Letter I.

London, 1791-01-05Jan. 5. 1791.

The time draws nigh when I
must bid adieu to my native land, perhaps
for ever! the thoughts of it damps my
spirits more than you can imagine, but I
am resolved to summon all the fortitude
I can, being conscious of meriting the
reproach of my friends and relations,
for having hastily married as I did, contrary
to their wishes, and am determined
rather than be an incumbrance on them,
to accompany my husband even to the
wilds of Africa, whither he is now bound,
and meet such fate as awaits me, in preference
to any possible comfort I could
receive from them.

Mr. Falconbridge is employed by the
St. George’s Bay Company, to carry out
some relief for a number of unfortunate
people, (blacks and whites,) whom Governmentvernment A5v 2
sent to the river Sierra
Leone, a few years since, and who in
consequence of some dispute with the
natives, are scattered through the country,
and are just now, as I have been told,
in the most deplorable condition.

He (Mr. Falconbridge,) is likewise to
make some arrangements for collecting
those poor creatures again, and forming
a settlement which the company have in
contemplation to establish, not only to
serve them, but to be generally useful
to the natives.

Mr. Falconbridge, his brother Mr. W.
Falconbrigde and myself are to embark
on board the Duke of Bucleugh,
Captain M^cLean, a ship belonging to
Messrs John and Alexander Anderson,
of Philpot Lane; these gentlemen I understand,
have a considerable factory at a
place called Bance Island, some distance
up the river Sierra Leone, to which
island the ship is bound.

The company have either sent, or are
to send out a small cutter called the
Lapwing, to meet Mr. F―, on the
coast, she carries the stores for relieving
the people, &c.

This A6r 3

This is all the information I can give
you at present, respecting my intended
voyage, but as it is an unusual enterprize
for an English woman to visit the
coast of Africa; and as I have ever
flattered myself with possessing your
friendship, you will no doubt like to
hear from me, and I therefore intend
giving you a full and circumstancial account
of every thing that does not escape
my notice, ’till I return to this
bless’d land, if it pleases him who determines
all things, that shall be the case
again.

I have this instant learnt that we set
off to-morrow for Gravesend, where the
ship is laying ready to sail; should we
put into any port in the channel, I
may probably write you if I am able,
but must now bid you adieu.

Letter II.

Spithead, 1791-01-12Jan. 12, 17941791.

Contrary winds prevented
us from proceding directly out of the
channel, and made it necessary to put
into this place. We have been here two
days, but I am told there is an appearance
of the wind changing, and that it is probable
we shall make the attempt to get
away some time this day; therefore I
think it best not to defer performing my
promise of writing to you, leastlest we sail,
and I am disappointed.

We embarked at Gravesend between
eleven and twelve o’clock, the night after I
wrote you: every thing seemed in dreadful
confusion; but this I understand is
commonly the case on board ships when
on the eve of sailing: besides the captain
had several friends who came from London
to bid him farewell.

You B1r 5

You may guess my mind, in spite of
all the resolution a young girl is capable
of mustering, could not be undisturbed;
but I would not give way to any melancholy
reflections, and endeavoured to
smother them as often as they intruded;
although I must confess they sometimes
caught me off my guard, and my heart,
for the moment, was ready to burst with
the thoughts of what I had to encounter,
which was pictured to me by almost every
one in the worst of colours.

However I went to bed, and being
much fatigued, was in hopes every care
would be buried for the night in delightful
sleep; but in this was disappointed,
for although my eyes were closed
as soon as I got my head on the pillow,
yet it was not of long continuance.

I had slept perhaps two hours, when
the shocking cries of murder awoke me!
I did not at the instant recollect where I
was, but the first thoughts which occurred
upon remembering myself on ship-board,
were, that a gang of pirates had attacked
the ship, and would put us all to death.

All the cabin was by this time alarmed;
the cries of murder still continuing B while B1v 6
while the captain and others were loudly
calling for lights; and so great was the
confusion, that it was a long while before
any could be procured: at length the
light came, when I found myself some
what collected, and had courage enough
to ask what was the matter.

My fears were removed, by being informed
it was a Mr. B―, a passenger,
whose intellects were a little deranged:
he continued his disagreeable hideous
cries the whole night, and prevented every
one from sleeping; for my part I scarcely
closed my eyes again.

At breakfast Mr. B― apologized
by telling us that his wife had murdered
his only child, for which reason he had
left her. “And,” said he, “the horrid
act! has made such an impression on my
mind, that I frequently think I see her
all besmeared with blood, with a dagger
in her hand, determined to take away my
life also: it preys upon my spirits, for I
want strength of mind to conquer the
weakness.”Open note 1Back to note ¹

Mr. B2r 7

Mr. Alexander Anderson came on
board, and dined: he politely enquired
if I was comfortable; assured me, that
every thing had been put on board to
render us as much so as possible.

In the evening he returned to town,
and we got under weigh.

Nothing occurred on our passage here,
except such frequent returns of Mr. B’s
delirium, as has induced Captain M^cLean
to put him on shore, from the opinion
of his being an unfit subject to go to
the coast of Africa.

I did not experience any of those
fears peculiar to my sex upon the water;
and the only inconvenience I found was
a little sea sickness, which I had a right
to expect, for you know this is my first
voyage.

There is one circumstance, which I
forbode will make the remainder of our
voyage unpleasant.

The gentlemen whom Mr. Falconbridge
is employed by are for abolishing
the slave trade: the owners of this
vessel are of that trade, and consequently the B2 B2v 8
the captain and Mr. Falconbridge must
be very opposite in their sentiments.

They are always arguing, and both
are warm in their tempers, which makes
me uneasy, and induces me to form this
conjecture; but perhaps that may not be
the case.

I have not been on shore at Portsmouth,
indeed it is not a desirable place
to visit: I was once there, and few people
have a desire to see it a second time.

The only thing that has attracted my
notice in the harbour, is the fleet with
convicts for Botany Bay, which are wind
bound, as well as ourselves.

The destiny of such numbers of my
fellow creatures has made what I expect
to encounter, set lighter upon my mind
than it ever did before; nay, nothing
could have operated a reconciliation so
effectually: for as the human heart is
more susceptible of distress conveyed
by the eye, than when represented by
language however ingenously pictured
with misery, so the sight of those unfortunate
beings, and the thoughts of
what they are to endure, have worked
more forcibly on my feelings, than all the B3r 9
the accounts I ever read or heard of
wretchedness before.

I must close this which is the last, in
all probability you will receive from me.
’till my arrival in Africa; when, if an opportunity
offers, I shall make a point of
writing to you.

Pray do not let distance or absence blot
out the recollection of her,

Letter III.

Bance Island. 1791-02-10Feb. 10, 1791.

We sailed the very day I wrote
you from Portsmouth, and our passage
was unusually quick, being only eighteen
days from thence to this place.

The novelty of a ship ploughing the
trackless ocean, in a few days became
quite familiar to me; there was such a
sameness in every thing (for some birds
were all we saw the whole way) that I
found the voyage tiresome, notwithstanding
the shortness of it.

You will readily believe my heart was
gladdened at the sight of the mountains
of Sierra Leone, which was the land
we first made.

Those mountains appear to rise gradually
from the sea to a stupendious height,
richly wooded and beautifully ornamented by B4r 11
by the hand of nature, with a variety of
delightful prospects.

I was vastly pleased while sailing up
the river, for the rapidity of the ship
through the water afforded a course of
new scenery almost every moment, till we
cast anchor here: Now and then I saw
the glimpse of a native town, but from
the distance, and new objects hastily
catching my eye, was not able to form
a judgement or idea of any of them;
but this will be no loss, as I may have
frequent opportunities of visiting some
of them hereafter.

As soon as our anchor was dropped,
Captain M^cLean saluted Bance Island
with seven guns, which not being returned,
I enquired the cause, and was
told, the last time the Duke of Bucleugh
came out, she, as is customary,
saluted, and on the sort returning the
compliment, a wad was drove by the
force of the sea breeze upon the roof
of one of the houses, (which was then
of thatch) set fire to the building, and
consumed not only the house but goods
to a large amount.

When the ceremony of saluting was
over, Captain M^cLean and Mr. W. Falconbridgeconbridge B4v 12
went on shore; but being
late in the evening, I continued on
board ’till next day.

Here we met the Lapwing cutter. She
sailed some time before us from Europe,
and had been arrived two or three weeks.

The master of her, and several of the
people to whose assistance Mr. Falconbridge
is come, and who had taken refuge
here, came to visit us.

They represented their sufferings to
have been very great; that they had been
treacherously dealt with by one King
Jemmy, who had drove them away
from the ground they occupied, burnt
their houses, and otherwise devested them
of every comfort and necessary of life:
they also threw out some reflections against
the Agent of this island; said he had sold
several of their fellow sufferers to a
Frenchman, who had taken them to the
West Indies.

Mr. Falconbridge, however, was not
inclined to give entire confidence to
what they told us; but prudently supended
his opinion until he had made
further enquiries.

Those B5r 13

Those visitors being gone, we retired
to bed—I cannot say to rest; the heat
was so excessive that I scarcely slept at
all.

The following day we received a polite
invitation to dine on shore, which I
did not object to, although harassed for
want of sleep the night before.

At dinner the conversation turned
upon the slave trade: Mr. Falconbridge,
zealous for the cause in which he is
engaged, strenuously opposed every argument
his opponents advanced in favour
of the abominable trade: the glass went
briskly round, and the gentlemen growing
warm, I retired immediately as the cloath
was removed.

The people on the island crowded to
see me; they gazed with apparent astonishment
—I suppose at my dress, for
white women could not be a novelty to
them, as there were several among the
unhappy people sent out here by government,
one of whom is now upon the
island.

Seeing so many of my own sex, though
of different complexions from myself, attiredtired B5v 14
in their native garbs, was a scene
equally new to me, and my delicacy, I
confess, was not a little hurt at times.

Many among them appeared of superior
rank, at least I concluded so from
the preferable way in which they were
clad; nor was I wrong in my conjecture,
for upon enquiring who they were, was
informed one was the woman or mistress
of Mr. ―, another of Mr. B―, and
so on: I then understood every gentleman
of the island had his lady.

While I was thus entertaining myself
with my new acquaintances, two or three
of the gentlemen left their wine and joined
me: among them was Mr. Ballingall the
Agent, who, in a very friendly manner,
begged I would take a bed on shore.

I thanked him, and said, if agreeable
to Mr. Falconbridge, I would have no
objection: however, Falconbridge objected,
and gave me for reason, that he
had been unhandsomely treated, and was
determined to go on board the Lapwing,
for he would not subject himself to any
obligation to men possessing such diabolical
sentiments.

It B6r 15

It was not proper for me to contradict
him at that moment, as the heat of argument
and the influence of an over
portion of wine had quickened and disconcerted
his temper; I therefore submitted
without making any objection to come
on board this tub of a vessel, which in
point of size and cleanliness, comes nigher
a hog trough than any thing else you can
imagine.

Though I resolved to remonstrate the
first seasonable opportunity, and to point
out the likelihood of endangering my
health, should he persist to keep me in
so confined a place.

This remonstrance I made the next
morning, after passing a night of torment,
but to no purpose; the only consolation
I got, was,—as soon as the settlers could
be collected, he would have a house built
on shore, where they were to be fixed.

I honestly own my original resolution
of firmness was now warped, at what I
foresaw I was doomed to suffer, by being
imprisoned, God knows how long, in
a place so disgusting as this was, in my
opinion, at that time.

Conceive B6v 16

Conceive yourself pent up in a floating
cage, without room, to walk about, stand
erect, or even to lay at length; exposed
to the inclemency of the weather, having
your eyes and ears momently offended
by acts of indecency, and language too
horrible to relate—add to this, a complication
of filth, the stench from which
was continually assailing your nose, and
then you will a faint notion of the
Lapwing Cutter.

However, upon collecting myself, and
recollecting there was no remedy but to
make the best of my situation, I begged
the master (who slept upon deck in consequence
of my coming on board) to have
the cabin thoroughly cleaned and washed
with vinegar; intreated Falconbridge to
let me go on shore while it was doing—
hinted at the indecencies I saw and heard,
and was promised they would prevented
in future.

With this assurance I went on shore,
not a little elated at the reprieve I was
to enjoy for a few hours.

The gentlemen received me with every
mark of attention and civility; indeed, I
must be wanting in sensibility, if my heart did C1r 17
did not warm with gratitude to Messrs.
Ballingall and Tilly, for their kindnesses
to me: the latter gentleman I am informed
will succeed to the agency of the
island; he is a genteel young man, and
I am told very deservedly a favourite with
his employers.

