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Cite this workPrince, Mary. The History of Mary Prince, 1831. Northeastern University Women Writers Project, 17 Dec. 2021. https://www.wwp.northeastern.edu/texts/prince.history.html.
About the source
Title
The History of Mary Prince, A West Indian Slave, Written by Herself
Author
Prince, Mary
Published
London, 1831, by:
Westley, Frederick; Davis, A. H.; Waugh; Innes
Pages transcribed
72

Full text: Prince, The History of Mary Prince

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A1r A1v A2r A2v A3r {Handwritten addition: The Rev. M. Mortimer
with the Editor’s best respect,} end of handwritten addition
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The [Gap in transcription—10 charactersomitted]
History of Mary Prince,
A West Indian Slave.


Related by Herself.


With a Supplement by the Editor.


To which is added,
The Narrative of Asa-Asa,
A Captured African.

“By our sufferings, since ye brought us To the man-degrading mart,— All sustain’d by patience, taught us Only by a broken heart,— Deem our nation brutes no longer, Till some reason ye shall find Worthier of regard, and stronger Than the colour of our kind.” Cowper.

London:
Published by F. Westley and A.H. Davis,
Stationers’ Hall Court;
And by Waugh & Innes, Edinburgh.
18311831.

A3v [Gap in transcription—library stampomitted]

S. Bagster, Jun., Printer, Bartholomew Close, London.

A4r [Gap in transcription—1 numberomitted]

Preface.

The idea of writing Mary Prince’s history was first suggested
by herself. She wished it to be done, she said, that good people
in England might hear from a slave what a slave had felt and
suffered; and a letter of her late master’s, which will be found in
the Supplement, induced me to accede to her wish without
farther delay. The more immediate object of the publication will
afterwards appear.

The narrative was taken down from Mary’s own lips by a lady
who happened to be at the time residing in my family as a
visitor. It was written out fully, with all the narrator’s repetitions
and prolixities, and afterwards pruned into its present
shape; retaining, as far as was practicable, Mary’s exact expressions
and peculiar phraseology. No fact of importance has
been omitted, and not a single circumstance or sentiment has been
added. It is essentially her own, without any material alteration
farther than was requisite to exclude redundances and gross grammatical
errors, so as to render it clearly intelligible.

After it had been thus written out, I went over the whole,
carefully examining her on every fact and circumstance detailed;
and in all that relates to her residence in Antigua I had the
advantage of being assisted in this scrutiny by Mr. Joseph
Phillips
, who was a resident in that colony during the same
period, and had known her there.

The names of all the persons mentioned by the narrator have
been printed in full, except those of Capt. I― and his wife,
and that of Mr. D―, to whom conduct of peculiar atrocity is
ascribed. These three individuals are now gone to answer at a
far more awful tribunal than that of public opinion, for the deeds
of which their former bondwoman accuses them; and to hold them A4v iv
up more openly to human reprobation could no longer affect
themselves, while it might deeply lacerate the feelings of their
surviving and perhaps innocent relatives, without any commensurate
public advantage.

Without detaining the reader with remarks on other points
which will be adverted to more conveniently in the Supplement,
I shall here merely notice farther, that the Anti-Slavery Society
have no concern whatever with this publication, nor are they in
any degree responsible for the statements it contains. I have
published the tract, not as their Secretary, but in my private
capacity; and any profits that may arise from the sale will be
exclusively appropriated to the benefit of Mary Prince herself.

Tho. Pringle.


7, Solly Terrace, Claremont Square,
1831-01-25January 25, 1831.

P.S. Since writing the above, I have been furnished by my
friend Mr. George Stephen, with the interesting narrative of
Asa-Asa, a captured African, now under his protection; and
have printed it as a suitable appendix to this little history.

T.P.

B1r [Gap in transcription—1 numberomitted]

The
History of Mary Prince,
A West Indian Slave.
(Related by herself.)

I was born at Brackish-Pond, in Bermuda, on a farm belonging to
Mr. Charles Myners. My mother was a household slave; and my
father, whose name was Prince, was a sawyer belonging to Mr. Trimmingham,
a ship-builder at Crow-Lane. When I was an infant, old Mr.
Myners
died, and there was a division of the slaves and other property
among the family. I was bought along with my mother by old Captain
Darrel
, and given to his grandchild, little Miss Betsey Williams.
Captain Williams, Mr. Darrel’s son-in-law, was master of a vessel which
traded to several places in America and the West Indies, and he was
seldom at home long together.

Mrs. Williams was kind-hearted good woman, and she treated
all her slaves well. She had only one daughter, Miss Betsey, for whom
I was purchased, and who was about my own age. I was made quite
a pet of by Miss Betsey, and loved her very much. She used to lead
me about by the hand, and call me her little nigger. This was the happiest
period of my life; for I was too young to understand rightly my
condition as a slave, and too thoughtless and full of spirits to look
forward to the days of toil and sorrow.

My mother was a household slave in the same family. I was under
her own care, and my little brothers and sisters were my play-fellows
and companions. My mother had several fine children after she came
to Mrs. Williams,—three girls and two boys. The tasks given out to
us children were light, and we used to play together with Miss Betsey,
with as much freedom almost as if she had been our sister.

My master, however, was a very harsh, selfish man; and we always
dreaded his return from sea. His wife was herself much afraid of him;
and, during his stay at home, seldom dared to shew her usual kindness
to the slaves. He often left her, in the most distressed circumstances, to
reside in other female society, at some place in the West Indies of which
I have forgot the name. My poor mistress bore his ill-treatment with
great patience, and all her slaves loved and pitied her. I was truly
attached to her, and, next to my own mother, loved her better than any
creature in the world. My obedience to her commands was cheerfully B B1v 2
given: it sprung solely from the affection I felt for her, and not from
fear of the power which the white people’s law had given her over
me.

I had scarcely reached my twelfth year when my mistress became
too poor to keep so many of us at home; and she hired me out to
Mrs. Pruden, a lady who lived about five miles off, in the adjoining
parish, in a large house near the sea. I cried bitterly at parting with
my dear mistress and Miss Betsey, and when I kissed my mother and
brothers and sisters, I thought my young heart would break, it pained
me so. But there was no help; I was forced to go. Good Mrs. Williams
comforted me by saying that I should still be near the home I was
about to quit, and might come over and see her and my kindred whenever
I could obtain leave of absence from Mrs. Pruden. A few hours
after this I was taken to a strange house, and found myself among
strange people. This separation seemed a sore trial to me then; but oh!
’twas light, light to the trials I have since endured!—’twas nothing—
nothing to be mentioned with them; but I was a child then, and it was
according to my strength.

I knew that Mrs. Williams could no longer maintain me; that she
was fain to part with me for my food and clothing; and I tried to submit
myself to the change. My new mistress was a passionate woman;
but yet she did not treat me very unkindly. I do not remember her
striking me but once, and that was for going to see Mrs. Williams
when I heard she was sick, and staying longer than she had given
me leave to do. All my employment at this time was nursing a
sweet baby, little Master Daniel; and I grew so fond of my nursling
that it was my greatest delight to walk out with him by the sea-shore,
accompanied by his brother and sister, Miss Fanny and Master James.
—Dear Miss Fanny! She was a sweet, kind young lady, and so fond
of me that she wished me to learn all that she knew herself; and her method
of teaching me was as follows:—Directly she had said her lessons
to her grandmamma, she used to come running to me, and make me
repeat them one by one after her; and in a few months I was able not
only to say my letters but to spell many small words. But this happy
state was not to last long. Those days were too pleasant to last. My
heart always softens when I think of them.

At this time Mrs. Williams died. I was told suddenly of her death,
and my grief was so great that, forgetting I had the baby in my arms,
I ran away directly to my poor mistress’s house: but reached it only in
time to see the corpse carried out. Oh, that was a day of sorrow,—a
heavy day! All the slaves cried. My mother cried and lamented her
sore; and I (foolish creature!) vainly entreated them to bring my dear
mistress back to life. I knew nothing rightly about death then, and
it seemed a hard thing to bear. When I thought about my mistress
I felt as if the world was all gone wrong; and for many days and weeks
I could think of nothing else. I returned to Mrs. Pruden’s; but my
sorrow was too great to be comforted, for my own dear mistress was
always in my mind. Whether in the house or abroad, my thoughts
were always talking to me about her.

I staid at Mrs. Pruden’s about three months after this; I was B2r 3
then sent back to Mr. Williams to be sold. Oh, that was a sad sad time!
I recollect the day well. Mrs. Pruden came to me and said, “Mary,
you will have to go home directly; your master is going to be married,
and he means to sell you and two of your sisters to raise money for the
wedding.”
Hearing this I burst out a crying,—though I was then far
from being sensible of the full weight of my misfortune, or of the
misery that waited for me. Besides, I did not like to leave Mrs. Pruden,
and the dear baby, who had grown very fond of me. For some time I
could scarcely believe that Mrs. Pruden was in earnest, till I received
orders for my immediate return.—Dear Miss Fanny! how she cried at
parting with me, whilst I kissed and hugged the baby, thinking I
should never see him again. I left Mrs. Pruden’s, and walked home
with a heart full of sorrow. The idea of being sold away from my
mother and Miss Betsey was so frightful, that I dared not trust myself
to think about it. We had been bought of Mr. Myners, as I have
mentioned, by Miss Betsey’s grandfather, and given to her, so that we
were by right her property, and I never thought we should be separated
or sold away from it.

When I reached the house, I went in directly to Miss Betsey. I
found her in great distress; and she cried out as soon as she saw me,
“Oh, Mary! my father is going to sell you all to raise money to marry
that wicked woman. You are my slaves, and he has no right to sell
you; but it is all to please her.”
She then told me that my mother was
living with her father’s sister at a house close by, and I went there to
see her. It was a sorrowful meeting; and we lamented with a great
and sore crying our unfortunate situation. “Here comes one of my
poor picaninnies!”
she said, the moment I came in, “one of the poor
slave-brood who are to be sold to-morrow.”

Oh dear! I cannot bear to think of that day,—it is too much.—It
recalls the great grief that filled my heart, and the woeful thoughts that
passed to and fro through my mind, whilst listening to the pitiful words
of my poor mother, weeping for the loss of her children. I wish I could
find words to tell you all I then felt and suffered. The great God above
alone knows the thoughts of the poor slave’s heart, and the bitter pains
which follow such separations as these. All that we love taken away
from us—Oh, it is sad, sad! and sore to be borne!—I got no sleep that
night for thinking of the morrow; and dear Miss Betsey was scarcely
less distressed. She could not bear to part with her old playmates,
and she cried sore and would not be pacified.

The black morning at length came; it came too soon for my poor
mother and us. Whilst she was putting on us the new osnaburgs in
which we were to be sold, she said, in a sorrowful voice, (I shall never
forget it!) “See, I am shrouding my poor children; what a task for a
mother!”
—She then called Miss Betsey to take leave of us. “I am
going to carry my little chickens to market,”
(these were her very words,)
“take your last look of them; may be you will see them no more.”
“Oh, my poor slaves! my own slaves!” said dear Miss Betsey, “you
belong to me; and it grieves my heart to part with you.”
Miss Betsey
kissed us all, and, when she left us, my mother called the rest of the
slaves to bid us good bye. One of them, a woman named Moll, B2v 4
came with her infant in her arms. “Ay!” said my mother, seeing her
turn away and look at her child with the tears in her eyes, “your turn
will come next.”
The slaves could say nothing to comfort us; they
could only weep and lament with us. When I left my dear little
brothers and the house in which I had been brought up, I thought my
heart would burst.

Our mother, weeping as she went, called me away with the children
Hannah and Dinah, and we took the road that led to Hamble Town,
which we reached about four o’clock in the afternoon. We followed
my mother to the market-place, where she placed us in a row against
a large house, with our backs to the wall and our arms folded across
our breasts. I, as the eldest, stood first, Hannah next to me, then
Dinah; and our mother stood beside, crying over us. My heart throbbed
with grief and terror so violently, that I pressed my hands quite
tightly across my breast, but I could not keep it still, and it continued
to leap as though it would burst out of my body. But who cared for
that? Did one of the many by-standers, who were looking at us so
carelessly, think of the pain that wrung the hearts of the negro woman
and her young ones? No, no! They were not all bad, I dare say,
but slavery hardens white people’s hearts towards the blacks; and
many of them were not slow to make their remarks upon us aloud,
without regard to our grief—though their light words fell like cayenne
on the fresh wounds of our hearts. Oh those white people have small
hearts who can only feel for themselves.

At length the vendue master, who was to offer us for sale like sheep
or cattle, arrived, and asked my mother which was the eldest. She said
nothing, but pointed to me. He took me by the hand, and led me out
into the middle of the street, and, turning me slowly round, exposed me
to the view of those who attended the vendue. I was soon surrounded
by strange men, who examined and handled me in the same manner that
a butcher would a calf or a lamb he was about to purchase, and who
talked about my shape and size in like words—as if I could no
more understand their meaning than the dumb beasts. I was then put
up to sale. The bidding commenced at a few pounds, and gradually
rose to fifty-seven, when I was knocked down to the highest bidder;
and the people who stood by said that I had fetched a great sum for so
young a slave.

I then saw my sisters led forth, and sold to different owners; so that
we had not the sad satisfaction of being partners in bondage. When the
sale was over, my mother hugged and kissed us, and mourned over us,
begging of us to keep up a good heart, and do our duty to our new masters.
It was a sad parting; one went one way, one another, and our
poor mammy went home with nothing.

B3r 5

My new master was a Captain I―, who lived at Spanish Point.
After parting with my mother and sisters, I followed him to his store, and
he gave me into the charge of his son, a lad about my own age, Master
Benjy
, who took me to my new home. I did not know where I was
going, or what my new master would do with me. My heart was quite
broken with grief, and my thoughts went back continually to those from
whom I had been so suddenly parted. “Oh, my mother! my mother!”
I kept saying to myself, “Oh, my mammy and my sisters and my brothers,
shall I never see you again!”

Oh, the trials! the trials! they make the salt water come into my
eyes when I think of the days in which I was afflicted—the times that
are gone; when I mourned and grieved with a young heart for those
whom I loved.

It was night when I reached my new home. The house was large,
and built at the bottom of a very high hill; but I could not see much
of it that night. I saw too much of it afterwards. The stones and the
timber were the best things in it; they were not so hard as the hearts of
the owners.

