
their savage enemies. When they were deprived
of their charters, the sudden revolution in England
relieved them from the oppression of arbitrary
power. When the united efforts of the French
and their Indian allies were levelled against them,
the conquering arms of Britain and her colonies
frustrated their attempts. Then arrived the important
era, when Britain exerted her utmost
strength to deprive them of their dearly purchased
privileges. Arms must finally decide the contest;
and a new country, under great disadvantages,
was involved in an unequal war with that potent
nation, which had recently baffled the united
powers of France and Spain. Inspired by
the sacred flame of liberty, the Americans triumphed
over the well disciplined forces of the parent
state. Britain was defeated by the arms she despised;
and after expending nearly an hundred
millions of money, and losing an hundred thousand
lives, was reduced to the humiliating necessity
of acknowledging the independence of the
United States.
After independence was obtained by the sword,
and acknowledged by the neighboring nations, a
spirit of anarchy threatened the subversion of our
recently acquired liberty. The interposition of
Providence was visible, at this alarming crisis, in
causing those tumults finally to terminate in the
establishment of the federal constitution, which
RRr1r
513
placed the privileges of the United States on a
permanent foundation.
Exalted from a feeble state to opulence and
independence, the federal Americans are now recognized
as a nation throughout the globe. From
a comparison of their former with their present
circumstances, the mind is expanded to contemplate
scenes of future grandeur, and is led to conclude,
that the United States are advancing in
knowledge and happiness, while the wealth and
power of more ancient governments is rapidly
declining. The highly favored Americans ought
to raise their minds in grateful aspirations to Heaven,
that the fair prospect may never be reversed,
by a spirit of anarchy prevailing among the people;
but that genuine liberty, united with
order and good government, may continue
to diffuse their blessings through the widely extended
union.
Finis.
RRrNotes.
For Chapter I, p. 11.
The court of high commission had been erected
by Elizabeth, in consequence of an act of parliament, passed
in the beginning of her reign, in order to arm the sovereign with
full power to suppress all opposition. All appeals from the
inferior courts were carried before the high commission. Every
breach of the act of uniformity was cognizable in this
court. See Hist. of England.
Vol. V. p. 158.
For Chapter II. p. 25.
The Star-Chamber was a court composed of certain noblemen,
bishops, judges and counsellors of the sovereign’s nomination,
to the number of twenty or thirty, with his majesty
at their head. The determinations of this court, are not by
the verdict of a jury, nor by any statute law of the land, but
by the will of the sovereign; yet are as binding as any act of
parliament. , Vol. I. p. 5.
For Chapter XV. p. 192.
Though the inhabitants of Connecticut were successful in
preserving their charter, governor Dudley, and other men of
arbitrary principles, so far succeeded in their attempts against
their privileges, that in the latter part of the reign of King
William, a bill was prepared for reuniting all the charter
governments to the crown. When they found the bill could
not be carried, they made a more open and powerful opposition
to the charter rights of Connecticut, but all their attempts
were frustrated. See , p. 432—433.
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Annotations
Textual note 101
. See a particular description of the
burning of Fairfield,
in President Dwight’s elegant poem, stiled Greenfield-Hill.
After painting, in striking language, the cruelty of the British,
he has the following beautiful lines.
Go to note 101 in context.
Textual note 110
, Vol. II. p. 108. See Letter to Gen. Washington on this occasion.
Go to note 110 in context.
Textual note 164
Miss Seward thus describes major Andre, in her beautiful
Monody on his death.
“How gaily shone on thy bright morn of youth The star of pleasure, and the sun of truth! Full from their source descended on thy mind Each generous virtue, and each taste refin’d. Young genius led thee to her varied fane, Bade thee ask all her gifts, nor ask in vain; Hence novel thought, in every lustre drest Of pointed wit, the diamond of the breast; Hence glow’d thy fancy with poetic ray, Hence music warbled in thy sprightly lay, And hence thy pencil with her colors warm Caught every grace, and copied every charm, Whose transient glories beam on beauty’s cheek, And bid the glowing ivory breathe and speak.”
Go to note 164 in context.
Textual note 185
The compiler of the History of New England has taken the
account of the expedition against Morrissania from papers, with
which she was favored by General Hull, of Newton.
Go to note 185 in context.
Textual note 211
, Vol. IV. p. 168—171.
, Vol. II. p. 250.
Greene’s Life, p. 100.
Go to note 211 in context.
Textual note 260
, Vol. II. p. 300. The present president, and Mr. Jefferson,
were appointed joint commissioners for forming commercial
treaties with foreign powers. They succeeded in their negociation
with the king of Prussia, and the emperor of Morocco.
Go to note 260 in context.
Textual note 273
General Washington constantly
declined receiving any pecuniary compensation for his inestimable
services, during the contest with Britain.
, Vol.
II. p. 332, 333. ,
Vol. IV. p. 388, 389.
Go to note 273 in context.
Textual note 300
See constitution of the United
States in Geography, Vol. II. p. 233.
Go to note 300 in context.
Textual note 303
The above remarks are made by a gentleman of distinguished
political talents and experience.
Go to note 303 in context.
Textual note 305
Ibid, p. 333. See Gazette of the United States for 17891789.
Go to note 305 in context.
Textual note 316
The compiler of the History of New-England has transcribed
the greatest part of the account of the seminaries of learning from
Dr. Morse’s Geography, because she has found it impossible to give
such a concise and accurate account in any other words; and because
there have been but few alterations since the last edition of his Geography,
in 17961796, from which the quotations are made.
Go to note 316 in context.