Mr. Falconbridge this day sent a message
to Elliotte Griffiths, the secretary of
Naimbana, who is the King of Sierra
Leone, acquainting him with the purport
of his mission, and begging to know when
he may be honoured with an audience of
his Majesty.

In the evening he received an answer,
of which the following is a copy:

“Robana Town. King Naimbana’s compliments to
Mr. Falconbridge, and will be glad to
see him to morrow.
(Signed) A.E. Griffiths, Sec.”

Such an immediate answer from a
King, I considered a favourable omen,
and a mark of condescension in his C Majesty C1v 18
Majesty, but the result you shall hear
by and by, in the mean while, I must
tell you what passed the remainder of
the day at Bance Island, and give as
far as my ideas allow me, a description
of this factory.

We sat down to dinner with the same
party as the first day, consisting of
about fifteen in number; this necessary
ceremony ended, and towards the cool
of the afternoon, I proposed walking for
a while: Mr. Tilly and a Mr. Barber offered
to accompany and show me the
island, which not being objected to, we
set out.

Adam’s Town was the first place they
took me to; it is so called from a native
of that name, who has the management
of all the gramattos, or free black servants,
but under the controul of the
Agent.

The whole town consists of a street
with about twenty-five houses on each
side:—on the right of all is Adam’s
house.

This building does not differ from the
rest, except in size, being much more spacious C2r 19
spacious than any other, and being barracaded
with a mud wall;—all of them
are composed of thatch, wood, and clay,
something resembling our poor cottages,
in many parts of England.

I went into several of them—saw nothing
that did not discover the occupiers
to be very clean and neat; in some was
a block or two of wood, which served
for chairs,—a few wooden bowls or
trenchers, and perhaps a pewter bason
and an iron pot compleated the whole of
their furniture.

In every house I was accosted by
whoever we found at home, in the Timmany
language “Currea Yaa” which signifies
—How do you do mother?—the
most respectful way they can address
any person.

Leaving the town, we proceeded first
to burying ground for Europeans,
and then to that for blacks;― the
only distinction between them was a few
orange trees, that shaded two grave
stones at the former,—one in memory
of a Mr. Knight, who had died here after
residing fifteen years as Agent;—the
other was on the supposed grave of a
Captain Tittle, who was murdered by C2 one C2v 20
one Signor Domingo, a native chief, for
(as Domingo asserts) being the cause of
his son’s death.

The circumstance leading to the murder,
as well as the murder itself, has
been represented to me nearly in the
following words:

“One day while the son of Domingo
was employed by Captain Tittle, as a
gramatto, or pull-away boy,Open note 2Back to note ² Tittle’s hat
by accident blew overboard, and he insisted
that the boy should jump into the
water and swim after it, as the only
means of saving his hat. The boy obstinately refused, saying,
he could not swim, and he should either
be drowned, or the sharks would catch
him; upon which Tittle pushed him into
the water, and the poor boy was lost;
but whether devoured by sharks, or suffocated
by water, is immaterial, he was
never heard of, or seen after. The father, though sorely grieved
for his son’s death, was willing to consider
it accidental, and requested Tittle
would supply him with a small quantity
of rum to make a cry or lamentation in
their country custom. The C3r 21 The Captain, by promise, acquiesced
to the demand, and sent him a cask; but
instead of spirits filled with emptyings
from the tubs of his slaves. As soon as Domingo discovered this
insult and imposition, he informed Tittle
he must either submit to the decision of
a Palaver, or he would put him to death
if ever an opportunity offered; but Tittle
laughed at these threats, and disregarding
them, vauntingly threw himself into the
way of Domingo—while the trick played
upon him, and the loss of his son were
fresh in his memory. The African, however, instead on
being daunted at the sight of this head
strong man, soon convinced him he
was serious: he had Tittle seized, and
after confining him some time in irons,
without food, ordered him to be broken
to death, which was executed under the
inspection of the injured father, and to
the great joy and satisfaction of multitude
of spectators. ”

Not a sentence or hint of the affair is
mentioned on the tombstone; the reason
assigned for the omission, was a wish to
obliterate the melancholy catastrophe, and a C3 fear C3v 22
fear least the record might be the means
of kindling animosities at a future day.

Now, although I cannot without horror
contemplate on the untimely end of
this man, yet he assuredly in some degree
merited it, if the account I have
heard and just now related to you be
true, which I have no reason to question;
for he who unprovoked can wantonly
rob a fellow creature of his life, deserves
not life himself!

From the catacombs which lay at the
south east end, we walked to the opposite
point of the island; it is no great distance,
for the whole island is very little more
than a fourth of a mile in length, and
scarcely a mile and a half in circumference.

Several rocks lay at a small distance
from the shore at this end; they are by
the natives called the Devil’s Rocks,—
from the superstitious opinion that the
old Gentleman resides either there or in
the neighbourhood.

Sammo, King of the Bulloms, comes
to this place once a year to make a
sacrifice and peace-offering to his infernal
Majesty.

From C4r 23

From this King Messrs. Anderson’s hold
all their possessions here, and I understand
they pay him an annual tribute—but to
what amount I cannot say.

The King comes in person to receive
his dues, which are paid him in his canoe,
for he never ventures to put his foot on
shore, as his Gree Greemen or fortunetellers
have persuaded him the island will
sink under him if ever he lands.

I am told at one time he suffered
himself to be dragged up to the Factory
House in his boat, but no argument was
strong enough to seduce him to disembark,
for he did not consider he incurred
the penalty his prophets denounced
while he continued in his canoe; though
he could not avoid shewing evident
tokens of uneasiness, ’till he was safe afloat
again.

We now returned to the Factory, or as
it is otherwise called Bance Island house.

This building at a distance has a respectable
and formidable appearance; nor
is it much less so upon a nearer investigation:
I suppose it is about one hundred
feet in length, and thirty in breadth, and C4v 24
and contains nine rooms, all on one floor,
under which are commodious large cellars
and store rooms: to the right is the kitchen,
forge. &c. and to the left other necessary
buildings, all of country stone, and surrounded
with prodigious thick lofty wall.

There was formerly a fortification in
front of those houses, which was destroyed
by a French frigate during the last war;
at present several pieces of cannon are
planted in the same place, but without
embrassures or breast-work; behind the
great house is the slave yard, and houses
for accommodating the slaves.

Delicacy, perhaps, prevented the gentlemen
from taking me to see them; but
the room where we dined looks directly
into the yard.

Involuntarily I stroled to one of the windows
a little before dinner, without the
smallest suspicion of what I was to see;—
judge then what my astonishment and
feelings were at the sight of between two
and three hundred wretched victims,
chained and parcelled out in circles just
satisfying the cravings of nature from a
trough of rice placed in the centre of
each circle.

Offended C5r 25

Offended modesty rebuked me with a
blush for not hurrying my eyes from
such disgusting scenes; but whether fascinated
by female curiosity, or whatever
else, I could not withdraw myself for
several minutes—while I remarked some
whose hair was withering with age, reluctantly
tasting their food—and others
thoughtless from youth, greedily devouring
all before them: be assured I
avoided the prospects from this side of
the house ever after.

Having prolonged the time ’till nine at
night, we returned to our floating prison,
and what with the assiduity of the master
in removing many inconveniencies,
my mind being more at ease, want of
rest for two nights, and somewhat fatigued
with the exercise of the day, I, thank
God, slept charmingly, and the next morning
we set sail for Robana where we
arrived about ten o’clock: I think it is
called nine miles from Bance Island.

We went on shore, and rather caught
his Majesty by surprize, for he was quite
in dishabille; and at our approach retired
in great haste.

I ob- C5v 26

I observed a person pass me in a loose
white frock and trowsers, whom I would
not have suspected for a King! if he had
not been pointed out to me.

Mr. Elliotte and the Queen met us; and
after introducing her Majesty and himself,
we were then conducted to her house.

She behaved with much indifference,—
told me in broken English that the King
would come presently—he was gone to
peginninnee woman house to dress himself.

After setting nigh half an hour, Naimbana
made his appearance, and received
us with seeming good will: he was dressed
in a purple embroidered coat, white sattin
waistcoat and breeches, thread stockings,
and his left side emblazoned with a flaming
star; his legs to be sure were harliquined,
by a number of holes in the stockings,
through which his black skin appeared.

Compliments ended, Mr. Falconbridge
acquainted him with his errand, by a
repetition of what he wrote the day before:
and complained much of King
Jemmy’s injustice, in driving the settlers
away, and burning their town.

The C6r 27

The King answered through Elliotte,
(for he speaks but little English) that
Jemmy was partly right—the people had
brought it on themselves; they had taken
part with some Americans, with whom
Jemmy had dispute, and through that
means drew the ill will of this man upon
them, who had behaved, considering their
conduct as well as they merited; for he
gave them three days notice before he
burned their town, that they might remove
themselves and all their effects
away; that he (Naimbana) could not prudently
estabishestablish them, except by consent of
all the Chiefs—for which purpose he must
call a court or palaver; but it would be
seven or eight days before they could be
collected; however he would send a summons
to the different parties directly, and
give Falconbridge timely advice when they
were to meet.

Falconbridge perceived clearly nothing
was to be effected without a palaver, and
unless the King’s interest was secured his
views would be frustrated, and his endeavours
ineffectual; but how this was to be
done, or what expedient to adopt, he was
at a loss for.

He C6v 28

He considered it impolitic to purchase
his patronage by heavy presents, least
the other great men might expect the
same; and he had it not in his power to
purchase them all in the same way, as the
scanty cargo of the Lapwing would not
admit of it.

At length, trusting that the praise-worthy
purposes he was aiming at, insured him the
assistance of the King of Kings, he resolved
to try what good words would do.

Having prefaced his arguments with a
small donation of some rum, wine, and cheese,
and a gold laced hat, which Naimbana
seemed much pleased with.

Falconbridge began, by explaining what
advantages would accrue to his Majesty, and
all the inhabitants round about, by such
an establishment as the St. George’s Bay
Company were desirous of making;—the
good they wished to do—their disinterestednes
in point of obtaining wealth, and concluded
by expostulating on the injustice
and imposition of dispossessing the late settlers
of the grounds and houses they occupied,
which had been honestly and
honorably purchased by Captain Thompson of D1r 29
of the Navy, in the name of our gracious
Sovereign, his Britannic Majesty.

That it was unusual for Englishmen to
forego fulfilling any engagements they
made; and they held in detestation every
person so disposed.

He then entreated the King would use
all his might to prevent any unfavourable
prejudices which a refusal to reinstate the
Settlers, or to confirm the bargain made
with Captain Thompson, might operate
against him in the minds of his good
friends the King of England and the St.
George’s Bay Company.

The King said he liked the English in
preference to all white men, tho’ he considered
every white man as a rogue, and
consequently saw them with a jealous eye;
yet, he believed the English were by far
the honestest, and for that reason, notwithstanding
he had received more favors
from the French than the English, he
liked the latter much best.

He was decidedly of opinion, that all
contracts or agreements between man and
man however disadvantageous to either
party should be binding; but observed, D he D1v 30
he was hastily drawn in to dispose of land
to Captain Thompson, which in fact he had
not a right to sell, because says he, “this
is a great country, and belongs to many
people—where I live belongs to myself—
and I can live where I like; nay, can
appropriate any unhabited land within my
dominions to what use I please; but it is
necessary for me to obtain the consent of
my people, or rather the head man of
every town, before I sell any land to a
white man, or allow strangers to come
and live among us.”

“I should have done this you will say at
first—Granted—but as I disobliged my
subjects by suffering your people to take
possession of the land without their approbation,
from which cause I was not able
to protect them, unless I hazarded civil
commotions in my country; and as they
have been turned away—it is best now—
they should be replaced by the unanimous
voice of all interested. I am bound from what I have heretofore
done, to give my utmost support;
and if my people do not acquiesce, it shall
not be my fault. ” Here D2r 31

Here Falconbridge, interrupting the
King, said—“The King of the English will
not blame your people, but load yourself
with the stigma; it is King Naimbana who
is ostensible to King George—and I hope
King, you will not fall out with your good
friend.”

This being explained by Mr. Secretary
Elliotte, his Majesty was some moments
silent—when clasping Falconbridge in his
arms, told him—“I believe you and King
George are my good friends—do not fear,
have a good heart, I will do as much as
I can for you.”