Before I entered the house, two slave women, hired from another
owner, who were at work in the yard, spoke to me, and asked who I
belonged to? I replied, “I am come to live here.” “Poor child, poor
child!”
they both said; “you must keep a good heart, if you are to
live here.”
—When I went in, I stood up crying in a corner. Mrs.
I―
came and took off my hat, a little black silk hat Miss Pruden
made for me, and said in a rough voice, “You are not come here to
stand up in corners and cry, you are come here to work.”
She then
put a child into my arms, and, tired as I was, I was forced instantly to B3v 6
take up my old occupation of a nurse.—I could not bear to look at
my mistress, her countenance was so stern. She was a stout tall woman
with a very dark complexion, and her brows were always drawn
together into a frown. I thought of the words of the two slave women
when I saw Mrs. I―, and heard the harsh sound of her voice.

The person I took the most notice of that night was a French Black
called Hetty, whom my master took in privateering from another vessel,
and made his slave. She was the most active woman I ever saw, and
she was tasked to her utmost. A few minutes after my arrival she
came in from milking the cows, and put the sweet-potatoes on for
supper. She then fetched home the sheep, and penned them in the
fold; drove home the cattle, and staked them about the pond side;
fed and rubbed down my master’s horse, and gave the hog and the
fed cow their suppers; prepared the beds, and undressed the
children, and laid them to sleep. I liked to look at her and watch all
her doings, for her’s was the only friendly face I had as yet seen,
and I felt glad that she was there. She gave me my supper of potatoes
and milk, and a blanket to sleep upon, which she spread for me in the
passage before the door of Mrs. I―’s chamber.

I got a sad fright, that night. I was just going to sleep, when I
heard a noise in my mistress’s room; and she presently called out to
inquire if some work was finished that she had ordered Hetty to do.
“No, Ma’am, not yet,” was Hetty’s answer from below. On hearing
this, my master started up from his bed, and just as he was, in his
shirt, ran down stairs with a long cow-skin in his hand. I heard
immediately after, the cracking of the thong, and the house rang to the
shrieks of poor Hetty, who kept crying out, “Oh, Massa! Massa!
me dead. Massa! have mercy upon me—don’t kill me outright.”

This was a sad beginning for me. I sat up upon my blanket, trembling
with terror, like a frightened hound, and thinking that my turn
would come next. At length the house became still, and I forgot for
a little while all my sorrows by falling fast asleep.

The next morning my mistress set about instructing me in my tasks.
She taught me to do all sorts of household work; to wash and bake, pick
cotton and wool, and wash floors, and cook. And she taught me (how
can I ever forget it!) more things than these; she caused me to know
the exact difference between the smart of the rope, the cart-whip, and
the cow-skin, when applied to my naked body by her own cruel hand.
And there was scarcely any punishment more dreadful than the blows
I received on my face and head from her hard heavy fist. She was
a fearful woman, and a savage mistress to her slaves.

There were two little slave boys in the house, on whom she vented her
bad temper in a special manner. One of these children was a mulatto,
called Cyrus, who had been bought while an infant in his mother’s
arms; the other, Jack, was an African from the coast of Guinea, whom
a sailor had given or sold to my master. Seldom a day passed without B4r 7
these boys receiving the most severe treatment, and often for no fault
at all. Both my master and mistress seemed to think that they had a
right to ill-use them at their pleasure; and very often accompanied
their commands with blows, whether the children were behaving well
or ill. I have seen their flesh ragged and raw with licks.—Lick—lick
—they were never secure one moment from a blow, and their lives were
passed in continual fear. My mistress was not contented with using
the whip, but often pinched their cheeks and arms in the most cruel
manner. My pity for these poor boys was soon transferred to myself; for
I was licked, and flogged, and pinched by her pitiless fingers in the
neck and arms, exactly as they were. To strip me naked—to hang me
up by the wrists and lay my flesh open with the cow-skin, was an ordinary
punishment for even a slight offence. My mistress often robbed
me too of the hours that belong to sleep. She used to sit up very
late, frequently even until morning; and I had then to stand at a bench
and wash during the greater part of the night, or pick wool and cotton;
and often I have dropped down overcome by sleep and fatigue, till
roused from a state of stupor by the whip, and forced to start up to
my tasks.

Poor Hetty, my fellow slave, was very kind to me, and I used to call
her my Aunt; but she led a most miserable life, and her death was
hastened (at least the slaves all believed and said so,) by the dreadful
chastisement she received from my master during her pregnancy. It
happened as follows. One of the cows had dragged the rope away
from the stake to which Hetty had fastened it, and got loose. My
master flew into a terrible passion, and ordered the poor creature to be
stripped quite naked, notwithstanding her pregnancy, and to be tied up
to a tree in the yard. He then flogged her as hard as he could lick,
both with the whip and cow-skin, till she was all over streaming with
blood. He rested, and then beat her again and again. Her shrieks were
terrible. The consequence was that poor Hetty was brought to bed before
her time, and was delivered after severe labour of a dead child. She
appeared to recover after her confinement, so far that she was repeatedly
flogged by both master and mistress afterwards; but her former
strength never returned to her. Ere long her body and limbs swelled
to a great size; and she lay on a mat in the kitchen, till the water
burst out of her body and she died. All the slaves said that death was
a good thing for poor Hetty; but I cried very much for her death. The
manner of it filled me with horror. I could not bear to think about it;
yet it was always present to my mind for many a day.

After Hetty died all her labours fell upon me, in addition to my own.
I had now to milk eleven cows every morning before sunrise, sitting
among the damp weeds; to take care of the cattle as well as the
children; and to do the work of the house. There was no end to my
toils—no end to my blows. I lay down at night and rose up in the morning
in fear and sorrow; and often wished that like poor Hetty I could
escape from this cruel bondage and be at rest in the grave. But the
hand of that God whom then I knew not, was stretched over me; and
I was mercifully preserved for better things. It was then, however, my
heavy lot to weep, weep, weep, and that for years; to pass from one B4v 8
misery to another, and from one cruel master to a worse. But I must
go on with the thread of my story.

One day a heavy squall of wind and rain came on suddenly, and my
mistress sent me round the corner of the house to empty a large
earthen jar. The jar was already cracked with an old deep crack that
divided it in the middle, and in turning it upside down to empty it, it
parted in my hand. I could not help the accident, but I was dreadfully
frightened, looking forward to a severe punishment. I ran crying to my
mistress, “O mistress, the jar has come in two.” “You have broken
it, have you?”
she replied; “come directly here to me.” I came trembling:
she stripped and flogged me long and severely with the cowskin;
as long as she had strength to use the lash, for she did not give
over till she was quite tired.—When my master came home at night,
she told him of my fault; and oh, frightful! how he fell a swearing.
After abusing me with every ill name he could think of, (too, too bad
to speak in England,) and giving me several heavy blows with his
hand, he said, “I shall come home to-morrow morning at twelve, on
purpose to give you a round hundred.”
He kept his word—Oh sad
for me! I cannot easily forget it. He tied me up upon a ladder, and
gave me a hundred lashes with his own hand, and master Benjy stood by
to count them for him. When he had licked me for some time he
sat down to take breath; then after resting, he beat me again and again,
until he was quite wearied, and so hot (for the weather was very sultry),
that he sank back in his chair, almost like to faint. While my mistress
went to bring him drink, there was a dreadful earthquake. Part of the
roof fell down, and every thing in the house went—clatter, clatter,
clatter. Oh I thought the end of all things near at hand; and I was
so sore with the flogging, that I scarcely cared whether I lived or died.
The earth was groaning and shaking; every thing tumbling about; and
my mistress and the slaves were shrieking and crying out, “The earthquake!
the earthquake!”
It was an awful day for us all.

During the confusion I crawled away on my hands and knees, and
laid myself down under the steps of the piazza, in front of the house.
I was in a dreadful state—my body all blood and bruises, and I could
not help moaning piteously. The other slaves, when they saw me,
shook their heads and said, “Poor child! poor child!”—I lay there
till the morning, careless of what might happen, for life was very weak
in me, and I wished more than ever to die. But when we are very
young, death always seems a great way off, and it would not come that
night to me. The next morning I was forced by my master to rise and
go about my usual work, though my body and limbs were so stiff
and sore, that I could not move without the greatest pain.—Nevertheless,
even after all this severe punishment, I never heard the last of
that jar; my mistress was always throwing it in my face.

Some little time after this, one of the cows got loose from the stake,
and eat one of the sweet-potatoe slips. I was milking when my master
found it out. He came to me, and without any more ado, stooped
down, and taking off his heavy boot, he struck me such a severe blow
in the small of my back, that I shrieked with agony, and thought I was
killed; and I feel a weakness in that part to this day. The cow was C1r 9
frightened at his violence, and kicked down the pail and spilt the milk
all about. My master knew that this accident was his own fault, but
he was so enraged that he seemed glad of an excuse to go on with his
ill usage. I cannot remember how many licks he gave me then, but he
beat me till I was unable to stand, and till he himself was weary.

After this I ran away and went to my mother, who was living with
Mr. Richard Darrel. My poor mother was both grieved and glad to
see me; grieved because I had been so ill used, and glad because she
had not seen me for a long, long while. She dared not receive me into
the house, but she hid me up in a hole in the rocks near, and brought
me food at night, after every body was asleep. My father, who lived at
Crow-Lane, over the salt-water channel, at last heard of my being hid
up in the cavern, and he came and took me back to my master.
Oh I was loth, loth to go back; but as there was no remedy, I was
obliged to submit.

When we got home, my poor father said to Captain I―, “Sir, I am
sorry that my child should be forced to run away from her owner; but
the treatment she has received is enough to break her heart. The sight
of her wounds has nearly broke mine.—I entreat you, for the love of
God, to forgive her for running away, and that you will be a kind
master to her in future.”
Capt. I― said I was used as well as I
deserved, and that I ought to be punished for running away. I then
took courage and said that I could stand the floggings no longer; that I
was weary of my life, and therefore I had run away to my mother; but
mothers could only weep and mourn over their children, they could not
save them from cruel masters—from the whip, the rope, and the cowskin.
He told me to hold my tongue and go about my work, or he
would find a way to settle me. He did not, however, flog me that day.

For five years after this I remained in his house, and almost daily
received the same harsh treatment. At length he put me on board a
sloop, and to my great joy sent me away to Turk’s Island. I was not
permitted to see my mother or father, or poor sisters and brothers, to
say good bye, though going away to a strange land, and might never
see them again. Oh the Buckra people who keep slaves think that
black people are like cattle, without natural affection. But my heart
tells me it is far otherwise.

We were nearly four weeks on the voyage, which was unusually long.
Sometimes we had a light breeze, sometimes a great calm, and the ship
made no way; so that our provisions and water ran very low, and we
were put upon short allowance. I should almost have been starved had
it not been for the kindness of a black man called Anthony, and his
wife, who had brought their own victuals, and shared them with me.

When we went ashore at the Grand Quay, the captain sent me to
the house of my new master, Mr. D―, to whom Captain I―
had sold me. Grand Quay is a small town upon a sandbank; the
houses low and built of wood. Such was my new master’s. The first
person I saw, on my arrival, was Mr. D―, a stout sulky looking man,
who carried me through the hall to show me to his wife and children.
Next day I was put up by the vendue master to know how much I was
worth, and I was valued at one hundred pounds currency.

C C1v 10

My new master was one of the owners or holders of the salt ponds,
and he received a certain sum for every slave that worked upon his
premises, whether they were young or old. This sum was allowed him
out of the profits arising from the salt works. I was immediately sent
to work in the salt water with rest of the slaves. This work was
perfectly new to me. I was given a half barrel and a shovel, and had
to stand up to my knees in the water, from four o’clock in the morning
till nine, when we were given some Indian corn boiled in water, which
we were obliged to swallow as fast as we could for fear the rain should
come on and melt the salt. We were then called again to our tasks,
and worked through the heat of the day; the sun flaming upon our
heads like fire, and raising salt blisters in those parts which were not
completely covered. Our feet and legs, from standing in the salt water
for so many hours, soon became full of dreadful boils, which eat down
in some cases to the very bone, afflicting the sufferers with great torment.
We came home at twelve; ate our corn soup, called blawly, as
fast as we could, and went back to our employment till dark at night.
We then shovelled up the salt in large heaps, and went down to the sea,
where we washed the pickle from our limbs, and cleaned the barrows
and shovels from the salt. When we returned to the house, our master
gave us each our allowance of raw Indian corn, which we pounded
in a mortar and boiled in water for our suppers.

We slept in a long shed, divided into narrow slips, like the stalls
used for cattle. Boards fixed upon stakes driven into the ground, without
mat or covering, were our only beds. On Sundays, after we had
washed the salt bags, and done other work required of us, we went into
the bush and cut the long soft grass, of which we made trusses for our
legs and feet to rest upon, for they were so full of the salt boils that
we could get no rest lying upon the bare boards.

Though we worked from morning till night, there was no satisfying
Mr. D‒. I hoped, when I left Capt. I―, that I should have been
better off, but I found it was but going from one butcher to another.
There was this difference between them: my former master used to
beat me while raging and foaming with passion; Mr. D― was
usually quite calm. He would stand by and give orders for a slave to
be cruelly whipped, and assist in the punishment, without moving a
muscle of his face; walking about and taking snuff with the greatest
composure. Nothing could touch his hard heart—neither sighs, nor
tears, nor prayers, nor streaming blood; he was deaf to our cries, and
careless of our sufferings.—Mr. D― has often stripped me naked,
hung me up by the wrists, and beat me with the cow-skin, with his own
hand, till my body was raw with gashes. Yet there was nothing very
remarkable in this; for it might serve as a sample of the common
usage of the slaves on that horrible island.

Owing to the boils in my feet, I was unable to wheel the barrow fast
through the sand, which got into the sores, and made me stumble at
every step; and my master, having no pity for my sufferings from this
cause, rendered them far more intolerable, by chastising me for not
being able to move so fast as he wished me. Another of our employments
was to row a little way off from the shore in a boat, and dive C2r 11
for large stones to build a wall round our master’s house. This was
very hard work; and the great waves breaking over us continually,
made us often so giddy that we lost our footing, and were in danger of
being drowned.

Ah, poor me!—my tasks were never ended. Sick or well, it was
work—work—work!—After the diving season was over, we were sent
to the South Creek, with large bills, to cut up mangoes to burn lime
with. Whilst one party of slaves were thus employed, another were
sent to the other side of the island to break up coral out of the sea.

When we were ill, let our complaint be what it might, the only
medicine given to us was a great bowl of hot salt water, with salt mixed
with it, which made us very sick. If we could not keep up with the
rest of the gang of slaves, we were put in the stocks, and severely flogged
the next morning. Yet, not the less, our master expected, after
we had thus been kept from our rest, and our limbs rendered stiff
and sore with ill usage, that we should still go through the ordinary
tasks of the day all the same.—Sometimes we had to work all
night, measuring salt to load a vessel; or turning a machine to draw
water out of the sea for the salt-making. Then we had no sleep—no
rest—but were forced to work as fast as we could, and go on again all
next day the same as usual. Work—work—work—Oh that Turk’s
Island
was a horrible place! The people in England, I am sure, have
never found out what is carried on there. Cruel, horrible place!

Mr. D― had a slave called old Daniel, whom he used to treat in
the most cruel manner. Poor Daniel was lame in the hip, and could
not keep up with the rest of the slaves; and our master would order
him to be stripped and laid down on the ground, and have him beaten
with a rod of rough briar till his skin was quite red and raw. He
would then call for a bucket of salt, and fling upon the raw flesh
till the man writhed on the ground like a worm, and screamed aloud
with agony. This poor man’s wounds were never healed, and I have
often seen them full of maggots, which increased his torments to an
intolerable degree. He was an object of pity and terror to the whole
gang of slaves, and in his wretched case we saw, each of us, our own
lot, if we should live to be as old.

Oh the horrors of slavery!—How the thought of it pains my heart!
But the truth ought to be told of it; and what my eyes have seen I think
it is my duty to relate; for few people in England know what slavery
is. I have been a slave—I have felt what a slave feels, and I know
what a slave knows; and I would have all the good people in England
to know it too, that they may break our chains, and set us free.

Mr. D— had another slave called Ben. He being very hungry,
stole a little rice one night after he came in from work, and cooked it
for his supper. But his master soon discovered the theft; locked him
up all night; and kept him without food till one o’clock the next day.
He then hung Ben up by his hands and beat him from time to time till
the slaves came in at night. We found the poor creature hung up when
we came home; with a pool of blood beneath him, and our master still
licking him. But this was not the worst. My master’s son was in the
habit of stealing the rice and rum. Ben had seen him do this, and
thought he might do the same, and when master found out that Ben C2v 12
had stolen the rice and swore to punish him, he tried to excuse himself
by saying that Master Dickey did the same thing every night. The lad
denied it to his father, and was so angry with Ben for informing against
him, that out of revenge he ran and got a bayonet, and whilst the poor
wretch was suspended by his hands and writhing under his wounds, he
run it quite through his foot. I was not by when he did it, but I saw
the wound when I came home, and heard Ben tell the manner in which
it was done.

I must say something more about this cruel son of a cruel father.—
He had no heart—no fear of God; he had been brought up by a bad
father in a bad path, and he delighted to follow in the same steps.
There was a little old woman among the slaves called Sarah, who was
nearly past work; and, Master Dickey being the overseer of the slaves
just then, this poor creature, who was subject to several bodily infirmities,
and was not quite right in her head, did not wheel the barrow fast
enough to please him. He threw her down on the ground, and after
beating her severely, he took her up in his arms and flung her among
the prickly-pear bushes, which are all covered over with sharp venomous
prickles. By this her naked flesh was so grievously wounded, that her
body swelled and festered all over, and she died a few days after. In
telling my own sorrows, I cannot pass by those of my fellow-slaves
—for when I think of my own griefs, I remember theirs.

I think it was about ten years I had worked in the salt ponds at
Turk’s Island, when my master left off business, and retired to a house
he had in Bermuda, leaving his son to succeed him in the island. He
took me with him to wait upon his daughters; and I was joyful, for I
was sick, sick of Turk’s Island, and my heart yearned to see my native
place again, my mother, and my kindred.

I had seen my poor mother during the time I was a slave in Turk’s
Island
. One Sunday morning I was on the beach with some of the
slaves, and we saw a sloop come in loaded with slaves to work in the
salt water. We got a boat and went aboard. When I came upon the
deck I asked the black people, “Is there any one here for me?”
“Yes,” they said, “your mother.” I thought they said this in jest—I
could scarcely believe them for joy; but when I saw my poor mammy
my joy was turned to sorrow, for she had gone from her senses.
“Mammy,” I said, “is this you?” She did not know me. “Mammy,”
I said, “what’s the matter?” She began to talk foolishly, and
said that she had been under the vessel’s bottom. They had been overtaken
by a violent storm at sea. My poor mother had never been on the
sea before, and she was so ill, that she lost her senses, and it was long
before she came quite to herself again. She had a sweet child with her
—a little sister I had never seen, about four years of age, called
Rebecca. I took her on shore with me, for I felt I should love her
directly; and I kept her with me a week. Poor little thing! her’s has
been a sad life, and continues so to this day. My mother worked for
some years on the island, but was taken back to Bermuda some time
before my master carried me again thither.

C3r 13

After I left Turk’s Island, I was told by some negroes that came over
from it, that the poor slaves had built up a place with boughs and
leaves, where they might meet for prayers, but the white people pulled it
down twice, and would not allow them even a shed for prayers. A
flood came down soon after and washed away many houses, filled the
place with sand, and overflowed the ponds: and I do think that this
was for their wickedness; for the Buckra men there were very wicked.
I saw and heard much that was very very bad at that place.

I was several years the slave of Mr. D― after I returned to my
native place. Here I worked in the grounds. My work was planting
and hoeing sweet-potatoes, Indian corn, plaintains, bananas, cabbages,
pumpkins, onions, &c. I did all the household work, and attended
upon a horse and cow besides,—going also upon all errands. I had to
curry the horse—to clean and feed him—and sometimes to ride him a
little. I had more than enough to do—but still it was not so very bad
as Turk’s Island.

My old master often got drunk, and then he would get in a fury
with his daughter, and beat her till she was not fit to be seen.
I remember on one occasion, I had gone to fetch water, and when I
was coming up the hill I heard a great screaming; I ran as fast as I
could to the house, put down the water, and went into the chamber,
where I found my master beating Miss D— dreadfully. I strove with
all my strength to get her away from him; for she was all black and
blue with bruises. He had beat her with his fist, and almost killed her.
The people gave me credit for getting her away. He turned round and
began to lick me. Then I said, “Sir, this is not Turk’s Island.” I can’t
repeat his answer, the words were too wicked—too bad to say. He
wanted to treat me the same in Bermuda as he had done in Turk’s
Island
.

He had an ugly fashion of stripping himself quite naked, and ordering
me then to wash him in a tub of water. This was worse to me than all
the licks. Sometimes when he called me to wash him I would not come,
my eyes were so full of shame. He would then come to beat me. One
time I had plates and knives in my hand, and I dropped both plates and
knives, and some of the plates were broken. He struck me so severely
for this, that at last I defended myself, for I thought it was high time
to do so. I then told him I would not live longer with him, for he was
a very indecent man—very spiteful, and too indecent; with no shame
for his servants, no shame for his own flesh. So I went away to a neighbouring
house and sat down and cried till the next morning, when I
went home again, not knowing what else to do.

After that I was hired to work at Cedar Hills, and every Saturday
night I paid the money to my master. I had plenty of work to do there— C3v 14
plenty of washing; but yet I made myself pretty comfortable. I earned
two dollars and a quarter a week, which is twenty pence a day.

During the time I worked there, I heard that Mr. John Wood was
going to Antigua. I felt a great wish to go there, and I went to
Mr. D―, and asked him to let me go in Mr. Wood’s service. Mr.
Wood
did not then want to purchase me; it was my own fault that I
came under him, I was so anxious to go. It was ordained to be, I suppose;
God led me there. The truth is, I did not wish to be any longer
the slave of my indecent master.

Mr. Wood took me with him to Antigua, to the town of St. John’s,
where he lived. This was about fifteen years ago. He did not then
know whether I was to be sold; but Mrs. Wood found that I could
work, and she wanted to buy me. Her husband then wrote to my
master to inquire whether I was to be sold? Mr. D― wrote in reply,
“that I should not be sold to any one that would treat me ill.” It was
strange he should say this, when he had treated me so ill himself. So
I was purchased by Mr. Wood for 300 dollars, (or £100 Bermuda
currency.)

My work there was to attend the chambers and nurse the child, and
to go down to the pond and wash clothes. But I soon fell ill of the
rheumatism, and grew so very lame that I was forced to walk with a
stick. I got the Saint Anthony’s fire, also, in my left leg, and became
quite a cripple. No one cared much to come near me, and I was ill a
long long time; for several months I could not lift the limb. I had to
lie in a little old out-house, that was swarming with bugs and other
vermin, which tormented me greatly; but I had no other place to lie in.
I got the rheumatism by catching cold at the pond side, from washing
in the fresh water; in the salt water I never got cold. The person
who lived in next yard, (a Mrs. Greene,) could not bear to hear my
cries and groans. She was kind, and used to send an old slave woman
to help me, who sometimes brought me a little soup. When the doctor
found I was so ill, he said I must be put into a bath of hot water. The
old slave got the bark of some bush that was good for the pains, which
she boiled in the hot water, and every night she came and put me into
the bath, and did what she could for me: I don’t know what I should
have done, or what would have become of me, had it not been for her.
—My mistress, it is true, did send me a little food; but no one from
our family came near me but the cook, who used to shove my food in at
the door, and say, “Molly, Molly, there’s your dinner.” My mistress
did not care to take any trouble about me; and if the Lord had not put
it into the hearts of the neighbours to be kind to me, I must, I really
think, have lain and died.

It was a long time before I got well enough to work in the house.
Mrs. Wood, in the meanwhile, hired a mulatto woman to nurse the
child; but she was such a fine lady she wanted to be mistress over me.
I thought it very hard for a coloured woman to have rule over me because
I was a slave and she was free. Her name was Martha Wilcox;
she was a saucy woman, very saucy; and she went and complained of C4r 15
me, without cause, to my mistress, and made her angry with me. Mrs.
Wood
told me that if I did not mind what I was about, she would
get my master to strip me and give me fifty lashes: “You have been
used to the whip,”
she said, “and you shall have it here.” This was the
first time she threatened to have me flogged; and she gave me the threatening
so strong of what she would have done to me, that I thought I
should have fallen down at her feet, I was so vexed and hurt by her
words. The mulatto woman was rejoiced to have power to keep me
down. She was constantly making mischief; there was no living for
the slaves—no peace after she came.

I was also sent by Mrs. Wood to be put in the Cage one night, and
was next morning flogged, by the magistrate’s order, at her desire;
and this all for a quarrel I had about a pig with another slave woman.
I was flogged on my naked back on this occasion: although I
was in no fault after all; for old Justice Dyett, when we came before
him, said that I was in the right, and ordered the pig to be given to me.
This was about two or three years after I came to Antigua.

When we moved from the middle of the town to the Point, I used to
be in the house and do all the work and mind the children, though still
very ill with the rheumatism. Every week I had to wash two large
bundles of clothes, as much as a boy could help me to lift; but I could
give no satisfaction. My mistress was always abusing and fretting after
me. It is not possible to tell all her ill language.—One day she followed
me foot after foot scolding and rating me. I bore in silence a
great deal of ill words: at last my heart was quite full, and I told her
that she ought not to use me so;—that when I was ill I might have lain
and died for what she cared; and no one would then come near me to
nurse me, because they were afraid of my mistress. This was a great
affront. She called her husband and told him what I had said. He
flew into a passion: but did not beat me then; he only abused and
swore at me; and then gave me a note and bade me go and look for an
owner. Not that he meant to sell me; but he did this to please his
wife and frighten me. I went to Adam White, a cooper, a free black,
who had money, and asked him to buy me. He went directly to Mr.
Wood
, but was informed that I was not to be sold. The next day my
master whipped me.

Another time (about five years ago) my mistress got vexed with me,
because I fell sick and I could not keep on with my work. She complained
to her husband, and he sent me off again to look for an owner.
I went to a Mr. Burchell, showed him the note, and asked him to buy
me for my own benefit; for I had saved about 100 dollars, and hoped,
with a little help, to purchase my freedom. He accordingly went to
my master:—“Mr. Wood,” he said, “Molly has brought me a note
that she wants an owner. If you intend to sell her, I may as well buy
her as another.”
My master put him off and said that he did not
mean to sell me. I was very sorry at this, for I had no comfort with
Mrs. Wood, and I wished greatly to get my freedom.

The way in which I made my money was this.—When my master
and mistress went from home, as they sometimes did, and left me to
take care of the house and premises, I had a good deal of time to myself,
and made the most of it. I took in washing, and sold coffee and yams C4v 16
and other provisions to the captains of ships. I did not sit still idling
during the absence of my owners; for I wanted, by all honest means, to
earn money to buy my freedom. Sometimes I bought a hog cheap on
board ship, and sold it for double the money on shore; and I also earned
a good deal by selling coffee. By this means I by degrees acquired a
little cash. A gentleman also lent me some to help to buy my freedom
—but when I could not get free he got it back again. His name
was Captain Abbot.

My master and mistress went on one occasion into the country, to
Date Hill, for change of air, and carried me with them to take charge
of the children, and to do the work of the house. While I was in the
country, I saw how the field negroes are worked in Antigua. They
are worked very hard and fed but scantily. They are called out to
work before daybreak, and come home after dark; and then each has
to heave his bundle of grass for the cattle in the pen. Then, on Sunday
morning, each slave has to go out and gather a large bundle of grass;
and, when they bring it home, they have all to sit at the manager’s
door and wait till he come out: often have they to wait there till past
eleven o’clock, without any breakfast. After that, those that have yams
or potatoes, or fire-wood to sell, hasten to market to buy a dog’s
worth
of salt fish, or pork, which is a great treat for them. Some of
them buy a little pickle out of the shad barrels, which they call sauce,
to season their yams and Indian corn. It is very wrong, I know,
to work on Sunday or go to market; but will not God call the Buckra
men to answer for this on the great day of judgment—since they will
give the slaves no other day?