They then shook hands heartily, and
Naimbana retired, I suppose to his Pegininee
woman’s house, but presently returned
dressed in a suit of black velvet,
except the stockings, which were the same
as before.

I often had an inclination to offer my
services to close the holes: but was fearful
least my needle might blunder into
his Majesty’s leg, and start the blood, for
drawing the blood of an African King,
I am informed, whether occasioned by
accident or otherwise, is punished with D2 death; D2v 32
death: the dread of this only prevented
me.

We were now invited to walk and see
the town, while dinner was preparing.

It consists of about twenty houses irregularly
placed, built of the same materials,
but in a superior way to those of
Adam’s town;—the whole of them are
either occupied by the King’s wives and
servants, or appropriated as warehouses.

I saw several of his wives, but his Pegininee
woman is a most beautiful young
girl of about fourteen.

None of them are titled with the appellation
of Queen, but the oldest, who
I was introduced to, and by whom the
King has several children; one of the
daughter’s, named Clara, is wife to Elliotte,
and a son named Bartholomew, is
now in France for his education.

In different parts of the town I observed
some rags stuck on poles, at the foot of
each were placed—perhaps a rusty cutlass,
some pieces of broken glass, and a pewter
bason, containing a liquid of some sort; D3r 33
sort; these are called Gree Grees, and considered
as antidotes against the Devil’s
vengeance.

I was thoughtlessly offering to examine
one of them when Mr Elliotte requested
me to desist, or I should give
offence, they being held in a very sacred
point of view.

We were now led to the garden,
which was only furnished with African
plants, such as pines, melons, pumpkins,
cucumbers, &c &c.

The King cut two beautiful pines and
presented to me: he then shewed us a
large new house, at present building for
him, which is after the same form, and
of the same materials with the rest of his
town, but much larger.

In our walk we saw many of the
King’s slaves employed in preparing the
palm-nut, to make oil from them: It may
not be amiss here to give you some description
of the tree which produce these
nuts.

D3 It D3v 34

It is remarkable strait and of a gigantic
height; the trunk is quite naked, having
neither limb or bark, for the only branches
grow immediately from the top, and incline
their points somewhat towards the
ground.

This is a valuable tree, the nut not
only produces a quantity of oil, but is
esteemed excellent food by the natives,
who also extract a liquor from the tree,
which they call palm wine.

This I am told is done by means of
an incision in the upper part of the
trunk, in which a pipe is entered to
toto
convey the liquor into bottles placed
beneath.

I have tasted some of this wine, and
do not think it unpleasant when fresh
made; it has a sweetish taste, and much
the look of whey, but foments in a few
days, and grows sour—however I really
think this liquor distilled would make a
decent kind of spirit.

Having seen all the raree-shows of Robana
town, we returned to the Queens
house to dinner, which was shortly after
put on a table covered with a plain calico D4r 35
calico cloth, and consisted of boiled and
broiled fowls, rice, and some greens resembling
our spinnage.

But I shou’d tell you, before dinner
Naimbana again changed his dress for a
scarlet robe embroidered with gold.

Naimbana, Elliotte, Falconbridge, and
myself, only set down; the Queen stood
behind the King eating an onion I gave
her, a bit of which she now and then
indulged her Royal Consort with: silver
forks were placed on the King’s plate,
and mine, but no where else.

The King is rather above common
height, but meagre withal; the features
of his face resemble a European more
than any black I have seen; his teeth are
mostly decayed, and his hair, or rather
wool, bespeaks old age, which I judge to
be about eighty; he was seldom without
a smile on his countenance, but I think his
smiles were suspicious.

He gave great attention while Falconbridge
was speaking, for though he does
not speak out language, he understands a
good deal of it; his answers were slow,
and on the whole tolerably reasonable.

The D4v 36

The Queen is of a middle stature, plump
and jolly; her temper seems placid and
accommodating; her teeth are bad, but
I dare say she has otherwise been a
good looking woman in her youthful
days.

I suppose her now to be about forty-
five or six at which age women are considered
old here.

She sat on the King’s right hand,
while he and Falconbridge were in conversation;
and now and then would clap
her hands, and cry out “Ya hoo”, which
signifies, that’s well or proper.

She was dressed in the country manner,
but in a dignified stile, having several
yards or striped taffety wrapped round
her waist, which served as a petticoat;
another piece of the same was carelessly
thrown over her shoulders in form
of a scarf; her head was decorated with
two silk handkerchiefs; her ears with
rich gold ear-rings, and her neck with
gaudy necklaces; but she had neither shoes
nor stockings on.

Clara was dressed much after the same
way, but her apparel was not quite of such D5r 37
such good materials as the Queen’s: Mr.
Elliotte apologized after dinner, that for
want of sugar they could not offer tea
or coffee.

The tide serving, and approaching
night obliged us to reimbark and return
to this place.

On the whole I was much pleased
with the occurrences of the day; indeed,
methinks, I hear you saying, “Why the
weekweak mind of this giddy girl will be quite
intoxicated with the courtesy and attention
paid her by such great folks;” but
believe me, to whatever height or self-
consequence I may have been lifted by
aerial fancies, overpouring sleep prevailed
and clouding all my greatness—
I awoke next morning without the slightest
remains of fancied importance.

The news of our arrival having by this
time circulated through different parts of
the country, we found several, who either
excited by curiosity or some other cause,
had come here to pay their obeisance or
as the Africans term it, make service to us;
but there was none of note or quality
worth naming among those visitors, except
an elderly man called Pa, or Father Boson, who D5v 38
who is the head man of a considerable
town about fifty miles up the river, and
who, guided by the impulse of a good
heart, invited the wretched exiles in the
hour of distress to refuge at his place,
which was excepted by the greater part,
who have been fostered and protected ever
since by the almsdeeds of this good old
man; he was habited in a white linen
surplice, and a cap of a the same, and
made, I assure you a reverential appearance.

I am told this is the dress of a nation
in the interior country, called Mundingoes:
but Pa Boson is not a Mundingo
himself.

He respectfully accosted me in broken
English, and bending his knee, offered
me his right hand supported under the
elbow by his left.

I held out my hand which he slightly
touched, and then repeated the same to
Falconbridge: he was now invited to be
seated under the awning we had erected
over the Lapwing’s deck—when he detailed
a most pitiable account of sufferings
and hardships which the unfortunate
people had undergone; but he said
there were many bad people among them, D6r 39
them, who had abused his kindness by
ingratitude.

Falconbridge and myself endeavoured
what we could to convince him we were
highly pleased with his behaviour; but
as words are not sufficient to convey
thankful acknowledgements in this country,
Falconbridge confirmed the assurances
we made by a present of a
quantity of rum, and some hard ware,
and a promise to represent his conduct
to the St. George’s Bay Company, in a
proper light, which he was certain would
induce them to make a more ample recompence
at a future time.

Well pleased with his reception, and
somewhat enebriated with the effects of
repeated glasses of spirits he had taken,
Pa Boson left us; but first promising
faithfully he would befriend us all in his
power at the Palaver.

He travelled with much seeming consequence:
his canoe was no longer than our
cutter, and manned with fourteen people,
viz. ten oarsmen, a cockswain, two poignard
bearers, and another who beat time
on a flat sounding drum to a song given
out by the cockswain, and re-echoed by the D6v 40
the oarsmen; the song I am told was expressive
of praises to their Chief, and
of their satisfaction for the treatment
they had received from us.

The following day we visited a small
island named Tasso, opposite to Bance
island, at about one mile and a half distance.

This is a well wooded island and I
should suppose if cultivated would be a
fruitful one. Open note 3Back to note ³

It supplies Bance island with water,
which is remarkable fine, and the present
holders of the latter claim a right to
this also, but upon what grounds I cannot
say.

Approaching the shore I saw many
monkies playing on the beach and catching
small fish at the edge of the water,
but they all ran away as we drew near;
being informed there was no danger to
be apprehended from wild beasts of prey,
we penetrated some distance into the
woods.

In E1r 41

In our walk we saw many pine apples
and lime trees, the spontaneous production
of the country, and a variety of birds
beautifully plumed, but none that sung.

We were also treated with the perfumes
of fragrant aromatic plants, and
indeed were vastly delighted and entertained,
though I felt fatigued, with our
perambulation.

The next day we went up the river,
about twelve miles, to see a secret or
reserved factory belonging to Bance Island
at a place called Marre Bump, but our
curiosity had nearly led us into a serious
scrape.

Falconbridge neglected to obtain permission,
and consequently had not sanction,
from the proprietors.

After landing we walked, at least half
a mile on a narrow path, through amazing
thick woods before we reached the houses;
as soon as the inhabitants perceived us, the
women took to their heels and ran to the
woods, the men flew to arms, and in a moment
we were met by more than twenty
huge fellows armed with guns, pistols and
cutlasses.

E We E1v 42

We were four in number, viz. Falconbridge,
the master of the cutter, a
black man and myself; our black spoke
to them in their own language—they
would not listen to him; but said, if we
did not return immediately the way we
came, they would put us all to death.

It is easier for you to imagine what
horrors those threats occasioned, than for
me to point them out.

Finding argument fruitless, we put
to the right about and hastened to our
boat, they, following, flanked us on each
side of the road, watchfully observing our
motions till they saw us clear off, when,
as a mark of exultation, they discharged
their muskets over our heads, and made
the woods ring with peals of triumphant
clamours.

Recovering from my fright a little, I
could not help, you may suppose, exulting
(though in a different way) as well
as the savages.

My heart overflow’d with gratitude,
to the Author of its animation, for our
providential escape.

Returning E2r 43

Returning down the river, we observed
numbers of orange trees, a cluster of them,
overloaded with fruit, invited us on shore,
and after gathering what we chose, made
the best of our way, and arrived here
before night.

Three days are now elapsed since our
expedition to Marre Bump, during which
time I have confined myself mostly on
board, occupied in writing this letter.

It has been, really, a fatiguing job, being
obliged to sit in bed with a book placed
on my knee, which serves for a writing
desk; but I was determined whatever the
inconveniencies might be, not to let slip
an opportunity, as I find they but seldom
offer.

I lament the Palaver is not over, that
I might give you my account of an African
Court, but my next will remedy this loss.

Mr. Elliotte has informed us the
Chiefs will be at Robana the day after
to-morrow, when Falconbridge is desired
to attend; I shall accompany him, and
long to know the result.

Letter IIIIV.

Granville Town, Sierra Leone,
1791-05-13May 13, 17941791.

Occasional visits to Bance
Island, unattended by any important
Occurrence worth troubling you with,
and a continual concourse of strangers,
making their African compliments, engrossed
two days interval, between the
date of my last letter, and our second
expedition to Robana; when we set out
in a boat and four hands, taking with
us plenty of spirits for the common
people, and a little wine for the King
and his associates.

When we came in sight of the Town,
Multitudes of people thronged to the
Beach.

Mr. Elliotte met us at the boat, and
the croud formed an avenue, through which E3r 45
which he conducted us to the Queen’s
house, amidst such thundering acclamations,
that it was almost impossible
to hear one or other speak.

The King and Queen met us at the
door, and seemed to give us a hearty
welcome.

We were then ushered in, and introduced
in general terms to the company,
consisting of the parties who were to
compose the Court, (and a multiplicity
of women,) their wives, daughters, and
attendants: having seated ourselves, and
wasted almost an hour in receiving the
civilities of shaking hands with every
individual in the room.

The members of the Court then took
their seats, round the large table we
dined off, when first there; which was
now covered with a green cloth.

The King sat at the head of the table
in an old arm chair: on this right was
his secretary, and on his left his Palavar
man; or, as the office is termed in
England, his Attorney general: the other
Chiefs appeared to seat themselves by E3 seniority; E3v 46
seniority; the oldest next to the “Throne”,
if I may so term the old chair.

The King wore his hat, which was
the gold laced one Falconbridge gave
him.

On the table was placed wine and
rum, of which every one helped himself
plentifully.

I was astonished to see, not only the
men, but women, drink rum in half
pints at a time, as deliberately as I
would water.

After amusing themselves some time
in this way, “Mr. Palaver Man” got up,
bending his right knee, presented his
Majesty with some ColaOpen note 4Back to note ⁴ from the crown
of his hat, then retired to the opposite
end of the table, when he opened the
business of the day, by a speech of at
least an hour and an half long; it being
in their own language, I of course
did not understand a word, but during the E4r 47
the time he spoke, there was the greatest
silence and attention observed.