While we were at Date Hill Christmas came; and the slave woman
who had the care of the place (which then belonged to Mr. Roberts
the marshal), asked me to go with her to her husband’s house, to a
Methodist meeting for prayer, at a plantation called Winthorps. I
went; and they were the first prayers I ever understood. One woman
prayed; and then they all sung a hymn; then there was another prayer
and another hymn; and then they all spoke by turns of their own
griefs as sinners. The husband of the woman I went with was a
black driver. His name was Henry. He confessed that he had treated
the slaves very cruelly; but said that he was compelled to obey the
orders of his master. He prayed them all to forgive him, and he
prayed that God would forgive him. He said it was a horrid thing
for a ranger to have sometimes to beat his own wife or sister; but he
must do so if ordered by his master.

I felt sorry for my sins also. I cried the whole night, but I was too
much ashamed to speak. I prayed God to forgive me. This meeting
had a great impression on my mind, and led my spirit to the Moravian
church
; so that when I got back to town, I went and prayed to have
my name put down in the Missionaries’ book; and I followed the church
earnestly every opportunity. I did not then tell my mistress about it; for
I knew that she would not give me leave to go. But I felt I must go. D1r 17
Whenever I carried the children their lunch at school, I ran round and
went to hear the teachers.

The Moravian ladies (Mrs. Richter, Mrs. Olufsen, and Mrs. Sauter)
taught me to read in the class; and I got on very fast. In this class
there were all sorts of people, old and young, grey headed folks and
children; but most of them were free people. After we had done
spelling, we tried to read in the Bible. After the reading was over, the
missionary gave out a hymn for us to sing. I dearly loved to go to the
church, it was so solemn. I never knew rightly that I had much sin
till I went there. When I found out that I was a great sinner, I was
very sorely grieved, and very much frightened. I used to pray God to
pardon my sins for Christ’s sake, and forgive me for every thing I had
done amiss; and when I went home to my work, I always thought about
what I had heard from the missionaries, and wished to be good that I
might go to heaven. After a while I was admitted a candidate for the holy
Communion.—I had been baptized long before this, in 1817-08August 1817, by
the Rev. Mr. Curtin, of the English Church, after I had been taught to repeat
the Creed and the Lord’s Prayer. I wished at that time to attend
a Sunday School taught by Mr. Curtin, but he would not receive me
without a written note from my master, granting his permission. I did
not ask my owner’s permission, from the belief that it would be refused;
so that I got no farther instruction at that time from the English Church.

Some time after I began to attend the Moravian Church, I met with
Daniel James, afterwards my dear husband. He was a carpenter and
cooper to his trade; an honest, hardworking, decent black man, and a
widower. He had purchased his freedom of his mistress, old Mrs.
Baker
, with money he had earned whilst a slave. When he asked me
to marry him, I took time to consider the matter over with myself, and
would not say yes till he went to church with me and joined the
Moravians. He was very industrious after he bought his freedom;
and he had hired a comfortable house, and had convenient things about
him. We were joined in marriage, about 1826-12-25Christmas 1826, in the Moravian
Chapel at Spring Gardens, by the Rev. Mr. Olufsen. We could
not be married in the English Church. English marriage is not allowed
to slaves; and no free man can marry a slave woman.

When Mr. Wood heard of my marriage, he flew into a great rage, and
sent for Daniel, who was helping to build a house for his old mistress.
Mr. Wood asked him who gave him a right to marry a slave of his?
My husband said, “Sir, I am a free man, and thought I had a right to
choose a wife; but if I had known Molly was not allowed to have a
husband, I should not have asked her to marry me.”
Mrs. Wood was
more vexed about my marriage than her husband. She could not forgiveD D1v 18
me for getting married, but stirred up Mr. Wood to flog me dreadfully
with the horsewhip. I thought it very hard to be whipped at my
time of life for getting a husband—I told her so. She said that she
would not have nigger men about the yards and premises, or allow a
nigger man’s clothes to be washed in the same tub where hers were
washed. She was fearful, I think, that I should lose her time, in
order to wash and do things for my husband: but I had then no time
to wash for myself; I was obliged to put out my own clothes, though I
was always at the wash-tub.

I had not much happiness in my marriage, owing to my being a
slave. It made my husband sad to see me so ill-treated. Mrs. Wood
was always abusing me about him. She did not lick me herself, but
she got her husband to do it for her, whilst she fretted the flesh off my
bones. Yet for all this she would not sell me. She sold five slaves whilst
I was with her; but though she was always finding fault with me, she
would not part with me. However, Mr. Wood afterwards allowed Daniel
to have a place to live in our yard, which we were very thankful for.

After this, I fell ill again with the rheumatism, and was sick a long
time; but whether sick or well, I had my work to do. About this
time I asked my master and mistress to let me buy my own freedom.
With the help of Mr. Burchell, I could have found the means to pay
Mr. Wood; for it was agreed that I should afterwards serve Mr. Burchell
a while, for the cash he was to advance for me. I was earnest in
the request to my owners; but their hearts were hard—too hard to
consent. Mrs. Wood was very angry—she grew quite outrageous—
she called me a black devil, and asked me who had put freedom into
my head. “To be free is very sweet,” I said: but she took good care
to keep me a slave. I saw her change colour, and I left the room.

About this time my master and mistress were going to England to put
their son to school, and bring their daughters home; and they took me
with them to take care of the child. I was willing to come to England:
I thought that by going there I should probably get cured of my rheumatism,
and should return with my master and mistress, quite well, to my
husband. My husband was willing for me to come away, for he had heard
that my master would free me,—and I also hoped this might prove
true; but it was all a false report.

The steward of the ship was very kind to me. He and my husband
were in the same class in the Moravian Church. I was thankful that
he was so friendly, for my mistress was not kind to me on the passage;
and she told me, when she was angry, that she did not intend to treat
me any better in England than in the West Indies—that I need not
expect it. And she was as good as her word.

When we drew near to England, the rheumatism seized all my
limbs worse than ever, and my body was dreadfully swelled. When
we landed at the Tower, I shewed my flesh to my mistress, but she took
no great notice of it. We were obliged to stop at the tavern till my
master got a house; and a day or two after, my mistress sent me down
into the wash-house to learn to wash in the English way. In the West
Indies
we wash with cold water—in England with hot. I told my mistress
I was afraid that putting my hands first into the hot water and then D2r 19
into the cold, would increase the pain in my limbs. The doctor had told
my mistress long before I came from the West Indies, that I was a
sickly body and the washing did not agree with me. But Mrs. Wood
would not release me from the tub, so I was forced to do as I could.
I grew worse, and could not stand to wash. I was then forced to sit
down with the tub before me, and often through pain and weakness was
reduced to kneel or to sit down on the floor, to finish my task. When
I complained to my mistress of this, she only got into a passion as
usual, and said washing in hot water could not hurt any one;—that I
was lazy and insolent, and wanted to be free of my work; but that she
would make me do it. I thought her very hard on me, and my heart
rose up within me. However I kept still at that time, and went down
again to wash the child’s things; but the English washerwomen who
were at work there, when they saw that I was so ill, had pity upon me
and washed them for me.

After that, when we came up to live in Leigh Street, Mrs. Wood
sorted out five bags of clothes which we had used at sea, and also such
as had been worn since we came on shore, for me and the cook to
wash. Elizabeth the cook told her, that she did not think that I was able
to stand to the tub, and that she had better hire a woman. I also said
myself, that I had come over to nurse the child, and that I was sorry I
had come from Antigua, since mistress would work me so hard, without
compassion for my rheumatism. Mr. and Mrs. Wood, when they heard
this, rose up in a passion against me. They opened the door and bade
me get out. But I was a stranger, and did not know one door in the
street from another, and was unwilling to go away. They made a
dreadful uproar, and from that day they constantly kept cursing and
abusing me. I was obliged to wash, though I was very ill. Mrs.
Wood
, indeed once hired a washerwoman, but she was not well treated,
and would come no more.

My master quarrelled with me another time, about one of our great
washings, his wife having stirred him up to do so. He said he would
compel me to do the whole of the washing given out to me, or if I again
refused, he would take a short course with me: he would either send
me down to the brig in the river, to carry me back to Antigua, or he
would turn me at once out of doors, and let me provide for myself. I
said I would willingly go back, if he would let me purchase my own
freedom. But this enraged him more than all the rest: he cursed and
swore at me dreadfully, and said he would never sell my freedom—if I
wished to be free, I was free in England, and I might go and try
what freedom would do for me, and be d―d. My heart was very
sore with this treatment, but I had to go on. I continued to do my
work, and did all I could to give satisfaction, but all would not do.

Shortly after, the cook left them, and then matters went on ten times
worse. I always washed the child’s clothes without being commanded
to do it, and any thing else that was wanted in the family; though still I
was very sick—very sick indeed. When the great washing came round,
which was every two months, my mistress got together again a great
many heavy things, such as bed-ticks, bed-coverlets, &c. for me to
wash. I told her I was too ill to wash such heavy things that day. D2v 20
She said, she supposed I thought myself a free woman, but I was not:
and if I did not do it directly I should be instantly turned out of doors.
I stood a long time before I could answer, for I did not know well
what to do. I knew that I was free in England, but I did not know
where to go, or how to get my living; and therefore, I did not like to
leave the house. But Mr. Wood said he would send for a constable to
thrust me out; and at last I took courage and resolved that I would
not be longer thus treated, but would go and trust to Providence. This
was the fourth time they had threatened to turn me out, and, go where
I might, I was determined now to take them at their word; though I
thought it very hard, after I had lived with them for thirteen years, and
worked for them like a horse, to be driven out in this way, like a
beggar. My only fault was being sick, and therefore unable to please
my mistress, who thought she never could get work enough out of her
slaves; and I told them so: but they only abused me and drove me
out. This took place from two to three months, I think, after we came
to England.

When I came away, I went to the man (one Mash) who used to black
the shoes of the family, and asked his wife to get somebody to go with
me to Hatton Garden to the Moravian Missionaries: these were the
only persons I knew in England. The woman sent a young girl with
me to the mission house, and I saw there a gentleman called Mr. Moore.
I told him my whole story, and how my owners had treated me, and
asked him to take in my trunk with what few clothes I had. The
missionaries were very kind to me—they were sorry for my destitute
situation, and gave me leave to bring my things to be placed under
their care. They were very good people, and they told me to come to
the church.

When I went back to Mr. Wood’s to get my trunk, I saw a lady,
Mrs. Pell, who was on a visit to my mistress. When Mr. and Mrs.
Wood
heard me come in, they set this lady to stop me, finding that they
had gone too far with me. Mrs. Pell came out to me, and said, “Are
you really going to leave, Molly? Don’t leave, but come into the country
with me.”
I believe she said this because she thought Mrs. Wood
would easily get me back again. I replied to her, “Ma’am, this is the
fourth time my master and mistress have driven me out, or threatened
to drive me—and I will give them no more occasion to bid me go. I was
not willing to leave them, for I am a stranger in this country, but now I
must go—I can stay no longer to be so used.”
Mrs. Pell then went up
stairs to my mistress, and told that I would go, and that she could not
stop me. Mrs. Wood was very much hurt and frightened when she
found I was determined to go out that day. She said, “If she goes
the people will rob her, and then turn her adrift.”
She did not say this
to me, but she spoke it loud enough for me to hear; that it might induce
me not to go, I suppose. Mr. Wood also asked me where I was going to.
I told him where I had been, and that I should never have gone away
had I not been driven out by my owners. He had given me a written
paper some time before, which said that I had come with them to England
by my own desire; and that was true. It said also that I left them
of my own free will, because I was a free woman in England; and that D3r 21
I was idle and would not do my work—which was not true. I gave
this paper afterwards to a gentleman who inquired into my case.

I went into the kitchen and got my clothes out. The nurse and the
servant girl were there, and I said to the man who was going to take out
my trunk, “Stop, before you take up this trunk, and hear what I have
to say before these people. I am going out of this house, as I was
ordered; but I have done no wrong at all to my owners, neither here
nor in the West Indies. I always worked very hard to please them,
both by night and day; but there was no giving satisfaction, for my
mistress could never be satisfied with reasonable service. I told my
mistress I was sick, and yet she has ordered me out of doors. This is
the fourth time; and now I am going out.”

And so I came out, and went and carried my trunk to the Moravians.
I then returned back to Mash the shoe-black’s house, and begged his
wife to take me in. I had a little West Indian money in my trunk;
and they got it changed for me. This helped to support me for a little
while. The man’s wife was very kind to me. I was very sick, and she
boiled nourishing things up for me. She also sent for a doctor to see
me, and he sent me medicine, which did me good, though I was ill for
a long time with the rheumatic pains. I lived a good many months
with these poor people, and they nursed me, and did all that lay in their
power to serve me. The man was well acquainted with my situation,
as he used to go to and fro to Mr. Wood’s house to clean shoes and
knives; and he and his wife were sorry for me.

About this time, a woman of the name of Hill told me of the Anti-
Slavery Society
, and went with me to their office, to inquire if they
could do any thing to get me my freedom, and send me back to the
West Indies. The gentlemen of the Society took me to a lawyer, who
examined very strictly into my case; but told me that the laws of England
could do nothing to make me free in Antigua.
However they did
all they could for me: they gave me a little money from time to time to
keep me from want; and some of them went to Mr. Wood to try to
persuade him to let me return a free woman to my husband; but
though they offered him, as I have heard, a large sum for my freedom,
he was sulky and obstinate, and would not consent to let me go free.

This was the first winter I spent in England, and I suffered much
from the severe cold, and from the rheumatic pains, which still at times
torment me. However, Providence was very good to me, and I got
many friends—especially some Quaker ladies, who hearing of my case,
came and sought me out, and gave me good warm clothing and money.
Thus I had great cause to bless God in my affliction.

When I got better I was anxious to get some work to do, as I was
unwilling to eat the bread of idleness. Mrs. Mash, who was a laundress,
recommended me to a lady for a charwoman. She paid me very
handsomely for what work I did, and I divided the money with Mrs. D3v 22
Mash
; for though very poor, they gave me food when my own money
was done, and never suffered me to want.

In the spring, I got into service with a lady, who saw me at the
house where I sometimes worked as a charwoman. This lady’s name
was Mrs. Forsyth. She had been in the West Indies, and was accustomed
to Blacks, and liked them. I was with her six months, and
went with her to Margate. She treated me well, and gave me a good
character when she left London.

After Mrs. Forsyth went away, I was again out of place, and went to
lodgings, for which I paid two shillings a week, and found coals and
candle. After eleven weeks, the money I had saved in service was all
gone, and I was forced to go back to the Anti-Slavery office to ask a
supply, till I could get another situation. I did not like to go back—
I did not like to be idle. I would rather work for my living than get
it for nothing. They were very good to give me a supply, but I felt
shame at being obliged to apply for relief whilst I had strength to
work.

At last I went into the service of Mr. and Mrs. Pringle, where I have
been ever since, and am as comfortable as I can be while separated from
my dear husband, and away from my own country and all old friends
and connections. My dear mistress teaches me daily to read the word
of God, and takes great pains to make me understand it. I enjoy the
great privilege of being enabled to attend church three times on the
Sunday; and I have met with many kind friends since I have been
here, both clergymen and others. The Rev. Mr. Young, who lives
in the next house, has shown me much kindness, and taken much pains
to instruct me, particularly while my master and mistress were absent
in Scotland. Nor must I forget, among my friends, the Rev. Mr.
Mortimer
, the good clergyman of the parish, under whose ministry I
have now sat for upwards of twelve months. I trust in God
I have profited by what I have heard from him. He never keeps back
the truth, and I think he has been the means of opening my eyes and
ears much better to understand the word of God. Mr. Mortimer tells
me that he cannot open the eyes of my heart, but that I must pray to
God to change my heart, and make me to know the truth, and the truth
will make me free.

I still live in the hope that God will find a way to give me my liberty,
and give me back to my husband. I endeavour to keep down my fretting,
and to leave all to Him, for he knows what is good for me better
than I know myself. Yet, I must confess, I find it a hard and heavy
task to do so.

I am often much vexed, and I feel great sorrow when I hear some
people in this country say, that the slaves do not need better usage,
and do not want to be free.
They believe the foreign people, who
deceive them, and say slaves are happy. I say, Not so. How can
slaves be happy when they have the halter round their neck and the D4r 23
whip upon their back? and are disgraced and thought no more of
than beasts?—and are separated from their mothers, and husbands,
and children, and sisters, just as cattle are sold and separated? Is
it happiness for a driver in the field to take down his wife or sister or
child, and strip them, and whip them in such a disgraceful manner?
—women that have had children exposed in the open field to shame!
There is no modesty or decency shown by the owner to his slaves;
men, women, and children are exposed alike. Since I have been here
I have often wondered how English people can go out into the West
Indies
and act in such a beastly manner. But when they go to the
West Indies, they forget God and all feeling of shame, I think, since
they can see and do such things. They tie up slaves like hogs—moor
them up like cattle, and they lick them, so as hogs, or cattle, or horses
never were flogged;—and yet they come home and say, and make
some good people believe, that slaves don’t want to get out of slavery.
But they put a cloak about the truth. It is not so. All slaves want to
be free—to be free is very sweet. I will say the truth to English people
who may read this history that my good friend, Miss S―, is now
writing down for me. I have been a slave myself—I know what slaves
feel—I can tell by myself what other slaves feel, and by what they have
told me. The man that says slaves be quite happy in slavery—that
they don’t want to be free—that man is either ignorant or a lying person.
I never heard a slave say so. I never heard a Buckra man say so,
till I heard tell of it in England. Such people ought to be ashamed of
themselves. They can’t do without slaves, they say. What’s the reason
they can’t do without slaves as well as in England? No slaves here—
no whips—no stocks—no punishment, except for wicked people. They
hire servants in England; and if they don’t like them, they send them
away: they can’t lick them. Let them work ever so hard in England,
they are far better off than slaves. If they get a bad master, they give
warning and go hire to another. They have their liberty. That’s just
what we want. We don’t mind hard work, if we had proper treatment,
and proper wages like English servants, and proper time given in the
week to keep us from breaking the Sabbath. But they won’t give it:
they will have work—work—work, night and day, sick or well, till we
are quite done up; and we must not speak up nor look amiss, however
much we be abused. And then when we are quite done up, who
cares for us, more than for a lame horse? This is slavery. I tell it,
to let English people know the truth; and I hope they will never leave
off to pray God, and call loud to the great King of England, till all the
poor blacks be given free, and slavery done up for evermore.

D4v

Supplement
to the
History of Mary Prince.
By the Editor.

Leaving Mary’s narrative, for the present, without comment to the
reader’s reflections, I proceed to state some circumstances connected with
her case which have fallen more particularly under my own notice, and
which I consider it incumbent now to lay fully before the public.

About the latter end of 1828-11November, 1828, this poor woman found her
way to the office of the Anti-Slavery Society in Aldermanbury, by the
aid of a person who had become acquainted with her situation, and had
advised her to apply there for advice and assistance. After some preliminary
examination into the accuracy of the circumstances related
by her, I went along with her to Mr. George Stephen, solicitor, and
requested him to investigate and draw up a statement of her case,
and have it submitted to counsel, in order to ascertain whether or
not, under the circumstances, her freedom could be legally established
on her return to Antigua. On this occasion, in Mr. Stephen’s presence
and mine, she expressed, in very strong terms, her anxiety to return
thither if she could go as a free person, and, at the same time, her
extreme apprehensions of the fate that would probably await her if she
returned as a slave. Her words were, “I would rather go into my
grave than go back a slave to Antigua, though I wish to go back to my
husband very much—very much—very much! I am much afraid my
owners would separate me from my husband, and use me very hard, or
perhaps sell me for a field negro;—and slavery is too too bad. I
would rather go into my grave!”

The paper which Mr. Wood had given her before she left his house,
was placed by her in Mr. Stephen’s hands. It was expressed in the
following terms:—

“I have already told Molly, and now give it her in writing, in order
that there may be no misunderstanding on her part, that as I brought
her from Antigua at her own request and entreaty, and that she is consequently
now free, she is of course at liberty to take her baggage and
go where she pleases. And, in consequence of her late conduct, she
must do one of two things—either quit the house, or return to Antigua
by the earliest opportunity, as she does not evince a disposition to make
herself useful. As she is a stranger in London, I do not wish to turn E1r 25
her out, or would do so, as two female servants are sufficient for my
establishment. If after this she does remain, it will be only during her
good behaviour: but on no consideration will I allow her wages or any
other remuneration for her services.
John A. Wood.

This paper, though not devoid of inconsistencies, which will be
apparent to any attentive reader, is craftily expressed; and was well
devised to serve the purpose which the writer had obviously in view,
namely, to frustrate any appeal which the friendless black woman might
make to the sympathy of strangers, and thus prevent her from obtaining
an asylum, if she left his house, from any respectable family. As she
had no one to refer to for a character in this country except himself, he
doubtless calculated securely on her being speedily driven back, as soon
as the slender fund she had in her possession was expended, to throw
herself unconditionally upon his tender mercies; and his disappointment
in this expectation appears to have exasperated his feelings of resentment
towards the poor woman, to a degree which few persons alive
to the claims of common justice, not to speak of christianity or common
humanity, could easily have anticipated. Such, at least, seems the
only intelligible inference that can be drawn from his subsequent
conduct.

The case having been submitted, by desire of the Anti-Slavery Committee,
to the consideration of Dr. Lushington and Mr. Sergeant Stephen,
it was found that there existed no legal means of compelling Mary’s
master to grant her manumission; and that if she returned to Antigua,
she would inevitably fall again under his power, or that of his attorneys,
as a slave. It was, however, resolved to try what could be effected for
her by amicable negotiation; and with this view Mr. Ravenscroft, a
solicitor, (Mr. Stephen’s relative,) called upon Mr. Wood, in order to
ascertain whether he would consent to Mary’s manumission on any
reasonable terms, and to refer, if required, the amount of compensation
for her value to arbitration. Mr. Ravenscroft with some difficulty
obtained one or two interviews, but found Mr. Wood so full of animosity
against the woman, and so firmly bent against any arrangement having
her freedom for its object, that the negotiation was soon broken off as
hopeless. The angry slave-owner declared “that he would not move a
finger about her in this country, or grant her manumission on any terms
whatever; and that if she went back to the West Indies, she must take
the consequences.”

This unreasonable conduct of Mr. Wood, induced the Anti-Slavery
Committee
, after several other abortive attempts to effect a compromise,
to think of bringing the case under the notice of Parliament. The
heads of Mary’s statement were accordingly engrossed in a Petition,
which Dr. Lushington offered to present, and to give notice at the same
time of his intention to bring in a Bill to provide for the entire emancipation
of all slaves brought to England with the owner’s consent. But before
this step was taken, Dr. Lushington again had recourse to negociation
with the master; and, partly through the friendly intervention of Mr.
Manning
, partly by personal conference, used every persuasion in his
power to induce Mr. Wood to relent and let the bondwoman go free. E E1v 26
Seeing the matter thus seriously taken up, Mr. Wood became at length
alarmed,—not relishing, it appears, the idea of having the case publicly
discussed in the House of Commons; and to avert this result he submitted
to temporize—assumed a demeanour of unwonted civility, and
even hinted to Mr. Manning (as I was given to understand) that
if he was not driven to utter hostility by the threatened exposure,
he would probably meet our wishes “in his own time and way.”
Having gained time by these manœuvres, he adroitly endeavoured to
cool the ardour of Mary’s new friends, in her cause, by representing her
as an abandoned and worthless woman, ungrateful towards him, and
undeserving of sympathy from others; allegations which he supported
by the ready affirmation of some of his West India friends, and by one
or two plausible letters procured from Antigua. By these and like artifices
he appears completely to have imposed on Mr. Manning, the
respectable West India merchant whom Dr. Lushington had asked to
negotiate with him; and he prevailed so far as to induce Dr. Lushington
himself (actuated by the benevolent view of thereby best serving Mary’s
cause,) to abstain from any remarks upon his conduct when the petition
was at last presented in Parliament. In this way he dextrously contrived
to neutralize all our efforts, until the close of the Session of 18291829;
soon after which he embarked with his family for the West Indies.

Every exertion for Mary’s relief having thus failed; and being fully
convinced from a twelvemonth’s observation of her conduct, that she
was really a well-disposed and respectable woman; I engaged her, in
1829-12December 1829, as a domestic servant in my own family. In this
capacity she has remained ever since; and I am thus enabled to speak
of her conduct and character with a degree of confidence I could not
have otherwise done. The importance of this circumstance will appear
in the sequel.

From the time of Mr. Wood’s departure to Antigua, in 18291829, till
June or July last, no farther effort was attempted for Mary’s relief.
Some faint hope was still cherished that this unconscionable man would
at length relent, and “in his own time and way,” grant the prayer of
the exiled negro woman. After waiting, however, nearly twelvemonths
longer, and seeing the poor woman’s spirits daily sinking under the
sickening influence of hope deferred, I resolved on a final attempt in
her behalf, through the intervention of the Moravian Missionaries,
and of the Governor of Antigua. At my request, Mr. Edward
Moore
, agent of the Moravian Brethren in London, wrote to the Rev.
Joseph Newby
, their Missionary in that island, empowering him to
negotiate in his own name with Mr. Wood for Mary’s manumission,
and to procure his consent, if possible, upon terms of ample pecuniary
compensation. At the same time the excellent and benevolent William
Allen
, of the Society of Friends, wrote to Sir Patrick Ross, the Governor
of the Colony, with whom he was on terms of friendship, soliciting him
to use his influence in persuading Mr. Wood to consent: and I confess
I was sanguine enough to flatter myself that we should thus at length
prevail. The result proved, however, that I had not yet fully appreciated
the character of the man we had to deal with.

Mr. Newby’s answer arrived early in November last, mentioning that E2r 27
he had done all in his power to accomplish our purpose, but in vain;
and that if Mary’s manumission could not be obtained without Mr.
Wood’s
consent, he believed there was no prospect of its ever being
effected.

A few weeks afterwards I was informed by Mr. Allen, that he had
received a letter from Sir Patrick Ross, stating that he also had used
his best endeavours in the affair, but equally without effect. Sir
Patrick
at the same time inclosed a letter, addressed by Mr. Wood to
his Secretary, Mr. Taylor, assigning his reasons for persisting in this
extraordinary course. This letter requires our special attention. Its
tenor is as follows:—

“My dear Sir, In reply to your note relative to the woman Molly, I beg you will have
the kindness to oblige me by assuring his Excellency that I regret exceedingly
my inability to comply with his request, which under other circumstances would
afford me very great pleasure.
There are many and powerful reasons for inducing me to refuse my sanction
to her returning here in the way she seems to wish. It would be to reward the
worst species of ingratitude, and subject myself to insult whenever she came in
my way. Her moral character is very bad, as the police records will shew; and
she would be a very troublesome character should she come here without any
restraint. She is not a native of this country, and I know of no relation she has
here. I induced her to take a husband, a short time before she left this, by
providing a comfortable house in my yard for them, and prohibiting her going
out after 10 or 12 o’clock (our bed-time) without special leave. This she considered
the greatest, and indeed the only, grievance she ever complained of, and
all my efforts could not prevent it. In hopes of inducing her to be steady to her
husband, who was a free man, I gave him the house to occupy during our absence;
but it appears the attachment was too loose to bind her, and he has taken
another wife: so on that score I do her no injury.—In England she made her
election, and quitted my family. This I had no right to object to; and I should
have thought no more of it, but not satisfied to leave quietly, she gave every
trouble and annoyance in her power, and endeavoured to injure the character of
my family by the most vile and infamous falsehoods, which was embodied in a
petition to the House of Commons, and would have been presented, had not my
friends from this island, particularly the Hon. Mr. Byam and Dr. Coull, come
forward, and disproved what she had asserted.
It would be beyond the limits of an ordinary letter to detail her baseness,
though I will do so should his Excellency wish it; but you may judge of her
depravity by one circumstance, which came out before Mr. Justice Dyett, in a
quarrel with another female.
* * * * * * * * * * * Such a thing I could not have believed possible. Losing her value as a slave in a pecuniary point of view I consider of no
consequence; for it was our intention, had she conducted herself properly and
returned with us, to have given her freedom. She has taken her freedom; and
all I wish is, that she would enjoy it without meddling with me.
Let me again repeat, if his Excellency wishes it, it will afford me great pleasure E2v 28
to state such particulars of her, and which will be incontestably proved
by numbers here, that I am sure will acquit me in his opinion of acting unkind
or ungenerous towards her. I’ll say nothing of the liability I should incur, under
the Consolidated Slave Law, of dealing with a free person as a slave.
My only excuse for entering so much into detail must be that of my anxious
wish to stand justified in his Excellency’s opinion.