The next spokesman, was King Jemmy,
who previously went through the same
ceremony his predecessor had done:
whether this man’s language was eloquent
or not, I cannot be a judge, but
his vociferation was enough to deafen
one; though I had reason to think
what he said gave great satisfaction to
the by-standers, who frequently interrupted
him by clapping of hands and
shouts of, “Ya Hoo! Ya Hoo! Ya Hoo!”
and other tokens of applause.

My heart quivered with fear least
they might be forming some treacherous
contrivance: I could not conceal the
uneasiness it felt: My countenance betrayed
me, a shower of tears burst from
my eyes, and I swooned into hystericks.

Recovering in a short time, I observed
every one around, treating me with
the utmost kindness, and endeavouring
to convince me that neither insult or
injury would be offered us: but my
fears were not to be removed, or even
checked hastily, for I had scarcely got
the better of my fright at Marre Bump; however E4v 48
however I struggled to awaken my resolution,
and collected enough, after
awhile, to affect composure; but believe
me, it was mere affectation: Night was
drawing nigh, and I solicited Falconbridge
to return as soon as possible: He argued,
the Court had been impeded
by the awkward situation my fears had
thrown me into: but he would set out
time enough to reach Bance Island before
dark.

The Assembly now resumed their
business.

One or two members offered Cola
to the King, which he refused; a grey
headed old man then made the offer,
and it being accepted, he took the foot
of the table, and a few words compleating
what he had to say: Mr. Elliotte
intimated that King Naimbana
intended to give his sentiments; upon
which every member rose up, and the
King continuing in his chair, covered,
delivered his speech in a concise, clear,
and respectable manner.

After this Mr Elliotte acquainted
Falconbridge the Court could not come
to one mind that night, but it was generally E5r 49
generally understood, if he would give
fifteen hundred Bars,Open note 5Back to note ⁵ they would confirm
King Naimbana’s engagement with
Captain Thompson, and re-establish his
people.

Falconbridge, whom you know is naturally
of an irritable disposition, quickened
at Elliotte’s information; but had
prudence enough only to say, he should
consider such a demand very extravagant,
and his small cargo, which he
was desired to appropriate another way,
would not permit him to pay so much,
if he had the inclination.

We then made our congees, and
took leave of those African gentry;
indeed it was high time, for the liquor
they had drank began to operate powerfully:
Mr. Elliotte and several others
accompanied us to the boat: in our
walk thither, he much admired a handsome
fowling piece of Mr. Falconbridge’s, which E5v 50
which Falconbridge without hesitation
requested he would accept, thinking such
an immediate shew of generosity might
have a favourable tendency.

Both of us promised to be down again
the following day, when it was expected
the Palavar would be finished: but I
must be honest and tell you, I was
resolved not to visit Robana again,
while this mock judicatory lasted.

About seven o’clock we reached the
Cutter; I was almost famished with
want of food, for I had not eat a
morsel the whole day: there was not
a thing on board, but salt beef, so hard,
we were obliged to chop it with an
axe, and some mouldy, rotten biscuits;
however, so great was my hunger,
that I could not help satisfying it
with some of this beef and bread, uncouth
as it was.

In the morning I feigned sickness,
and begged to be excused from attending
Falconbridge; he therefore set out,
reluctantly leaving me behind: when
he was gone, I went on shore, and
spent the day in comfort and pleasantry,
under the hospitable roof of Bance Island E6r 51
Island house; where I related the adventures
of the preceeding day, which
afforded much mirth and glee to the
company.

I met one Renniew (a Frenchman)
there; he has a factory at a small
Island, called Gambia, up another branch
of this River, named Bunch River;
whither he politely invited me, and
made a tender of any thing in his power
to serve us.

Before Falconbridge returned, which
was not till between eight and nine
o’clock at night, I had not only got on
board, but in bed, and as he did not
ask how I had spent the day, I did not
inform him: he was vexed and out of
humour, said he thought the wretches
were only bamboozling him, he believed
they would do nothing but
drink the liquor, while he had a drop
to carry them, for he was no forwarder
than the day before.

In this manner he was obliged to
repeat his visits for five successive days,
before he got their final decision, which
however, was at last tolerably favorable
on our side.

They E6v 52

They consented to re-establish the
people, and to grant to the St. George’s
Bay Company, all the land King
Naimbana had formerly sold Captain
Thompson; for a paltry consideration,
of about thirty pounds; and for the
good faith and true performance of the
contract, the King said he would pledge
his second son John Frederic, whom
Falconbridge might take with him to
England: In answer to this offer, Falconbridge
told Naimbana, he would be
very glad to take his son to England,
where he was sure the Company would
have him educated and treated kindly
without considering him as a hostage.

This pleased the old man vastly, and
it was agreed, John Frediric shall accompany
us, when we leave Africa.

The following or sixth day, Falconbridge
had engaged to carry down to
Robana the stipulated goods for repurchacing
the land, and by his importunities,
I was prevailed on to accompany
him. We arrived early in the morning,
and having soon made a delivery of
the goods, which was all the business
for the day, I was just about expressing
a desire to see some salt works, I learned F1r 53
I learned were upon the Island, when
the King, as though he had anticipated
my wishes, enquired if we liked to see
them? if so, he would walk theirthere with
us: We accordingly went, passing in
our way a hamlet or two, inhabited by
Kings slaves.

These works lay near a mile from the
town, and are a parcel of small holes,
or basons formed in a low, muddy place;
they are supplied with sea water, which
the burning sun quickly exhales, leaving
the saline particles, and by frequent repetition,
a quantity of salt is thus accumulated,
which the King conveys into,
and disposes of in the interior country,
for slaves.

Making this salt is attended with a
very trifling expence, for none but old,
refuse, female slaves, are employed in
the work, and the profit is considerable.

Early in the afternoon we returned
to Bance Island, taking Clara, the wife
of Elliotte, with us: She remained with
me several days, during which I had
opportunities (for I made a point of it)
to try her disposition; I found it impetuous,
litigious, and implacable: I endeavouredF deavoured F1v 54
to persuade her to dress in
the European way, but to no purpose;
she would tear the clothes off her back
immediately after I put them on.

Finding no credit could be gained by
trying to new fashion this Ethiopian Princess,
I got rid of her as soon as possible.

Falconbridge now had effected the
grand object; he was next to collect
and settle the miserable refugees: no
time was to be lost in accomplishing
this; the month of February was nearly
spent, only three months of dry weather
remained for them to clear their
land, build their houses and prepare
their ground for a crop to support them
the ensuing year; he therefore dispatched
a Greek, who came out in the Lapwing,
with some of the blacks, up to Pa Boson’s,
to gather and bring down the people,
while we went in the Cutter, taking a
few who were at Bance Island, to locate
an eligible place, for the settlement.

The spot they were driven from, was
to be preferred to any other part; but
by treaty it was agreed they should not
settle there: There were other situations
nearly as good, and better considerably than F2r 55
than the one fixed on; but immediate
convenience was a powerful inducement.

Here was a small village, with seventeen
pretty good huts, which the natives
had evacuated from a persuasion
they were infested by some evil spirits;
but as they made no objections
to our occupying them, we gladly took
possession, considering it a fortunate circumstance
to have such temporary shelter
for the whole of our people.

When those from Pa Bosons had
joined us, Falconbridge called them all
together, making forty-six, including men
and women; and after representing the
charitable intentions of his coming to
Africa, and issuing to them such cloathing
as were sent out in the Lapwing;
he exhorted in the most pathetic language,
that they might merit by their
industry and good behaviour the notice
now taken of them, endeavour to remove
the unfavourable prejudices that had
gone abroad, and thereby deserve further
favours from their friends in England;
who, besides the cloaths they had
already received, had sent them, tools of
all kinds, for cultivating their land, also
arms and ammunition to defend themselves,F2 selves, F2v 56
if necessary; that these articles
would be brought on shore when they
got a storehouse built; where they
would be lodged for their common
good and occasional use; he then concluded
this harangue by saying he now
named the place, Granville Town,
after their friend and benefactor, Granville
Sharp, Esq. at whose instance
they were provided with the relief now
afforded them.

I never did, and God grant I never
may again, witness so much misery as
I was forced to be a spectator off here:
Among the outcasts were seven of our
country women, decrepid with disease,
and so disguised with filth and dirt,
that I should never have supposed they
were born white; add to this, almost
naked from head to foot; in short, their
appearance was such as I think would
extort compassion from the most callous
heart; but I declare they seemed insensible
to shame, or the wretchedness of
their situation themselves; I begged they
would get washed, and gave them what
cloaths I could conveniently spare: Falconbridge
had a hut appropriated as
a hospital, where they were kept separate
from the other settlers, and by his F3r 57
his attention and care, they recovered
in a few weeks.

I always supposed these people had
been transported as convicts, but some
conversation I lately had with one of
the women has partly undeceived me:
She said, the women were mostly of
that description of persons who walk
the streets of London, and support themselves
by the earnings of prostitution;
that men were employed to collect and
conduct them to Wapping, where they
were intoxicated with liquor, then inveigled
on board of ship, and married
to black men, whom they had never seen
before; that the morning after she was
married, she really did not remember
a syllable of what had happened over
night, and when informed, was obliged
to inquire, “who was her husband?” After
this to the time of their sailing, they
were amused and buoyed up by a prodigality
of fair promises, and great expectations
which awaited them in the country
they were going to: “Thus,” in
her own words, “to the disgrace of
my mother country, upwards of one
hundred unfortunate women, were seduced
from England to practice their F3 iniquities F3v 58
iniquities more brutishly in this horrid
country.”

Good heavens! how the relation of
this tale made me shudder; I questioned
its veracity, and enquired of the other
women who exactly corroborated what
I had heard; nevertheless, I cannot
altogether reconcile myself to believe
it; for it is scarcely possible that the
British Government at this advanced and
enlightened age, envied and admired
as it is by the universe, could be capable
of exercising or countenancing
such a Gothic infringement on human
Liberty.

Immediately after we had fixed on
this Place for the settlement, I singled
out one of the best huts for my own
residence; where I remained nigh a month,
though I did not sleep on shore the
whole time: About a fortnight I continued
to go on board the Cutter at
night, when it was necessary to send
her to Bance Island; I then had a kind
of bedstead, not unlike an hospital cradle,
erected in my hovel; but the want
of a door was some inconvenience, and
as no deal, or other boards could be
procured for the purpose, I made a countrytry F4r 59
mat supply the place—for I now find
’tis necessary to accommodate myself to
whatever I meet with, there being but few
conveniences or accommodating things
to be met with in this part of Africa.

The river abounds with fine fish, and
we get abundance of them; which, with
rice, wild deer, and some poultry, forms
my common food since I came to Granville-Town.

In something less than four weeks we
got a large store-house several additional
huts for the settlers, built, and had
the goods landed from the Lapwing—
they consist chiefly of ironmongery, such
as blacksmiths and plantation tools, a prodigious
number of children’s trifling halfpenny
knives, and some few dozen scissars
of the same description.

I am charitable enough to think the benevolent
gentleman, who purchased those goods,
had a double purpose in view, viz. to
serve his sister, from whom he bought
them—and the persons to whom they
are sent; but certainly he was unacquainted
with the quality of the latter
articles, or he must have known they were
very improper gifts of charity.

A part F4v 60

A part of the store-house being partitioned
off for us, we took up our
abode there whenever it was ready for our
reception—it is rather larger, and consequently
more cool, which is the only
preference I can give it to the last habitation.

The men all do duty as militia, and
we have a constant guard kept during
the night; but the natives seem to dread
this spot so much, that we see very few,
and I really think have less to fear from
them than our people, who are extremely
turbulent, and so unruly at times, that
’tis with difficulty Falconbridge can assuage
them, or preserve the least decorum.

He was desired by the Company to
build a fort, and they sent out six pieces
of cannon, which are now on board the
Lapwing—but omitted to send carriages,
and consequently the guns are useless;
though if they were compleat, Falconbridge
thinks it would not be prudent to
trust them with the present settlers, from
a belief that they might apply them improperly.

He is also requested by his instructions
to collect as many samples of country productions F5r 61
productions as he can, and he wished to employ
some of the people in that way, but
none would give their services for less
than half a guinea per day, which price
is the greatest instance of ingratitude I
ever met with.

We were alarmed a little while since
by dreadful shouts, in the vicinity of our
town, and supposed the natives meant
to attack us; immediately Falconbridge
armed his militia, and marched out towards
where the noise was heard,—they
had not gone far when they met three or
four Panyarers, or man theives, just in the
act of ironing a poor victim they had
caught hunting, and the shouts we heard
proved to be rejoicings of the banditti.