I am, my dear Sir,
Yours very truly,
John A. Wood.
Charles Taylor, Esq.
&c. &c. &c.
I forgot to mention that it was her own special request that she accompanied
me to England—and also that she had a considerable sum of money with
her, which she had saved in my service. I knew of £36 to £40, at least, for I
had some trouble to recover it from a white man, to whom she had lent it.
J.A.W.”

Such is Mr. Wood’s justification of his conduct in thus obstinately
refusing manumission to the Negro-woman who had escaped from his
“house of bondage.”

Let us now endeavour to estimate the validity of the excuses assigned,
and the allegations advanced by him, for the information of Governor
Sir Patrick Ross
, in this deliberate statement of his case.

  • 1.

    To allow the woman to return home free, would, he affirms “be
    to reward the worst species of ingratitude.”

    He assumes, it seems, the sovereign power of pronouncing a virtual
    sentence of banishment, for the alleged crime of ingratitude. Is this
    then a power which any man ought to possess over his fellow-mortal? or
    which any good man would ever wish to exercise? And, besides, there is
    no evidence whatever, beyond Mr. Wood’s mere assertion, that Mary
    Prince
    owed him or his family the slightest mark of gratitude. Her account
    of the treatment she received in his service, may be incorrect; but her
    simple statement is at least supported by minute and feasible details,
    and, unless rebutted by positive facts, will certainly command credence
    from impartial minds more readily than his angry accusation, which has
    something absurd and improbable in its very front. Moreover, is it
    not absurd to term the assertion of her natural rights by a slave,—even
    supposing her to have been kindly dealt with by her “owners,” and
    treated in every respect the reverse of what Mary affirms to have been
    her treatment by Mr. Wood and his wife,—“the worst species of ingratitude?”
    This may be West Indian ethics, but it will scarcely be received
    as sound doctrine in Europe.

  • 2.

    To permit her return would be “to subject himself to insult whenever
    she came in his way.”

    This is a most extraordinary assertion. Are the laws of Antigua
    then so favourable to the free blacks, or the colonial police so feebly administered,
    that there are no sufficient restraints to protect a rich colonist
    like Mr. Wood,—a man who counts among his familiar friends the
    Honourable Mr. Byam, and Mr. Taylor the Government Secretary,—
    from being insulted by a poor Negro-woman? It is preposterous.

  • 3.

    Her moral character is so bad, that she would prove very troublesome
    should she come to the colony “without any restraint. E3r 29
    Any restraint?”
    Are there no restraints (supposing them necessary)
    short of absolute slavery to keep “troublesome characters” in order?
    But this, I suppose, is the argumentum ad gubernatoremto frighten
    the governor
    . She is such a termagant, it seems, that if she once gets
    back to the colony free, she will not only make it too hot for poor Mr.
    Wood
    , but the police and courts of justice will scarce be a match for
    her! Sir Patrick Ross, no doubt, will take care how he intercedes farther
    for so formidable a virago! How can one treat such arguments
    seriously?

  • 4.

    She is not a native of the colony, and he knows of no relation she
    has there.

    True: But was it not her home (so far as a slave can have a home)
    for thirteen or fourteen years? Were not the connexions, friendships, and
    associations of her mature life formed there? Was it not there she
    hoped to spend her latter years in domestic tranquillity with her husband,
    free from the lash of the taskmaster? These considerations may appear
    light to Mr. Wood, but they are every thing to this poor woman.

  • 5.

    He induced her, he says, take a husband, a short time before
    she left Antigua, and gave them a comfortable house in his yard, &c. &c.

    This paragraph merits attention. He “induced her to take a
    husband?”
    If the fact were true, what brutality of mind and manners
    does it not indicate among these slave-holders? They refuse to
    legalize the marriages of their slaves, but induce them to form such
    temporary connexions as may suit the owner’s conveniency, just as they
    would pair the lower animals; and this man has the effrontery to tell
    us so! Mary, however, tells a very different story, (see page 17;) and
    her assertion, independently of other proof, is at least as credible as
    Mr. Wood’s. The reader will judge for himself as to the preponderance
    of internal evidence in the conflicting statements.

  • 6.

    He alleges that she was, before marriage, licentious, and even depraved
    in her conduct, and unfaithful to her husband afterwards.

    These are serious charges. But if true, or even partially true, how
    comes it that a person so correct in his family hours and arrangements
    as Mr. Wood professes to be, and who expresses so edifying a horror of
    licentiousness, could reconcile it to his conscience to keep in the bosom
    of his family so depraved, as well as so troublesome a character for at
    least thirteen years, and confide to her for long periods too the charge
    of his house and the care of his children—for such I shall shew to have
    been the facts? How can he account for not having rid himself with
    all speed, of so disreputable an inmate—he who values her loss so little
    “in a pecuniary point of view?” How can he account for having sold
    five other slaves in that period, and yet have retained this shocking
    woman—nay, even have refused to sell her, on more than one occasion,
    when offered her full value? It could not be from ignorance of her character,
    for the circumstance which he adduces as a proof of her shameless
    depravity, and which I have omitted on account of its indecency, occurred,
    it would appear, not less than ten years ago. Yet, notwithstanding her
    alleged ill qualities and habits of gross immorality, he has not only constantly
    refused to part with her; but after thirteen long years, brings
    her to England as an attendant on his wife and children, with the avowed
    intention of carrying her back along with his maiden daughter, a young E3v 30
    lady returning from school! Such are the extraordinary facts; and
    until Mr. Wood shall reconcile these singular inconsistencies between
    his actions and his allegations, he must not be surprised if we in
    England prefer giving credit to the former rather than the latter; although
    at present it appears somewhat difficult to say which side of
    the alternative is the more creditable to his own character.

  • 7.

    Her husband, he says, has taken another wife; “so that on that
    score,”
    he adds, “he does her no injury.”

    Suppossing this fact be true, (which I doubt, as I doubt every mere
    assertion from so questionable a quarter,) I shall take leave to put a
    question or two to Mr. Wood’s conscience. Did he not write from England
    to his friend Mr. Darrel, soon after Mary left his house, directing
    him to turn her husband, Daniel James, off his premises, on account of
    her offence; telling him to inform James at the same time that his wife had
    taken up with another man, who had robbed her of all she had—a
    calumny as groundless as it was cruel? I further ask if the person
    who invented this story (whoever he may be,) was not likely enough to
    impose similar fabrications on the poor negro man’s credulity, until he
    may have been induced to prove false to his marriage vows, and to “take
    another wife,”
    as Mr. Wood coolly expresses it? But withal, I strongly
    doubt the fact of Daniel James’ infidelity; for there is now before me a
    letter from himself to Mary, dated in 1830-04April 1830, couched in strong terms
    on conjugal affection; expressing his anxiety for her speedy return, and
    stating that he had lately “received a grace” (a token of religious advancement)
    in the Moravian church, a circumstance altogether incredible
    if the man were living in open adultery, as Mr. Wood’s assertion implies.

  • 8.

    Mary, he says, endeavoured to injure the character of his family
    by infamous falsehoods, which were embodied in a petition to the House
    of Commons
    , and would have been presented, had not his friends from
    Antigua, the Hon. Mr. Byam, and Dr. Coull, disproved her assertions.

    I can say something on this point from my own knowledge. Mary’s
    petition contained simply a brief statement of her case, and, among other
    things, mentioned the treatment she had received from Mr. and Mrs.
    Wood
    . Now the principal facts are corroborated by other evidence, and
    Mr. Wood must bring forward very different testimony from that of Dr.
    Coull
    before well-informed persons will give credit to his contradiction.
    The value of that person’s evidence in such cases will be noticed presently.
    Of the Hon. Mr. Byam I know nothing, and shall only at
    present remark that it is not likely to redound greatly to his credit to
    appear in such company. Furthermore, Mary’s petition was presented,
    as Mr. Wood ought to know; though it was not discussed, nor his
    conduct exposed as it ought to have been.

  • 9.

    He speaks of the liability he should incur, under the Consolidated
    Slave Law
    , of dealing with a free person as a slave.

    Is not this pretext hypocritical in the extreme? What liability could
    he possibly incur by voluntarily resigning the power, conferred on him
    by an iniquitous colonial law, of re-imposing the shackles of slavery on
    the bondwoman from whose limbs they had fallen when she touched the
    free soil of England?—There exists no liability from which he might not
    have been easily secured, or for which he would not have been fully
    compensated.

E4r 31

He adds in a postscript that Mary had a considerable sum of money with
her,—from £36 to £40 at least, which she had saved in his service.
The fact is, that she had at one time 113 dollars in cash; but only a
very small portion of that sum appears to have been brought by her
to England, the rest having been partly advanced, as she states, to assist
her husband, and partly lost by being lodged in unfaithful custody.

Finally, Mr. Wood repeats twice that it will afford him great pleasure
to state for the governor’s satisfaction, if required, such particulars of
“the woman Molly,” upon incontestable evidence, as he is sure will
acquit him in his Excellency’s opinion “of acting unkind or ungenerous
towards her.”

This is well: and I now call upon Mr. Wood to redeem his pledge;
—to bring forward facts and proofs fully to elucidate the subject;
—to reconcile, if he can, the extraordinary discrepancies which I have
pointed out between his assertions and the actual facts, and especially
between his account of Mary Prince’s character and his
own conduct in regard to her. He has now to produce such a statement
as will acquit him not only in the opinion of Sir Patrick Ross, but
of the British public. And in this position he has spontaneously placed
himself, in attempting to destroy, by his deliberate criminatory letter,
the poor woman’s fair fame and reputation,—an attempt but for which
the present publication would probably never have appeared.

Here perhaps we might safely leave the case to the judgment of the
public; but as this negro woman’s character, not the less valuable to
her because her condition is so humble, has been so unscrupulously
blackened by her late master, a party so much interested and inclined
to place her in the worst point of view,—it is incumbent on me, as her
advocate with the public, to state such additional testimony in her behalf
as I can fairly and conscientiously adduce.

My first evidence is Mr. Joseph Phillips, of Antigua. Having
submitted to his inspection Mr. Wood’s letter and Mary Prince’s narrative,
and requested his candid and deliberate sentiments in regard to the
actual facts of the case, I have been favoured with the following letter
from him on the subject:—

Dear Sir, In giving you my opinion of Mary Prince’s narrative, and of Mr. Wood’s
letter respecting her, addressed to Mr. Taylor, I shall first mention my opportunities
of forming a proper estimate of the conduct and character of both parties.
I have known Mr. Wood since his first arrival in Antigua in 18031803. He was
then a poor young man, who had been brought up as a ship carpenter in Bermuda.
He was afterwards raised to be a clerk in the Commissariat department,
and realised sufficient capital to commence business as a merchant. This last
profession he has followed successfully for a good many years, and is understood
to have accumulated very considerable wealth. After he entered into trade, I
had constant intercourse with him in the way of business; and in 18241824 and 18251825,
I was regularly employed on his premises as his clerk; consequently, I had opportunities
of seeing a good deal of his character both as a merchant and as a master
of slaves. The former topic I pass over as irrelevant to the present subject: in
reference to the latter, I shall merely observe that he was not, in regard to ordinary E4v 32
matters, more severe than the ordinary run of slave owners; but, if seriously offended,
he was not of a disposition to be easily appeased, and would spare no cost
or sacrifice to gratify his vindictive feelings. As regards the exaction of work
from domestic slaves, his wife was probably more severe than himself—it was
almost impossible for the slaves ever to give her entire satisfaction.
Of their slave Molly (or Mary) I know less than of Mr. and Mrs. Wood;
but I saw and heard enough of her, both while I was constantly employed on
Mr. Wood’s premises, and while I was there occasionally on business, to be quite
certain that she was viewed by her owners as their most respectable and trustworthy
female slave. It is within my personal knowledge that she had usually
the charge of the house in their absence, was entrusted with the keys,
&c.; and was always considered by the neighbours and visitors as their confidential
household servant, and as a person in whose integrity they placed
unlimited confidence,—although when Mrs. Wood was at home, she was no doubt
kept pretty closely at washing and other hard work. A decided proof of the
estimation in which she was held by her owners exists in the fact that Mr. Wood
uniformly refused to part with her, whereas he sold five other slaves while she was
with them. Indeed, she always appeared to me to be a slave of superior intelligence
and respectability; and I always understood such to be her general character
in the place.
As to what Mr. Wood alleges about her being frequently before the police,
&c. I can only say I never heard of the circumstance before; and as I lived
for twenty years in the same small town, and in the vicinity of their residence,
I think I could scarcely have failed to become acquainted with it, had
such been the fact. She might, however, have been occasionally before the magistrate
in consequence of little disputes among the slaves, without any serious
imputation on her general respectability. She says she was twice summoned to
appear as a witness on such occasions; and that she was once sent by her mistress
to be confined in the Cage, and was afterwards flogged by her desire. This cruel
practice is very common in Antigua; and, in my opinion, is but little creditable
to the slave owners and magistrates by whom such arbitrary punishments are
inflicted, frequently for very trifling faults. Mr. James Scotland is the only
magistrate in the colony who invariably refuses to sanction this reprehensible
practice.
Of the immoral conduct ascribed to Molly by Mr. Wood, I can say nothing
further than this—that I have heard she had at a former period (previous
to her marriage) a connexion with a white person, a Capt. ―, which I
have no doubt was broken off when she became seriously impressed with religion.
But, at any rate, such connexions are so common, I might almost say universal,
in our slave colonies, that except by the missionaries and a few serious persons,
they are considered, if faults at all, so very venial as scarcely to deserve the name
of immortality. Mr. Wood knows this colonial estimate of such connexions as well
as I do; and, however false such an estimate must be allowed to be, especially
when applied to their own conduct by persons of education, pretending to adhere
to the pure Christian rule of morals,—yet when he ascribes to a negro slave, to whom
legal marriage was denied, such great criminality for laxity of this sort, and professes
to be so exceedingly shocked and amazed at the tale he himself relates, he
must, I am confident, have had a farther object in view than the information of
Mr. Taylor or Sir Patrick Ross. He must, it is evident, have been aware that his
letter would be sent to Mr. Allen, and accordingly adapted it, as more important
documents from the colonies are often adapted, for effect in England. The
tale of the slave Molly’s immoralities, be assured, was not intended for Antigua
so much as for Stoke Newington, and Peckham, and Aldermanbury.
In regard to Mary’s narrative generally, although I cannot speak to the accuracy
of the details, except in a few recent particulars, I can with safety declare
that I see no reason to question the truth of a single fact stated by her, or even to
suspect her in any instance of intentional exaggeration. It bears in my judgment F1r 33
the genuine stamp of truth and nature. Such is my unhesitating opinion, after a
residence of twenty-seven years in the West Indies.
To T. Pringle, Esq. I remain, &c. John Phillips. P.S. As Mr. Wood refers to the evidence of Dr. T. Coull in opposition to
Mary’s assertions, it may be proper to enable you justly to estimate the worth of
that person’s evidence in cases connected with the condition and treatment of
slaves. You are aware that in 18291829, Mr. M‘Queen of Glasgow, in noticing a
Reprot of the Ladies’ Society of Birmingham for the relief of British Negro
Slaves,
asserted with his characteristic audacity, that the statement which it contained
respecting distressed and deserted slaves in Antigua was ‘an abominable
falsehood.’
Not contented with this, and with insinuating that I, as agent
of the society in the distribution of their charity in Antigua, had fraudulently
duped them out of their money by a fabricated tale of distress, Mr. M‘Queen
proceeded to libel me in the most opprobrious terms, as ‘a man of the most
worthless and abandoned character.’
Now I know from good authority that F F1v 34
it was upon Dr. Coull’s information that Mr. M‘Queen founded this impudent
contradiction of notorious facts, and this audacious libel of my personal character.
From this single circumstance you may judge of the value of his evidence
in the case of Mary Prince. I can furnish further information respecting
Dr. Coull’s colonial proceedings, both private and judicial, should circumstances
require it.
J.P.”

I leave the preceding letter to be candidly weighed by the reader in
opposition to the inculpatory allegations of Mr. Wood—merely remarking
that Mr. Wood will find it somewhat difficult to impugn the evidence
of Mr. Phillips, whose “upright,” “unimpeached,” and “unexceptionable”
character, he has himself vouched for in unqualified terms,
by affixing his signature to the testimonial published in the Weekly
Register of Antigua
in 18251825. (See Note below.)

The next testimony in Mary’s behalf is that of Mrs. Forsyth, a lady
in whose service she spent the summer of 18291829.—(See page 21.) This
lady, on leaving London to join her husband, voluntarily presented
Mary with a certificate, which, though it relates only to a recent and
short period of her history, is a strong corroboration of the habitual
respectability of her character. It is in the following terms:—

“Mrs. Forsyth states, that the bearer of this paper (Mary James,) has been
with her for the last six months; that she has found her an excellent character,
being honest, industrious, and sober; and that she parts with her on no other
account than this—that being obliged to travel with her husband, who has lately
come from abroad in bad health, she has no farther need of a servant. Any
person wishing to engage her, can have her character in full from Miss Robson,
4, Keppel Street, Russel Square, whom Mrs. Forsyth has requested to furnish
particulars to any one desiring them.

In the last place, I add my own testimony in behalf of this negro
woman. Independently of the scrutiny, which as Secretary of the
Anti-Slavery Society, I made into her case when she first applied for
assistance, at 18, Aldermanbury, and the watchful eye I kept upon her
conduct for the ensuing twelvemonths, while she was the occasional
pensioner of the Society, I have now had the opportunity of closely
observing her conduct for fourteen months, in the situation of a domestic F2r 35
servant in my own family; and the following is the deliberate
opinion of Mary’s character, formed not only by myself, but also by my
wife and sister-in-law, after this ample period of observation. We
have found her perfectly honest and trustworthy in all respects; so
that we have no hesitation in leaving every thing in the house at her
disposal. She had the entire charge of the house during our absence
in Scotland for three months last autumn, and conducted herself in that
charge with the utmost discretion and fidelity. She is not, it is true, a
very expert housemaid, nor capable of much hard work, (for her constitution
appears to be a good deal broken,) but she is careful, industrious,
and anxious to do her duty and to give satisfaction. She is capable of
strong attachments, and feels deep, though unobtrusive, gratitude for
real kindness shown her. She possesses considerable natural sense,
and has much quickness of observation and discrimination of character.
She is remarkable for decency and propriety of conduct—and her
delicacy, even in trifling minutiæ, has been a trait of special remark by
the females of my family. This trait, which is obviously quite unaffected,
would be a most inexplicable anomaly, if her former habits had been
so indecent and depraved as Mr. Wood alleges. Her chief faults, so
far as we have discovered them, are, a somewhat violent and hasty
temper, and a considerable share of natural pride and self-importance;
but these defects have been but rarely and transiently manifested, and
have scarcely occasioned an hour’s uneasiness at any time in our household.
Her religious knowledge, notwithstanding the pious care of her
Moravian instructors in Antigua, is still but very limited, and her views
of christianity indistinct; but her profession, whatever it may have of imperfection,
I am convinced, has nothing of insincerity. In short, we
consider her on the whole as respectable and well-behaved a person in
her station, as any domestic, white or black, (and we have had ample
experience of both colours,) that we have ever had in our service.

But after all, Mary’s character, important though its exculpation be
to her, is not really the point of chief practical interest in this case.
Suppose all Mr. Wood’s defamatory allegations to be true—suppose
him to be able to rake up against her out of the records of the Antigua
police, or from the veracious testimony of his brother colonists, twenty
stories as bad or worse than what he insinuates—suppose the whole of
her own statement to be false, and even the whole of her conduct since
she came under our observation here to be a tissue of hypocrisy;—suppose
all this—and leave the negro woman as black in character as in
complexion,—yet it would affect not the main facts—which are these.

  • 1. Mr. Wood, not daring in England to punish this woman arbitrarily,
    as he would have done in the West Indies, drove her out of his house, or F2v 36
    left her, at least, only the alternative of returning instantly to Antigua, with
    the certainty of severe treatment there, or submitting in silence to what
    she considered intolerable usage in his household.
  • 2. He has since obstinately
    persisted in refusing her manumission, to enable her to return
    home in security, though repeatedly offered more than ample compensation
    for her value as a slave; and this on various frivolous pretexts,
    but really, and indeed not unavowedly, in order to punish her for
    leaving his service in England, though he himself had professed to give
    her that option.

These unquestionable facts speak volumes.

F3r 37

The case affords a most instructive illustration of the true spirit of the
slave system, and of the pretensions of the slaveholders to assert, not
merely their claims to a “vested right” in the labour of their bondmen,
but to an indefeasible property in them as their “absolute chattels.” It
furnishes a striking practical comment on the assertions of the West
Indians
that self-interest is a sufficient check to the indulgence of vindictive
feelings in the master; for here is a case where a man (a
respectable and benevolent man as his friends aver,) prefers losing entirely
the full price of the slave, for the mere satisfaction of preventing a
poor black woman from returning home to her husband! If the pleasure
of thwarting the benevolent wishes of the Anti-Slavery Society in behalf
of the deserted negro, be an additional motive with Mr. Wood, it will
not much mend his wretched plea.

I may here add a few words respecting the earlier portion of
Mary Prince’s narrative. The facts there stated must necessarily
rest entirely,—since we have no collateral evidence,—upon their
intrinsic claims to probability, and upon the reliance the reader may
feel disposed, after perusing the foregoing pages, to place on her veracity.
To my judgment, the internal evidence of the truth of her narrative
appears remarkably strong. The circumstances are related in a
tone of natural sincerity, and are accompanied in almost every case
with characteristic and minute details, which must, I conceive, carry
with them full conviction to every candid mind that this negro woman
has actually seen, felt, and suffered all that she so impressively describes;
and that the picture she has given of West Indian slavery is not less true
than it is revolting.

But there may be some person into whose hands this tract may fall,
so imperfectly acquainted with the real character of Negro Slavery, as
to be schocked into partial, if not absolute incredulity, by the acts of
inhuman oppression and brutality related of Capt. I― and his wife,
and of Mr. D―, the salt manufacturer of Turk’s Island. Here, at
least, such persons may be disposed to think, there surely must be some
exaggeration; the facts are too shocking to be credible. The facts are
indeed shocking, but unhappily not the less credible on that account.
Slavery is a curse to the oppressor scarcely less than to the oppressed:
its natural tendencey is to brutalize both. After a residence myself of
six years in a slave colony, I am inclined to doubt whether, as regards
its demoralizing influence, the master is not even a greater object of
compassion than his bondman. Let those who are disposed to doubt
the atrocities related in this narrative, on the testimony of a sufferer,
examine the details of many cases of similar barbarity that have lately
come before the public, on unquestionable evidence. Passing over the
reports of the Fiscal of Berbice, and the Mauritius horrors recently
unveiled,
let them consider the case of Mr. and Mrs. Moss, of the Bahamas,
and their slave Kate, so justly denounced by the Secretary for the
Colonies;—
the cases of Eleanor Mead,—of Henry Williams,—and F3v 38
of the Rev. Mr. Bridges and Kitty Hylton, in Jamaica. These cases
alone might suffice to demonstrate the inevitable tendency of slavery as
it exists in our colonies, to brutalize the master to a truly frightful degree
—a degree which would often cast into the shade even the atrocities related
in the narrative of Mary Prince; and which are sufficient to prove, independently
of all other evidence, that there is nothing in the revolting
character of the facts to affect their credibility; but that on the contrary,
similar deeds are at this very time of frequent occurrence in almost every
one of our slave colonies. The system of coercive labour may vary in different
places; it may be more destructive to human life in the cane
culture of Mauritius and Jamaica, than in the predial and domestic
bondage of Bermuda or the Bahamas,—but the spirit and character of
slavery are every where the same, and cannot fail to produce similar
effects. Wherever slavery prevails, there will inevitably be found
cruelty and oppression. Individuals who have preserved humane, and
amiable, and tolerant dispositions towards their black dependents,
may doubtless be found among slave-holders; but even where a happy
instance of this sort occurs, such as Mary’s first mistress, the kindhearted
Mrs. Williams, the favoured condition of the slave is still as
precarious as it is rare: it is every moment at the mercy of events; and
must always be held by a tenure so proverbially uncertain as that of
human prosperity, or human life. Such examples, like a feeble and
flickering streak of light in a gloomy picture, only serve by contrast to
exhibit the depth of the prevailing shades. Like other exceptions, they
only prove the general rule: the unquestionable tendency of the system
is to vitiate the best tempers, and to harden the most feeling hearts.
“Never be kind, nor speak kindly to a slave,” said an accomplished
English lady in South Africa to my wife: “I have now,” she added,
“been for some time a slave-owner, and have found, from vexatious
experience in my own household, that nothing but harshness and hauteur
will do with slaves.”

I might perhaps not inappropriately illustrate this point more fully by
stating many cases which fell under my own personal observation, or
became known to me through authentic sources, at the Cape of Good
Hope
—a colony where slavery assumes, as it is averred, a milder
aspect than in any other dependency of the empire where it exists; and
I could shew, from the judicial records of that colony, received by me
within these few weeks, cases scarcely inferior in barbarity to the worst
of those to which I have just specially referred; but to do so would
lead me too far from the immediate purpose of this pamphlet, and
extend it to an inconvenient length. I shall therefore content myself
with quoting a single short passage from the excellent work of my
friend Dr. Walsh, entitled Notices of Brazil,—a work which, besides
its other merits, has vividly illustrated the true spirit of Negro Slavery,
as it displays itself not merely in that country, but wherever it has been
permitted to open its Pandora’s box of misery and crime.

Let the reader ponder on the following just remarks, and compare the
facts stated by the Author in illustration of them, with the circumstances
related at pages 6 and 7 of Mary’s narrative:—

F4r 39 “If then we put out of the question the injury inflicted on others, and merely
consider the deterioration of feeling and principle with which it operates on ourselves,
ought it not to be a sufficient, and, indeed, unanswerable argument
against the permission of Slavery?
The exemplary manner in which the paternal duties are performed at home,
may mark people as the most fond and affectionate parents; but let them once
go abroad, and come within the contagion of slavery, and it seems to alter the
very nature of a man; and the father has sold, and still sells, the mother and his
children, with as little compunction as he would a sow and her litter of pigs, and
he often disposes of them together.
This deterioration of feeling is conspicuous in many ways among the Brazilians.
They are naturally a people of a humane and good-natured disposition,
and much indisposed to cruelty or severity of any kind. Indeed, the manner in
which many of them treat their slaves is a proof of this, as it is really gentle and
considerate; but the natural tendency to cruelty and oppression in the human
heart, is continually evolved by the impunity and uncontrolled licence in which
they are exercised. I never walked through the streets of Rio, that some house
did not present to me the semblance of a bridewell, where the moans and the
cries of the sufferers, and the sounds of whips and scourges within, announced
to me that corporal punishment was being inflicted. Whenever I remarked this
to a friend, I was always answered that the refractory nature of the slave rendered
it necessary, and no house could properly be conducted unless it was
practised. But this is certainly not the case; and the chastisement is constantly
applied in the very wantonness of barbarity, and would not, and dared not, be
inflicted of the humblest wretch in society, if he was not a slave, and so put out
of the pale of pity.
Immediately joining our house was one occupied by a mechanic, from which
the most dismal cries and moans constantly proceeded. I entered the shop one
day, and found it was occupied by a saddler, who had two negro boys working
at his business. He was a tawny, cadaverous-looking man, with a dark aspect;
and he had cut from his leather a scourge like a Russian knout, which he held
in his hand, and was in the act of exercising on one of the naked children in an
inner room: and this was the cause of the moans and cries we heard every day,
and almost all day long.
In the rear of our house was another, occupied by some women of bad
character, who kept, as usual, several negro slaves. I was awoke early one
morning by dismal cries, and looking out of the window, I saw in the back yard
of the house, a black girl of about fourteen years old; before her stood her mistress,
a white woman, with a large stick in her hand. She was undressed except her
petticoat and chemise, which had fallen down and left her shoulders and bosom
bare. Her hair was streaming behind, and every fierce and malevolent passion
was depicted in her face. She too, like my hostess at Governo [another striking
illustration of the dehumanizing effects of Slavery,] was the very representation
of a fury. She was striking the poor girl, whom she had driven up into a
corner, where she was on her knees appealing for mercy. She shewed her
none, but continued to strike her on the head and thrust the stick into her
face, till she was herself exhausted, and her poor victim covered with blood.
This scene was renewed every morning, and the cries and moans of the poor
suffering blacks, announced that they were enduring the penalty of slavery, in
being the objects on which the irritable and malevolent passions of the whites
are allowed to vent themselves with impunity; nor could I help deeply
deploring the state of society in which the vilest characters in the community
are allowed an almost uncontrolled power of life and death, over their innocent,
and far more estimable fellow-creatures.
—(Notices of Brazil, vol. ii. p. 354-356.)”
F4v 40

In conclusion, I may observe that the history of Mary Prince furnishes
a corollary to Lord Stowell’s decision in the case of the slave Grace, and
that it is most valuable on this account. Whatever opinions may be
held by some readers on the grave question of immediately abolishing
Colonial Slavery, nothing assuredly can be more repugnant to the
feelings of Englishmen than that the system should be permitted
to extend its baneful influence to this country. Yet such is the
case, when the slave landed in England still only possesses that qualified
degree of freedom, that a change of domicile will determine it.
Though born a British subject, and resident within the shores of England,
he is cut off from his dearest natural rights by the sad alternative
of regaining them at the expence of liberty, and the certainty of severe
treatment. It is true that he has the option of returning; but it is a
cruel mockery to call it a voluntary choice, when upon his return depend
his means of subsistence and his re-union with all that makes life
valuable. Here he has tasted “the sweets of freedom,” to quote the
words of the unfortunate Mary Prince; but if he desires to restore
himself to his family, or to escape from suffering and destitution, and
the other evils of a climate uncongenial to his constitution and habits,
he must abandon the enjoyment of his late-acquired liberty, and again
subject himself to the arbitrary power of a vindictive master.