Falconbridge did not think it advisable
to rescue the prisoner by force, or to interfere
further than what words would do;
and as some of the Panyarers spoke
English, he remonstrated against the devilish
deed they were committing, but
to little effect.

They said somebody belonging to the
prisoner’s town had injured them, and it
was the custom of their country to retaliatetaliate F5v 62
on any person living in the same
place with an offender, if they could not
get himself, which the present case was an
example of.

They then carried him away, and in
all probability this man will be deprived
of his liberty while he lives, by the barbarous
customs of his country, for the
imaginary offences of another.

I omitted mentioning in my last letter,
that the day after we arrived at Bance
Island, Mr. William Falconbridge, in
consequence of a trifling dispute with his
brother, separated from us, and went into
the service of Messrs. Anderson’s, but his
constitution was not adapted for this unhospitable
climate.

He went down the coast to York Island,
in the river Sherbro, about twenty leagues
distance, where he was unavoidably exposed
to the severity of the weather, from
which he got a fever; and although he
immediately returned to Bance Island,
and every assistance administered;
yet, I am sorry to say, the irresistible
conqueror, Death, made all endeavours
fruitless, and hurried him to eternity yesterday, F6r 63
yesterday, after a short illness of four
days.

The tornados, or thunder squalls, which
set in at this season of the year, preceding
the continued rains, have commenced
some time, the vivid intense lightning
from dismal black clouds, make them
awfully beautiful; they are accompanied
with violent winds and heavy rains, succeeded
by an abominable stench from
the earth, and disagreeable hissings and
noises from frogs, crickets, and many
other insects which the rains draw out.

Musquettos also are growing so troublesome,
as to oblige us to keep continued
smokes in and about the house.

I have not seen any serpents, but am
told there are abundance, and some very
venomous.

Here are a vast variety of beautiful
lizards constantly about the door catching
flies: and I have often seen the
changeable camelion.

We have not yet been troubled by
any of the ferocious wild beasts which
inhabit the mountains of Sierra Leone; but F6v 64
but I understand there are numbers,
both tygers and lions, besides divers other
kinds.

I have now in spirits an uncommon
insect, which was caught here a day or
two ago, in the act of stinging a Lascar,
(one of the settlers); it is rather larger
than a locust, covered with a tortoise
coloured shell, has forceps like a lobster,
and thin transparent wings like a
fly; the bit has thrown the poor Lascar
into a dreadful fever, which I fear will
carry him off.

I have three monkies, one a very
handsome Capuchin, with a sulphur coloured
beard of great length.

Nature seems to have been astonishingly
sportive in taste and prodigality
here, both of vegetable and animal productions,
for I cannot stir out without
admiring the beauties or deformities of
her creation.

Every thing I see is entirely new to
me, and notwithstanding the eye quickly
becomes familiarized, and even satiated
with views which we are daily accustomed
to; yet there is such a variety here as
to afford a continual zest to the sight.

To G1r 65

To be frank, if I had a little
agreeable society, a few comforts, and
could insure the same good health I
have hitherto enjoyed, I should not be
against spending some years of my life
in Africa; but wanting those sweeteners
of life, I certainly wish to return to where
they may be had.

When that will be, is not in my power
at present to tell; but if I have a
chance of writing to you again, I then
may be able; in the interim accept an
honest farewel from

Letter IVV.

Granville Town, 1791-06-08June 8, 1791.

Since my last I have been to
the French Factory, visited several neighbouring
towns, and made myself a little
intimate with the history, manners, customs,
&c. of the inhabitants of this part
of Africa, which, it seems, was first discovered
by the Portugueze, who named
in Sierra de Leone, or Mountain of Lions.

The tract of country now called Sierra
Leone is a Peninsula one half the year,
and an Island the other—that is, during
the rains the isthmus is overflowed.

The river, which was formerly called
Tagrin, now takes its name from the
country; at its entrance it is about ten
miles from one Promontory to the other,
but here, it is scarcely half that distance across, G2r 67
across, and a few miles higher up it becomes
very narrow indeed.

It is not navigable for large vessels
any higher than Bance Island, but small
craft may go a great distance up.

Besides the islands I have mentioned,
there are several others, uninhabited, between
this and Bance Island.

Granvilletown is situated in a pretty deep
bay on the south-side of the river, about
nine miles above Cape Sierra Leone,Open note 6Back to note ⁶
fifteen below Bance Island, and six from
Robana.

Half a mile below us is the town of
one Pa Duffee; two miles lower down is
King Jemmy’s; and beyond him is Queen
Yamacubba’s, and two or three small places;
a mile above us Signor Domingo lives,
and a little higher one Pa Will.

I have been at all these places, and
find a great similitude in the appearance
of the people, their behaviour, mode of
living, building, amusements, &c.

G2 The G2v 68

The men are tall and stout, and was it
not that their legs are generally small in
proportion to their bodies, and somewhat
crooked, I should call them well limbed.

The mode of treating infants ’till they
are able to walk, accounts for their being
bandy legged.

A few days after a woman is delivered,
she takes her child on her back to wherever
her vocation leads her, with both
its legs buckled round her waist, and the
calves pressed to her sides, by which
means the tender bones are forced from
their natural shape, and get a curve
that never after grows out; and thus, the
infant is exposed either to the scorching
sun, or any change of weather that happens.

The women are not nigh so well shaped
as the men, being employed in all hard
labour, makes them robust and clumsy;
they are very prolific, and keep their
breasts always suspended, which, after
bearing a child or two, stretches out to
an enormous length; disgusting to Europeans;
though considered beautiful and
ornamental here.

They G3r 69

They are not only obliged to till the
ground, and do all laborious work, but
are kept at a great distance by the men,
who seldom suffer a woman to sit down
or eat with them.

The day I dined at King Naimbana’s,
he told me I was the first woman that
ever eat at the same table with him.

Great respect and reverence is shewn
to old age, by all ranks of people.

Polygamy likewise is considered honorable,
and creates consequence.

When an African speaks of a great
man, he or she will say, “Oh! he be
fine man, rich too much, he got too
much woman.”

The higher class of people hereabout,
mostly speak broken English, which they
have acquired from frequent intercourse
with vessels that come to purchase slaves.

They seem desirous to give education
to their children, or in their own way of
expressing it, “Read book, and learn to
be rogue so well as white man;” for
they say, “if white men could not read, or G3v 70
or wanted education, they would be no
better rogues than black gentlemen.”

I was treated with the utmost hospitality
at every town I visited.

Their common food is rice, pepper,
pot, or palaver sauce, palm nuts, and
palm oil; with the latter both sexes
anoint their bodies and limbs daily, tho’
it does not prevent them from smelling
vastly strong.

Wherever I went, there was commonly
a fowl boiled, or broiled for me: I liked
the pepper pot, it is a kind of soup made
with a mixture of vegetables highly seasoned
with salt and red pepper.

Their houses are much like those I
have heretofore described, but very low,
they are irregularly placed, and built
either in a square or circular form; and
as this part of country is thinly
inhabited, each town contains a very few
houses.

The inhabitants are chiefly Pagans,
though they believe the existence of a
God, but consider him so good that he
cannot do them an injury; they thereforefore G4r 71
pay homage to the Devil, from a
belief that he is the only supernatural
being they have to fear; and I am informed
they have consecrated places, in
different parts of the woods, where they
make annual sacrifices to him.

Cleanliness is universally observed;
their simple furniture, consisting generally
of a few mats, wooden trenchers
and spoons, made by themselves, are always
tidy, and their homely habitations
constantly clean swept, and free from
filth of any kind: nor do I think nature
has been so unkind to endow those people
with capacities less susceptible of improvement
and cultivation than any other part
of the human race.

I am led to form this conjecture, from
the quickness with which even those who
cannot understand English, comprehend
my meaning by gesture or signs, and the
aptness they have imitated many things
after me.

Their time is calculated by plantations,
moons, and days; the reason of the first
is, they clear a new field once a year, and
if asked the age of a child, or any thing
else, they will answer, so many plantations, in G4v 72
in place of years: they register their
moons by notches on a piece of wood,
which is carefully hanged up in some
particular part of the house.

Their chief amusement is dancing: in
the evening, men and women assemble in
the most open part of the town, where
they form a circle, which one at a time
enters, and shews his skill and agility, by
a number of wild comical motions.

Their music is made by clapping of
hands, and a harsh sounding drum or
two, made out of hollowed wood covered
with the skin of a goat.

Sometimes I have seen an instrument
resembling our guitar, the country name
of which is bangeon.

The company frequently applaud or
upbraid the performer, with bursts of
laughter, or some odd disagreeable noise;
if it is moonshine, and they have spirits
to drink, these dances probably continue
till the moon goes down, or ’till
day light.

The Timmany dialect is commonly
spoke here, though the nation so called
is some distance to the northward.

The G5r 73

The natives account for this in the following
way.

Many years ago the Burees, a tribe of
people formerly living upon the banks of
the river, Sierra Leone, were conquered
and drove away to other parts of the
country by the Timmany’s, who, having
possessed themselves of the land, invited
many strangers to come and live among
them.

The Timmanys being again engaged in
war, which the inhabitants of Sierra Leone
did not chuse to join in, they therefore
alienated the connection, and declared
themselves a distinct nation, and have
been considered as such ever since.

Every chief or head man of a town is
authorized from the King to settle local
disputes—but when disagreements of consequence
arise between people of separate
places, then a Palaver is summoned to the
residence of the complainant, when the
King attends or not as suits him; but if
inconvenient to go in person, he sends
his Palaver-man, who carries the King’s
sword, cane, or hat, as a signal of inauguration,
to his office.

When G5v 74

When all the parties are met, they enquire
into the business of their meeting,
and a majority of voices determine who
has reason ofon his or her side.

If the crime is fornication, the punishment
is slavery, unless the offender
can ransom him or herself, by paying
another slave, or the value in goods.

It is customary when the Judges cannot
procure sufficient proof, to oblige
the party accused to take a poisonous
draught, called Red Water—this potion
is prepared by the Judges themselves, who
make it strong or weak as they are inclined
by circumstances—if strong, and
the stomach does not reject it instantaneously,
death soon ensues—but if weak,
it seldom has any other effect than a
common emetic.

At the last town I visited, the head
man’s favorite woman had a beautiful
mulatto child, and seeing me take much
notice of it, he said, “God amity, sen, me
dat peginine, true, suppose he no black
like me, nutting for that, my woman
drinkee red water, and suppose peginine
no for me, he dead.”

I could G6r 75

I could not help smiling at the old fool’s
credulity, and thinking how happy many
of my own countrywomen would be to rid
themselves of a similar stigma, so easily.

Crimes of larger magnitude, such as
witchcraft, murder, &c. are punished in
the same way, i.e. the criminal is obliged
to drink of this liquor, unless there be
evidence sufficiently strong to acquit or
condemn him: when that is the case, if
convicted, he either suffers death, or is
sold as a slave.

On the opposite shore lives a populous
nation called the Bullams, whose King I
had occasion to mention in a former letter.
I have been at only one of their settlements,
a place directly over against us,
belonging to a man named Dean.

The people appear more inclined to
industry than the Sierra Leonians, which
a stranger may readily discern, by the superior
way their houses are furnished in.

I am told it is a fertile country, and the
inhabitants make so much rice, that they
are able to sell a quantity annually.

In G6v 76

In the neighbourhood of Dean’s Town,
at a place called Tagrin Point, was formerly
an English factory, belonging to
one Marshall; but he unluckily got into
a dispute with the natives, who drove him
away, and pillaged his goods; they are a
barbarous implacable set of people.

This is all the history I have learnt of
the Bullams, therefore shall return to my
own side of the water.

We have had heavy tornadoes, and falls
of rain for several weeks, and I yet enjoy
my health as well, if not better, than I
did for several years past in Europe.

Deaths are not frequent among the natives;
indeed I have not heard of one
since we arrived.

Their national diseases are few; probably
anointing themselves as they do with
palm oil, makes them less liable to evil
consequences from the unhealthy putrid
vapour that almost constantly hovers about
these mountains; the poisonous effects of
which carries off numbers of foreigners.

About ten days ago the master of the
cutter went to Bance Island, where he drank H1r 77
drank too freely, and returning a little
indisposed, signified a wish of going to the
French factory for medical assistance.

Falconbridge having had some difference
with this man, therefore, lest he
might wrong construe any offers to serve
him, without hesitation complied with his
desire, and he immediately set out in the
cutter to Gambia, Falconbridge and myself
accompanying him.

The distance being but six miles, and
a fresh sea breeze, we soon ran up.

Mr. Renniew not only received us with
the politeness of a Frenchman, but with
kindness and friendship.

When he saw the master of the Lapwing,
he said to me, “Madam, Captain
Kennedy (for that was his name) will
never leave Africa, but in two or three
days time he will come under my big tree.”

I did not instantly comprehend him,
which the Frenchman perceived, and explained
himself by saying, “under the
large tree I saw a little distance off, was
the burying ground, and” added he,
“there is something in the countenance H of H1v 78
of Kennedy denoting his dissolution to be
near at hand; and I am persuaded the
man cannot live more than two or three
days.”

I took care not to mention or hint to
Kennedy what Mr. Renniew said to me,
lest the force of imagination might kill
him—however, in spite of all our endeavours,
the prophecy was fulfilled; a severe
fever came on the same night, and
the second day he was a corpse.

There was no accommodation for sleeping
on shore at the Factory, which Mr.
Renniew could offer us—we were, consequently,
obliged to sleep on board.

I could not think of allowing the poor
sick man to be exposed to the inclemency
of night air, and insisted on his taking a
birth in the cabin—nor could I think of
continuing in the cabin while he was ill,
lest his disorder might be infectious; and
the only alternative was to lay upon
deck, or in the hold.

The former being most preferable, our
mattresses were spread at night under the
awning, where we lay; but I took the
precaution to wrap myself up in a flannel gown, H2r 79
gown, and cover’d my head with a cap of
the same—was it not for that, in all probability,
I must have added to the number
under Mr. Renniew’s big tree.

For two nights we lay on deck, and
each of them, we were unlucky enough to
have violent tornadoes; during the storm
I threw two large blankets over me, and
though the rain penetrated through both,
yet my flannel gown and cap intercepted
it, and prevented me from getting wet,
except my feet, which I bathed in spirits
when the tornado was over, and thus, I
believe, escaped any bad consequences;
but being under the necessity of staying
another night at Gambia, I did not chuse
to experience the good effects of my
blankets a third time, and accepted an
invitation which the Captain of an American
had made us—to take a bed on
board his ship.

Immediately after the corpse was removed,
we had the Lapwing scowered,
washed with vinegar, and smoaked with
tobacco and brimstone, to free her from
every suspicion of dangerous infection.

I must avail myself of the present moment
to give you some description of
Gambia Island.

H2 It H2v 80

It is small and low, not two miles in
circumference, situated in the midst of
swamps and marshes, from whence a continued
stench comes sufficient to choak a
carrion crow—’tis wonderful how any human
beings could pitch on such a place
to live in.

The Europeans there have all complexions
as if they were fed on maddern
and saffron.

Their manner of living is slovenly and
hoggish, though they seem to have plenty
of fresh stock, and provisions of almost
every kind—they are very inactive and
indolent, which I am not astonished at,
for such must ensue from the lassitude
produced by the unhealthiness of the
place.

The buildings are of mean and disrespectable
appearance, being a pile of grass
and sticks clumsily put together.

They have a factory ship, and few
goods are kept on shore, from a fear of
being surprised and robbed by the natives.

Formerly the island was protected by a
company of French soldiers, but the vast and H3r 81
and rapid mortality, deterred their government
from sending fresh supplies.

Renniew, however, preserves a kind of
consequence, and keeps his neighbours in
awe by a number of strange legerdemain
tricks he has learnt, some of which he
shews when ever he has visitors.

After seeing Gambia, I consider Granville
Town a delightful spot, where we
have none of those swampy low grounds;
but a reviving sea breeze that cheers us
every day, which is almost spent before
it reaches them; I suppose, this must be
owing to the heavy dense atmosphere that
opposes its progress, for distance cannot
be the cause.

Since the rains commenced, the nights
grew alternately cooler, indeed I find a
blanket very comfortable; even during
the dry weather (when I had room to
breathe), I found night many degrees
colder than day; but it is now, at times,
cold, that I am glad to find a fire.

This sudden transition from heat to
cold, and from cold to heat, I am,
rather disposed to think, accounts for
the turpitude of the climate, at all events H3 it H3v 82
it certainly is one of the most considerable
causes.

From a fear that my inadequateness to
give historical delineations, will expose
me to your criticism, I have to beg you
will look over any rhapsodies with lenity;
this is all I can hope for,—that all I
dread.

Falconbridge thinks of leaving Africa
the middle of this month; the loss of
Kennedy, want of provisions sit for taking
to sea, and the late Mate (now Master of
the cutter), and several of our people besick,
disconcerts us a good deal: but
we are told the rains will be considerably
worse, and every day will render it more
dangerous and difficult to get off the coast:
Falconbridge is determined to do his best,
and get away as quick as possible.

Oh my friend! what happiness shall I
feel of seeing Old England again; and, if
it pleases God for us to arrive safe, the
difficulties, dangers, and inconveniences
I have surmounted, and have yet to encounter,
will only serve me to laugh at.

Letter H4r 83

Letter VVI.

London, 1791-09-30Sept.September 30, 1791.

I have many apologies to make
for not giving you earlier intelligence of
our arrival; but my excuses are good ones,
and no doubt will convince you my silence
cannot be attributed to the slightest shadow
of negligence or forgetfulness.

We arrived at Penzance, in Cornwall,
the 2d instant, when (not being able to
walk), I was carried in an arm chair, by
two men, to the house of Mrs. Dennis,
who friendly invited us to shelter under
her hospitable roof, while we remained
there.

The hurry and fatigue of moving, with
the restraint one customarily feels, more
or less of, upon going to a strange house, prevented H4v 84
prevented me writing you the first
day; but the day subsequent I wrote as
follows:

“My dearest Madam, I am returned to this blessed land;
join with me in fervent prayer and thanksgiving
to the Author of all good works,
for his miraculous protection and goodness,
during a circuitous passage of nigh
three months, replete with hardships unprecedented,
I believe, in any voyages
heretofore related, the particulars of which
I must take some other opportunity to
furnish you with. ”

Here I made a full pause; and, after
thinking and re-thinking for near half an
hour, whether I should subscribe my name
and send it to the post, a thought struck
me,—“Why! I shall be in London in
eight or ten days, when it will be in my
power to send a narration of what has
happened since I last wrote Mrs. —; and
if I write now, I shall only excite
curiosity, and keep her in unpleasant suspence
for some time; so, it is best to postpone
writing ’till I can do it fully.”

Now, H5r 85

Now, in place of eight or ten days,
it was almost three weeks before we
reached this metropolis; and since I arrived,
my time has been wholly occupied
in receivedreceiving inquisitive visitors, and answering
a few pertinent, and a number of
ridiculous questions.

I could make many other reasonable
pleas, in behalf of my silence, but trust
what is already said will be amply satisfactory;
shall therefore forbear making
any further apologies, and proceed with
an account of myself since I last wrote
to you.

The --06-1616th of June we went to Robana
to take leave of the Royal Family, and to
receive the young Prince John Frederic
on board; all this we accomplished, and
sailed the same day.

Naimbana seemed unconcerned at parting
with his son, but the old Queen
cried, and appeared much affected.

The Prince was decorated in an old
blue cloak, bound with broad gold lace;
which, with a black velvet coat, pair of
white satin breeches, a couple of shirts,
and two or three pair of trowsers, form a compleat H5v 86
compleat inventory of his stock of cloaths,
when he left Africa.

The old man gave John all the cash
he had, amounting to the enormous sum
of eight Spanish dollars (about thirty-five
shillings); and just when we were getting
under way, saluted us with twelve guns,
from some rusty pieces of cannon, lying
on the beach, without carriages.

The Lapwing was badly equipped for
sea; the crew and passengers amounted
to nine: four of the former were confined
with fevers, consequently there were
only four, (and but one a sailor) to do the
ship’s duty.

Mr. Renniew gave me a goat and half
a dozen of fowls: King Naimbana put
a couple of goats, and a dozen of fowls
on board for his son.

Besides these, I purchased some poultry
and when we sailed, considered ourselves
possessed of a pretty good stock, consisting
of three goats, four dozen of fowls, a
barrel of flour, half a barrel of pork, and
a barrel of beef.

We H6r 87

We had not been at sea a week, when
all our live stock were washed or blown
overboard, by repeated and impetuous
tornadoes—so that we had not a thing left
but the flower and salt provisions; however,
we were in hopes of getting in a
few days to Saint Jago, one of the Cape
De Verd Islands, where the loss of our
stock might be replaced.

In this we were disappointed, for instead
of a few days, a continued interuption
of calms and boisterous weather,
made it six weeks before we reached
that island; during the whole of which
time I was confined to my cabin, and
mostly to my bed, for it rained incessantly.

After being about three weeks at sea,
our sick got clear of their fevers, but
were so emaciated as to be unfit for any
duty, except eating, and though there was
no food fit for convalescent persons on
board, yet the coarse victuals we had
stood no chance with them, and made
it necessary to put all hands to an allowance.

Upon enquiring into the state of our
provisions, we found they had been lavishlyvishly H6v 88
dealt with; there was not more
than one week’s full allowance of meat,
and scarcely four days of flower remaining.

These were alarming circumstances,
for we had two thirds further to go,
than we had then come, towards Saint
Jago.

I did not selfishly care for the want
of beef or pork, as I had not tasted
either since we sailed from Sierra Leone;
but I lamented it for others.

All hands were restricted to a quarter
of a pound of beafbeef or pork, and a small
tea-cup full (rather better than a gill) of
flower per day.

What would have been more dreadful,
we should have wanted water, was it not
for the rains; the worms having imperceptibly
penetrated our water casks, all
the water leaked out, except a small
cask, which would not allow us more
than a pint each, for three weeks.

My tea cup of flower, mixed with a
little rain water and salt, boiled to a
kind of pap, when the weather would admit I1r 89
admit a fire, otherwise raw, was, believe
me, all my nourishment for ten
days, except once or twice, when some
cruel unconscionable wretch robbed me
of the homely morsel, I was forced to
taste the beef.

The week before we arrived at St.
Jago, our Carpenter, who had been ill,
and was on the recovery, relapsed, and
died in twenty-four hours; which circumstance
terrified me exceedingly, least our
afflictions were to be increased with some
pestilential disease; however, no similar
misfortunes attended us afterwards.

We arrived at Porta Praya in St. Jago,
I think, the --07-2525th of July, when Falconbridge
immediately went on shore to
obtain sufferance to remain there a few
days, while he re-victualled and watered.

An officer met him as he landed, and
conducted him to the chief magistrate
of the port, who lives in a Fort on top
of a hill which commands the harbour.

Falconbridge was well received, his
request granted, and he and myself were
invited to dine at the Fort next day—
but he was informed that no provisions I were I1v 90
were to be had for almost any price—a
fleet of European ships had just sailed
from thence, and drained the country of
almost every kind of eatable.

After being six weeks confined in the
narrow bounds of the Lapwing’s cabin,
and most of the time in bed, fed as I
was upon scanty wretched food, notwithstanding
the benignity of heaven had preserved
me from disease of any kind, you
will not question my energy of mind and
body being considerably enervated; indeed,
so enfeebled did I feel myself, that
it was with much difficulty I accompanied
Falconbridge to dinner at the Consul’s,
for so the Chief Officer of Porto Praya
is termed; but the distance I had to walk
was short, and with the help of a Portuguese
Officer on one side, and my husband
on the other, I accomplished it tolerable
well.

The company consisted of the Portuguese
and French Consuls, five Portuguese
and two French gentlemen, two
Portuguese ladies, Falconbridge, and myself.

None of the foreigners spoke English,
so you will readily guess we but poorly amused I2r 91
amused or entertained each other; through
the medium of a linguist, who attended,
any compliments, questions, or answers,
&c. &c. were conveyed to and fro.

Our dinner was very good, and I had
prudence enough to be temperate, having
often heard of fatal consequences from
indulgencies in similar cases.

During dinner we had excellent claret
and madeira, but no wine was drank
after; directly as the cloth was removed,
tea was introduced in the most uncommon
way I ever saw or heard of, before;
it was brought in china mugs, containing
three pints each, and every person
was presented with one of those huge
goblets.

I had not tasted tea for several weeks,
nevertheless, one third of this quantity
was more than I chose to swallow—but
with astonishment I beheld others make
a rapid finish of their allowance.

Having thus inundated their stomachs,
every one arose, an our host desired
the linguist to acquaint me they were
going to repose themselves for a while,
and if I was inclined to follow their example,I2 ample, I2v 92
a sopha or bed was at my service;
being bed sickened, I declined the offer,
and chose, in preference, to stretch my
feeble limbs with gentle walking in a
pleasant portico, fronting the sea; for I
had gathered strength enough, in the few
hours I was on shore, to walk alone.

The company having indulged about
an hour in their habitual slothfulness,
re-assembled; we were invited to take a
bed on shore, but Falconbridge learnt,
the generality of people were thievishly
disposed, and for that reason did not
chuse to sleep from the cutter; and you
know it would have been very uncomfortable
for me to remain without him,
among a parcel of strangers, when we
could not understand what one or other
said; besides, I had other prudential objections
for not remaining without Falconbridge,
which the horror of our loathsome
bark could not conquer.

After this, we remained four days in
Porto Praya Road, during which, I went
on shore frequently.

The town is situated on the same height
with the fort.

They I3r 93

They have a Romish chapel, (for the
inhabitants are all Roman Catholics) market-place,
and jail, built of stone, and
covered with slate in the European way—
the other buildings are mostly of wood
and thatch, after the African manner.

The French Consul has his house within
the fort, which is a decent good looking
building, as is the Portuguese Consul’s;
but this is of stone, and that of wood.

The people of most countries have
their peculiar modes of habiting themselves,
but surely the custom of Port
Praya is more odious than any other;—in
meeting a hundred men, two are not to
be seen dressed alike—perhaps one will
have a coat thrown over his shoulders
without occupying the sleeves; another,
a woman’s petticoat drawn round his
neck, with his arms through the pocket
holes, and so on, except the higher ranks.

The women dress rather more uniformly;
they wear very short petticoats,
and tight jackets, of a coarse linen, like
Osnaburg, but no shifts; I mean the lower
class, or natives, who are mostly black,
or of mix’d complexions; for the few
European ladies there, are genteely habitedI3 habited I3v 94
with fine India muslins, and their
hair neatly plaited, and put up in silk
nets.

A narrow, handsome kind of cotton
cloth is manufactured at St. Jago; I went
to one of the manufactories, and purchased
several pieces; they are in great estimation,
and sell for a high price—I paid
five and six dollars a piece, (about two
yards and a half) for those I bought.—
The loom they are wove in resembles
our garter loom.

I understood the inhabitants raise their
own cotton, and have several small sugar
works, which make a sufficiency of sugar
for the consumption of those islands, but
no quantity for exportation.

The Governor resides at a town named
St. Jago, a considerable distance from Porto
Praya, and on the opposite side of the
island, which put it out of our power to
visit it.

The Consul at Porto Praya is his
Viceregent, but has his authority from
Portugal; there appeared to me a great
want of government among the people, notwith- I4r 95
notwithstanding a strong military force is
kept there.

We got a superabundance of fine fish
while we remained at St. Jago, which was
a fortunate circumstance—for our intelligence
respecting the scarcity of provisions
was perfectly true.

With our utmost endeavours we could
not procure but two goats and two dozen
of fowls, to take with us to sea; and
those I was obliged to purchase with
some of my wearing apparel, which was
preferred to money; or, I should say,
they were not to be had for money.

Bread and salt provisions were not to
be had in the smallest quantity, for any
price; however, we purchased a number
of cocoa nuts, which they have in plenty,
as a substitute for bread.

With these trifling and ordinary seastores
we departed from Porto Praya, the
--07-3030th of July, trusting by œconomical management,
to make the serve till we
reached some other port.

I recovered my strength and spirits
considerably during the short time we were I4v 96
were at that place, as did all our sick;
indeed it was necessary, and lucky, for it
enabled us to contend against misfortune,
and conquer the hardships, and inconveniencies,
which afterwards attended us.

We had fine moderate weather the first
twenty-four hours, and got the length of
St. Vincent, one of the same islands,—
where, falling calm, we came to anchor.

Some of the people went on shore,
thinking to kill a few birds; and supposing
the island uninhabited, it being a
small barren place, without a tree or
shrub of any sort, a kind of fern excepted,
so that no houses could be there,
and escape our notice.

The boat’s crew had scarcely landed,
when we were greatly astonished and
alarmed to behold from the cutter (for
we lay no distance off the shore) five
naked human beings, who had just started
up from behind a hilloc, running towards
them—however, our fears were quickly
abated, by seeing the boat returning.

The master was one that went on shore,
and he understood a little Portuguese,
in which language these victims to barbaritybarity I5r 97
addressed, and told him, they had,
several months past, been banished from
an adjacent island, called Mayo, and
landed where they then were in the deplorable
condition he beheld them.

The Lapwing was the first vessel that
had anchored there since their exilement,
and they begged and prayed we
would take them off—they did not care
where!

This we could not do with any kind
of discreetness, from the danger of starving
them and ourselves.

They consisted of three men and two
women, and we mustered two petticoats
and three pair of trowsers for them.

I was curious to know something more
of the poor wretches, and went with Falconbridge
and the Master on shore.

Before we landed, they had retired behind
the hilloc, and we sent forward their
cloathing that they might be dressed by
the time we came up.

We found them in the act of broiling
fish over a fire made of dry fern, which was I5v 98
was the only fuel they could possibly
have.

Our Skipper asked, if they had any
houses? but was answered in the negative;
and pointing to the heaven and the
earth, signifying this was their bed, and
that their covering; he then enquired,
how they subsisted? and for what they
were banished?

To the first they replied,—When put
on the Island, fishing lines, hooks, and
implements for striking fire, were given
them, through which means they supported
themselves; there was plenty of fish, and
a good spring of water; but said they,
“we have not tasted bread since we left
Mayo.”

To the second, no further answer could
be obtained, then their having offended
the Governor of Mayo, who was a black
man.

They were miserably emaciated and a
hapless melancholy overhangd their countenances.
—When we first came up, joyful
smiles beamed through the cloud, which
soon darkened when they learnt there was
no prospect of being relieved.

They I6r 99

They followed us to the boat, and I
really believe, if they had been armed,
would have taken her from us: as it was,
our men were obliged to use violence,
and turn them out, for all hands had
jumped in, and attempted to get off.

We offered to take any one of them,
but not one would consent to separate
or share any good fortune the whole
could not partake off.

When we got clear from the shore,
they pursued us up to their necks in
water, crying and howling so hideously,
that I would have given the world! (were
it at my disposal) if it was either in our
power to bring them away, or that I had
not seen them.

Here we remained all night, and till
three o’clock the day following, when a
light favourable breeze enabled us to sail;
before our departure, we sent the convicts
an iron pot, for cooking, and a few fishing
utensils, which was all we could possibly
spare them.

To the northward of St. Vincent’s,
about eight or nine miles, is St. Anthony,thony, I6v 100
another of the Cape de Verd Islands,
which we had to pass close by.

The wind was very weekweak, but every
one imagined there was enough of it to
take us clear off that Island before morning;
whether that was not the case, or
whether things were badly managed, I
shall not decidedly say, though I have a
decided opinion on the subject; for towards
four o’clock in the morning, being
uncommonly restless, I thought, as the
vessel appeared very quiet, and the moon
shone beautifully bright, I would get up
and set upon deck for awhile.

Perhaps merciful Providence directed
this,—for the like I never did before or
since; and had I not, in all probability
we must have been driven against the
rude rocks of St. Anthony, and God only
knows what would have been the consequence,
as I was the only person awake.

The first thing I saw, upon lifting my
head out of the cabin, was those lofty perpendicular
rocks pending almost directly
over us, and not a man upon deck but
King Naimbana’s son, and him fast asleep.

“Good K1r 101

“Good God!” cried I, “Falconbridge,
we are on shore!”

He instantly sprung up, and called all
hands, who got the boat out, and with
the utmost exertion towed us off a small
distance.

When day light came on, our danger
appeared more forcibly, for, notwithstanding
the oars had been diligently employed
an hour and a half, we were not two
hundred yards from the Island.

Some said it was a current; others, it
was the land which influenced or attracted
us; but what the real reasons were I know
not; this only I can tell you,—after trying
every possible means to no purpose, ’till
four o’clock in the afternoon, when the
men complaining their strength was exhausted,
and they could do no more, it
was agreed to abandon the Lapwing, and
look out for a place where we might land
before night, and thereby secure safety
for our lives, if the vessel could not be
preserved.

Accordingly every one was desired to
get into the boat, but we found she was
too small to carry us all at once; and two K of K1v 102
of the sailors agreed to stay ’till she could
make a second trip.

Falconbridge and myself got in, taking
with us a few shiftings of cloaths and our
bedding; we then rowed to the land, and
after pulling too and fro for near two
hours, could not discover a single spot
where there was a possibility of landing;
during which time, we observed the Cutter
drifting fast towards the shore, and expected
every moment to see her strike.

Despondency was visibly pictured in
every face!—“What shall we do, or what
is best to be done?” was the universal
cry.

Conscious of a woman’s insignificance
in such matters, I was silent till then;
when finding a general vacancy of opinion
among the men, I ventured to say—“Let
us return to the Lapwing, and put our
trust in him who is all sufficient, and whose
dispensations are always unquestionably
just.”

To this forlorn proposition every one
assented; but said it was only deferring
the evil moment a few hours, for we
should certainly have to trust to our boat very K2r 103
very shortly again, unless a breeze came
off the land.

After getting on board it was settled—
one person should watch while the rest
refreshed themselves with sleep, that they
might be somewhat able to encounter the
looked-for fatigues of the night.

After getting on board it was settled—
one person should watch while the rest
refreshed themselves with sleep, that they
might be somewhat able to encounter the
looked for fatigues of the night.

For my part, I did not in the least incline
to sleep, but with watchful eyes and
aching heart, awaited the expected moment
when eight of us were to commit
ourselves, in a small open boat, to the
mercy of the ungovernable ocean.

Many reflections pressed upon me, but
one more powerful than any—“that our
dilemma was probably a mark of divine
vengeance, for not relieving the distressed
people at St. Vincent’s.”

I often asked the watch, if we neared
the rocks; sometimes he answered in the
affirmative, and sometimes doubtfully—
but he said we seemed to drift coastways
withall; and he believed there was
a strong current setting to the southward.

About twelve o’clock Falconbridge
came on deck; and I mentioned this K2 inform- K2v 104
information to him: he then took notice
himself, and found it really so.

All hands were immediately turned out,
and the boat again manned to tow our
bark with the current, for though it had
not been observed, we were doubtless
working against it all the preceding day.

This proved a propitious speculation;
in about four hours we could see the
south-west end of the Island, and at the
same time had got near a mile off the
land.

What a change of countenance was
now on board: I felt my bosom fill with
gratitude at hearing the glad tidings!

General tokens of joy and congratulations
passed from one ship-mate to another;
and when daylight appeared, instead
of gloom and sorrow, every cheek blush’d
cheerfulness.

We then found ourselves clear of the
Island, and having a fine moderate breeze,
bid adieu to the African coast; nevertheless
our troubles did not end here.

After K3r 105

After running to the WestwarnWestward eight
and forty hours, a tremendous storm came
on, and continued to increase in violence
for five days.

This had scarcely abated, when it was
succeeded by another, nearly as bad—
which however ran us as far as Fyal, one
of the Azores, or Western Islands, where
we arrived the --08-1818th of August.

I do not mean to take up your time
with a description of those storms, or a
detail of our sufferings, since we left St.
Anthony, ’till our arrival at Fyal, though
I must not pass over them wholly unnoticed.

Every horror, the most fertile ideas can
picture a sea storm with, aggravated the
former; and, consequently augmenting
the miseries of the latter, rendered them
almost unbearable and past representation.

God knows they would have been bad
enough without; for the day we reached
Fyal, about two pounds of salt beef and
half a dozen cocoa nuts, were all the
provisions we had left.

We remained there a week, and were
hospitably entertained by Mr. Graham, K3 the K3v 106
the English Consul, who had the goodness
to insist on our taking a bed at his house,
directly as our arrival was announced to
him.

Being much bruised and indisposed by
our boisterous rough passage, and eating
food I had not been accustomed to, prevented
me from walking abroad for two
or three days; while thus confined, I was
highly delighted and amused with admiring
Mr. Graham’s beautiful garden adjoining
his house, where are almost all the fruits
of the torrid, frigid, and temperate zones,
in the greatest perfection; peaches, apples,
pears, oranges, pine apples, limes, lemons,
citron, grapes, &c. &c. the finest I ever
saw.

Mrs. Graham treated me with motherly
kindness: by her attention, and the wholesomeness
of the climate, I gained so much
fresh strength and spirits, that before I
came away, I was able frequently to
walk about the town, and once took an
excursion into the country, with her and
a party of her friends, to the seat of a
Mr. Perkins, an English gentleman.

We K4r 107

We all rode on asses, for carriages (if
they have any) could not pass the way
we went.

I was pleased with the reception this
gentleman gave us, as well as his polite
and generous behaviour.

In our way thither we passed a number
of vineyards; and, as far as I could
judge, the country seemed fruitful.

Besides this excursion, Mr. and Mrs.
Perkins persuaded me to take one with
them, to the Island of Pico, about eight
miles from Fyal, where they have a valuable
vineyard; and where they assured
me, I should see the most wonderful natural
curiosity, in the Azore Islands; viz.
two springs of water within eighteen feet
of each other—one nearly as cold as ice,
the other boiling with heat.

When we arrived there, several washer-
women were employed in their vocation;
they told me the water was soft, and well
adapted for washing; that they made it of
what temperature they pleased, by mixing
a proportion of each, and declared they
had frequently boiled fish in the hot well:
I had a mind to try the heat by putting my K4v 108
my finger in, but found the steam powerful
enough to convince me I should be
scalded.

There are public Baths at those Wells,
well attended by the inhabitants of Fayal,
and the adjacent Islands; they lay somewhat
to the eastward, at the foot of the
mountain, which gives its name to this
Island.

This is the highest mountain I ever saw,
very thickly wooded towards its base, but
picturesque, with many gentleman’s seats,
and on the whole vastly gratifying to the
eye.

It produces a particular and favourite
kind of wood, called Teixa, or Teixo,
which, from its valuable qualities, no one
is allowed to sell for private use, it being
reserved by the Queen of Portugal, after
the custom of her predecessors, solely for
the service of the Portugueze government.

I was but a few hours at Pico, and this
was all the information I collected.

There are two nunneries, and a magnificent
Romish church at Fyal, which I
visited.

The K5r 109

The former were crouded with nuns,
and many of them beautiful women.

I saw two who spoke English, with
whom I conversed for some time, and
purchased several artificial flowers, and a
few sweatmeats from them.

One of them had all the traces of beauty
yet unblemished, but to a certainty somewhat
tinged by ruinous time; for by her
own account she must be far advanced in
years.

Upon asking her opinion of a monastic
life, she said, “Madam, I have been within
the walls of this convent forty-three
years, and had I to travel over my life
anew, I would prefer the same path to all
others.”

But a charming buxom young girl
thought otherwise—She said, “Can you
suppose an animated creature, like me,
full of youthful fire, was designed by
nature to spend her days within these dismal
walls? No! nor can I figure to
myself, that any one (in spite of what man
may tell you) can find pleasure in burying
herself alive, and thwarting the purposes
of her creation, for such is certainlytainly K5v 110
the case all nuns,” and continued
she: “My parents placed me here at a
time when I was not capable of judging
for myself; nor do I scruple to say,
that my ideas and fancies are fluttering
among the amusements and gaieties
of the world, and had I my will, my person
would be there also.”

I attended the church at mass time;
after service was ended, I observed several
men bringing in a large sail of a
ship, which had a curiouscurious appearance to
a stranger, as I was; but a gentleman present
said, “Those people have been in
the same storm with yourselves, and they
are giving that sail to the church as a
thanks offering for their deliverance:”—
he then shewed me part of the boat which
Captain Inglefield had been saved in,
and which was kept here as a record of
divine favour to that gentleman.

This circumstance refreshed my memory
with the notorious sufferings and
wonderful escape of Capt. Inglefield and
his boat’s crew; and after mentally weighing
our misfortunes with his, I summ’d
them both up as follows.

[Gap in transcription—stampomitted] Captain K6r 111

“Captain Inglefield experienced all the
miseries of hunger, fatigue, and oppression
of spirits, which sixteen days in an open
boat, exposed to the furious, untameable
wind and sea, without provision, in momentary
expectation of being hurried to
eternity, could inflict, besides the additional
horrors produced by ruminating,
on the hapless condition of such numbers
of his fellow-creatures, in the same situation
with himself.”

“We had been fifty-eight days in a
deck’d boat, not twice the size of Captain
Inglefield’s—continued rains almost
all the while—three weeks a quarter of
a pound of beef, and about half the quantity
of flour our allowance—eighteen days
more baffled by calms, and contrary
winds, or beat about by merciless storms,
fed upon mean disagreeable food, and
scarcely enough of that to keep soul and
body together; and, what was worse than
all, the apprehension of being left morseless,
of any kind of nourishment; which
certainly must have been the case, had
we not arrived at Fayal when we did.”

Having done this, I compared them
with one another—and though it is unfair
to give my decision, we being too often K6v 112
often apt to magnify our own misfortunes,
and always supposing them greater
than those of others; yet I shall hazard
making you acquainted with the conclusion
I drew, which, however, was very
laconic.

I said to myself, “Captain Inglefield’s
sufferings are matchless, and were it not
for the duration, and repetition of mine,
they could have but little semblance to
one another.”

The small pox was committing prodigious
ravages among all ranks of people
when we left Fyal; and, I suppose, continues
still so to do.

A child of the French Consul’s lay
dangerously ill with that disease, and he
requested Falconbridge would visit it;—
he did so, and found the infant confined
in a small close room, where every means
were taken to shut out the least breath of air.

Falconbridge directly recommended the
child to be brought into a large open hall,
which was done against the absurd remonstrances
of the Portuguese Physician, who
pronounced immediate death to it; however,
before our departure we had the pleasure L1r 113
pleasure of seeing this innocent babe (who
would in all probability, have otherwise
fallen a victim to those ridiculous notions
of treating the small pox) quite out of
danger; and I trust, the precedent will be
generally attended to, and may prove
equally efficacious.

Many of our countrymen reside there,
who are Roman Catholics, and married to
Portuguese ladies, with few exceptions.

I saw two or three English women—
perhaps all on the Island; they seem to
have preserved their native manners and
customs in high perfection, which the
Portuguese ladies emulously try to copy;
more especially, in the article of dress,
than any thing else; but in this they
are much hindred by the jealousy and
narrow ideas of their husbands, who never
suffer their wives to go abroad, or appear
in company with other men, whether single
or married, without a deep black or white
sattin veil that hides not only the face but
the body.

In a conversation with one of those
ladies, she said to me “the women of your
country must surely be very happy: they
have so much more liberty than we have,
or I believe, than the women of any other L country, L1v 114
country, I wish I was an English women!”
I thanked her in behalf of my country women,
for her good opinion, but assured her
they had their share of thorns and thistles,
as well as those of other countries.

How deeply do I regret our short
stay at Saint Jago and Fayal, disables me
from giving you a more historical and intelligent
account of those Islands; but I
was long enough to each place to form this
summary opinion: The latter is, without
exception the most desirable sport I ever
saw; and the former, as far opposite as ’tis
possible for you to conceive.

Having repaired such damage as our
vessel had received coming from St. Anthony,
and supplied ourselves with abundance
of stores to bring us to this country,
we set sail from Fayal the --12-2525th of last
month, and arrived at the time and place
before-mentioned.

Our passage was short and unattended
with such boistrous weather as we had
experienced, yet it was so stormy that
I was obliged to keep my bed the whole
time: which circumstance and a cold I
caught, threw me into an indisposition that
I have not yet recovered from.

The L2r 115

The day after landing at Penzance, Falconbridge
wrote Mr. Granville Sharp, and
by return of Post received his answer, a
copy of which I herewith inclose.

“Leadenhall-Street, 1791-09-077th Sept.September 1791. Dear Sir, The agreeable account
of the safe arrival of the Lapwing at Penzance,
which I received this morning,
gives me very particular satisfaction. I have communicated your letter to
Henry Thornton, Esq. Chairman of the
Court of Directors of the Sierra Leone
Company (for under this title the late
St. George’s Bay Company is now established,
by an Act of the last Session of
Parliament) and to some of the Directors,
and they desire you to come by land as
expeditiously as you can, bringing with
you in a post-chaise, Mrs. Falconbridge
and the Black Prince, and also, any such
specimens of the country as will not be
liable to injury by land-carriage. I inclose (from the Directors) a note
from Mr. Thornton’s house, for thirty
pounds, for which you may easily procure L2 cash L2v 116
cash for your journey, and if more should
be wanting for use of the people of the
Lapwing, I have no doubt but Mrs.
Dennis (to whose care I send this Letter)
will have the goodness to advance it, as
she will be reimbursed by return of the
Post, when I receive advice of your
draft. The Lapwing may be left to the care
of any proper person whom you may
think capable of taking due care of her,
until the Directors give farther orders
respecting her. I remain with great esteem,
Dear Sir,
Your affectionate friend,
And humble Servant, Granville Sharp. Mr. Alexander Falconbridge.”

In the interim Falconbridge went to
Falmouth to procure money for our journey
to London.

There he met the Rev. Thomas Clarkson,
that unwearied stickler for human
liberty, with whom, (or at whose instimulation)lation) L3r 117
the abolition of the Slave Trade
originated, and at whose instance Falconbridge
quitted his comfortable situation at
Ludway, to enlist in the present (though I
fear chimerical) cause of freedom and humanity.

Mr. Clarkson is also a director of the
Sierra Leona Company, under which title,
you find by Mr. Sharp’s letter, the late
St. George’s Bay Company is now called.

He informed Falconbridge that his brother,
Lieutenant Clarkson of the navy,
was gone to Nova Scotia, authorised by
government to collect several hundred free
blacks and take them to Sierra Leone,
where they are under the care and patronage
of the Directors of our new company)
to form a colony.

It was surely a premature, hair-brained,
and ill digested scheme, to think of sending
such a number of people all at once,
to a rude, barbarous and unhealthy country,
before they were certain of possessing
an acre of land; and I very much fear
will terminate in disappointment, if not disgrace
to the authors; though at the same
time, I am persuaded the motives sprung
from minds unsullied with evil meaning.

L3 We L3v 118

We set out from Penzance the 12th,
taking with us the Black Prince, and the
following day arrived at Plymouth, where
by appointment we met Mr. Clarkson; after
staying there four days we went on towards
London, stopped at Exeter three
days, and arrived here the 24th.

As soon as our arrival was known Mr.
Thornton, (the chairman) Mr. Sharp, and
several others of the directors came to
see us, and after many compliments expressive
with condolence for our misfortunes,
and congratulations for our deliverance
and safe arrival, a number of enquiries,
&c. &c. Mr. Thornton requested
Falconbridge and the Prince would dine
with him, at the same time gave the latter
to understand he was to consider his (Mr.
Thornton) house as his home.

I could not help secretly smiling to see
the servile courtesy which those gentlemen
paid this young man, merely from his being
the son of a nominal king.

It has slip’d my notice till now to describe
him to you: His person is rather
below the ordinary, inclining to groseness,
his skin nearly jet black, eyes keenly intelligent,ligent, L4r 119
nose flat, teeth unconnected, and
filed sharp after the custom of his country,
his legs a little bandied, and his deportment
easy, manly, and confident withall.
In his disposition he is surly, but has cunning
enough to smother it where he thinks
his interest is concerned; he is pettish and
implacable, but I think grateful and attached
to those he considers his friends;
nature has been bountiful in giving him
sound intelects, very capable of improvement,
and he also possesses a great thrift
for knowledge.

While with me although it was seldom in
my power, yet now and then I amused
myself with teaching him the alphabet,
which he quickly learned, and before we
parted, could read any common print surprisingly
well.

He is not wanting in discernment, and
has already discovered the weak side of his
patrons, which he strives to turn to good
account, and I dare say, by his natural
subtility, will in time advantage himself
considerably by it. Open note 7Back to note ⁷

They L4v 120

The Directors seem much pleased with
Falconbridge’s exertions, have appointed
him commercial agent to the Company,
and his is shortly to return to Sierra Leona.
They are very pressing for me to accompany
him, but my late misfortunes are yet
too fresh in remembrance to consent hastily.
Indeed, you may suppose, I cannot but
painfully remember them while the bruises
and chases produced by the voyage on different
parts of my body, continue unhealed.
However, it is probably, whether
with or against my will, I must tacitly assent
to hazard a repetition of what I have
already undergone.

When matters are wholly fixed you will
hear from me, and perhaps I may shortly
have the happiness of assuring you in person
how I am.