The case of Mary Prince is by no means a singular one; many of the
same kind are daily occurring: and even if the case were singular, it would
still loudly call for the interference of the legislature. In instances of this
kind no injury can possibly be done to the owner by confirming to the
slave his resumption of his natural rights. It is the master’s spontaneous
act to bring him to this country; he knows when he brings him that he
divests himself of his property; and it is, in fact, a minor species of
slave tradiing, when he has thus enfranchised his slave, to re-capture that
slave by the necessities of his condition, or by working upon the better
feelings of his heart. Abstractedly from all legal technicalities, there is
no real difference between thus compelling the return of the enfranchised
negro, and trepanning a free native of England by delusive hopes into
perpetual slavery. The most ingenious casuist could not point out any
essential distinction between the two cases. Our boasted liberty is
the dream of imagination, and no longer the characteristic of our country,
if its bulwarks can thus be thrown down by colonial special pleading.
It would well become the character of the present Government to introduce
a Bill into the Legislature making perpetual that freedom which
the slave has acquired by his passage here, and thus to declare, in the
most ample sense of the words, (what indeed we had long fondly believed
to be the fact, though it now appears that we have been mistaken,)
that no slave can exist within the shores of Great Britain.

G1r

Narrative of Louis Asa-Asa,
A Captured African.

The following interesting narrative is a convenient supplement to the
history of Mary Prince. It is given, like hers, as nearly as possible in
the narrator’s words, with only so much correction as was necessary to
connect the story, and render it grammatical. The concluding passage
in inverted commas, is entirely his own.

While Mary’s narrative shews the disgusting character of colonial
slavery, this little tale explains with equal force the horrors in which it
originates.

It is necessary to explain that Louis came to this country about five
years ago, in a French vessel called the Pearl. She had lost her reckoning,
and was driven by stress of weather into the port of St. Ives, in
Cornwall. Louis and his four companions were brought to London
upon a writ of Habeas Corpus at the instance of Mr. George Stephen;
and, after some trifling opposition on the part of the master of the vessel,
were discharged by Lord Wynford. Two of his unfortunate fellow-
sufferers died of the measles at Hampstead; the other two returned to
Sierra Leone; but poor Louis, when offered the choice of going back to
Africa, replied, “Me no father, no mother now; me stay with you.”
And here he has ever since remained; conducting himself in a way to
gain the good will and respect of all who know him. He is remarkably
intelligent, understands our language perfectly, and can read and write
well. The last sentences of the following narrative will seem almost
too peculiar to be his own; but it is not the first time that in conversation
with Mr. George Stephen, he has made similar remarks. On one
occasion in particular, he was heard saying to himself in the kitchen,
while sitting by the fire apparently in deep thought, “Me think,—me
think—”
A fellow-servant inquired what he meant; and he added,
“Me think what a good thing I came to England! Here, I know what
God is, and read my Bible; in my country they have no God, no
Bible.”

How severe and just a reproof to the guilty wretches who visit his
country only with fire and sword! How deserved a censure upon the
not less guilty men, who dare to vindicate the state of slavery, on the G G1v 42
lying pretext, that its victims are of an inferior nature! And scarcely
less deserving of reprobation are those who have it in their power to
prevent these crimes, but who remain inactive from indifference, or are
dissuaded from throwing the shield of British power over the victim of
oppression, by the sophistry, and the clamour, and the avarice of the
oppressor. It is the reproach and the sin of England. May God
avert from our country the ruin which this national guilt deserves!

We lament to add, that the Pearl which brought these negroes to
our shore, was restored to its owners at the instance of the French Government,
instead of being condemned as a prize of Lieut. Rye, who,
on his own responsibility, detained her, with all her manacles and chains
and other detestable proofs of her piratical occupation on board. We
trust it is not yet too late to demand investigation into the reasons for
restoring her.

The Negro Boy’s Narrative.

My father’s name was Clashoquin; mine is Asa-Asa. He lived in
a country called Bycla, near Egie, a large town. Egie is as large as
Brighton; it was some way from the sea. I had five brothers and sisters.
We all lived together with my father and mother; he kept a
horse, and was respectable, but not one of the great men. My uncle
was one of the great men at Egie: he could make men come and work
for him: his name was Otou. He had a great deal of land and cattle.
My father sometimes worked on his own land, and used to make charcoal.
I was too little to work; my eldest brother used to work on the
land; and we were all very happy.

A great many people, whom we called Adinyés, set fire to Egie in the
morning before daybreak; there were some thousands of them. They
killed a great many, and burnt all their houses. They staid two days,
and then carried away all the people whom they did not kill.

They came again every now and then for a month, as long as they
could find people to carry away. They used to tie them by the feet,
except when they were taking them off, and then they let them loose;
but if they offered to run away, they would shoot them. I lost a great
many friends and relations at Egie; about a dozen. They sold all they
carried away, to be slaves. I know this because I afterwards saw them
as slaves on the other side of the sea. They took away brothers, and
sisters, and husbands, and wives; they did not care about this. They
were sold for cloth or gunpowder, sometimes for salt or guns; sometimes
they got four or five guns for a man: they were English guns, made like
my master’s that I clean for his shooting. The Adinyés burnt a great
many places besides Egie. They burnt all the country wherever they
found villages; they used to shoot men, women, and children, if they
ran away.

They came to us about eleven o’clock one day, and directly they came
they set our house on fire. All of us had run away. We kept together,
and went into the woods, and stopped there two days. The Adinyés
then went away, and we returned home and found every thing burnt.
We tried to build a little shed, and were beginning to get comfortable G2r 43
again. We found several of our neighbours lying about wounded; they
had been shot. I saw the bodies of four or five little children whom they
had killed with blows on the head. They had carried away their fathers
and mothers, but the children were too small for slaves, so they killed
them. They had killed several others, but these were all that I saw. I
saw them lying in the street like dead dogs.

In about a week after we got back, the Adinyés returned, and burnt
all the sheds and houses they had left standing. We all ran away
again; we went to the woods as we had done before.—They followed
us the next day. We went farther into the woods, and staid there
about four days and nights; we were half starved; we only got a few
potatoes. My uncle Otou was with us. At the end of this time, the
Adinyés found us. We ran away. They called my uncle to go to
them; but he refused, and they shot him immediately: they killed him.
The rest of us ran on, and they did not get at us till the next day. I
ran up into a tree: they followed me and brought me down. They tied
my feet. I do not know if they found my father and mother, and brothers
and sisters: they had run faster than me, and were half a mile
farther when I got up into the tree: I have never seen them since.—
There was a man who ran up into the tree with me: I believe they shot
him, for I never saw him again.

They carried away about twenty besides me. They carried us to the
sea. They did not beat us: they only killed one man, who was very
ill and too weak to carry his load: they made all of us carry chickens
and meat for our food; but this poor man could not carry his load, and
they ran him through the body with a sword.—He was a neighbour of
ours. When we got to the sea they sold all of us, but not to the same
person. They sold us for money; and I was sold six times over,
sometimes for money, sometimes for cloth, and sometimes for a gun. I
was about thirteen years old. It was about half a year from the time I
was taken, before I saw the white people.

We were taken in a boat from place to place, and sold at every place
we stopped at. In about six months we got to a ship, in which we first
saw white people: they were French. They bought us. We found
here a great many other slaves; they were about eighty, including
women and children. The Frenchmen sent away all but five of us into
another very large ship. We five staid on board till we got to England,
which was about five or six months. The slaves we saw on board the
ship were chained together by the legs below deck, so close they could
not move. They were flogged very cruelly: I saw one of them flogged
till he died; we could not tell what for. They gave them enough to
eat. The place they were confined in below deck was so hot and nasty
I could not bear to be in it. A great many of the slaves were ill, but
they were not attended to. They used to flog me very bad on board
the ship: the captain cut my head very bad one time.

“I am very happy to be in England, as far as I am very well;—but
I have no friend belonging to me, but God, who will take care of me
as he has done already. I am very glad I have come to England, to
know who God is. I should like much to see my friends again, but
I do not now wish to go back to them: for if I go back to my own G2v 44
country, I might be taken as a slave again. I would rather stay here,
where I am free, than go back to my country to be sold. I shall stay
in England as long as (please God) I shall live. I wish the King of
England
could know all I have told you. I wish it that he may see
how cruelly we are used. We had no king in our country, or he
would have stopt it. I think the king of England might stop it, and
this is why I wish him to know it all. I have heard say he is good;
and if he is, he will stop it if he can. I am well off myself, for I am
well taken care of, and have good bed and good clothes; but I wish
my own people to be as comfortable.”

Louis Asa-Asa.

[Gap in transcription—library stampomitted]

London:—S. Bagster, Jun., Printer, Bartholomew Close.

Annotations

Textual note 1

Bermuda currency; about £38 sterling.

Go to note 1 in context.

Textual note 2

Let the reader compare the above affecting account, taken down from the
mouth of this negro woman, with the following description of a vendue of slaves
at the Cape of Good Hope, published by me in 18261826, from the letter of a friend,
—and mark their similarity in several characteristic circumstances. The resemblance
is easily accounted for: slavery wherever it prevails produces similar
effects.—“Having heard that there was to be a sale of cattle, farm stock, &c. by
auction, at a Veld-Cornet’s in the vicinity, we halted our waggon one day for the
purpose of procuring a fresh spann of oxen. Among the stock of the farm sold,
was a female slave and her three children. The two eldest children were girls,
the one about thirteen years of age, and the other about eleven; the youngest
was a boy. The whole family were exhibited together, but they were sold separately,
and to different purchasers. The farmers examined them as if they had
been so many head of cattle. While the sale was going on, the mother and her
children were exhibited on a table, that they might be seen by the company,
which was very large. There could not have been a finer subject for an able
painter than this unhappy group. The tears, the anxiety, the anguish of the
mother, while she met the gaze of the multitude, eyed the different countenances
of the bidders, or cast a heart-rending look upon the children; and the simplicity
and touching sorrow of the young ones, while they clung to their distracted parent,
wiping their eyes, and half concealing their faces,—contrasted with the
marked insensibility and jocular countenances of the spectators and purchasers,
—furnished a striking commentary on the miseries of slavery, and its debasing
effects upon the hearts of its abettors. While the woman was in this distressed
situation she was asked, ‘Can you feed sheep?’ Her reply was so indistinct
that it escaped me; but it was probably in the negative, for her purchaser rejoined,
in a loud and harsh voice, ‘Then I will teach you with the sjamboc,’ (a
whip made of the rhinoceros’ hide.)
The mother and her three children were
sold to three separate purchasers; and they were literally torn from each other.”

Ed.

Go to note 2 in context.

Textual note 3

These strong expressions, and all of a similar character in this little narrative,
are given verbatim as uttered by Mary Prince.—Ed.

Go to note 3 in context.

Textual note 4

The cattle on a small plantation in Bermuda are, it seems, often thus staked
or tethered, both night and day, in situations where grass abounds.

Go to note 4 in context.

Textual note 5

A cow fed for slaughter.

Go to note 5 in context.

Textual note 6

A thong of hard twisted hide, known by this name in the West Indies.

Go to note 6 in context.

Textual note 7

Of the subsequent lot of her relatives she can tell but little. She says, her father
died while she and her mother were at Turk’s Island; and that he had been long
dead and buried before any of his children in Bermuda knew of it, they being slaves
on other estates. Her mother died after Mary went to Antiqua. Of the fate of
the rest of her kindred, seven brothers and three sisters, she knows nothing further
than this—that the eldest sister, who had several children to her master, was
taken by him to Trinidad; and that the youngest, Rebecca, is still alive, and in
slavery in Bermuda. Mary herself is now about forty-three years of age.—Ed.

Go to note 7 in context.

Textual note 8

Negro term for white people.

Go to note 8 in context.

Textual note 9

About £67. 10s. sterling.

Go to note 9 in context.

Textual note 10

A dog is the 72nd part of a dollar.

Go to note 10 in context.

Textual note 11

The head negro of an estate—a person who has the chief superintendence
under the manager.

Go to note 11 in context.

Textual note 12

She possesses a copy of Mrs. Trimmer’s Charity School Spelling Book,
presented to her by the Rev. Mr. Curtin, and dated 1817-08-30August 30, 1817. In this
book her name is written “Mary, Princess of Wales”—an appellation which, she
says, was given her by her owners. It is a common practice with the colonists
to give ridiculous names of this description to their slaves; being, in fact, one
of the numberless modes of expressing the habitual contempt with which they
regard the negro race.—In printing this narrative we have retained Mary’s
paternal name of Prince.—Ed.

Go to note 12 in context.

Textual note 13

See page 24.

Go to note 13 in context.

Textual note 14

She came first to the Anti-Slavery Office in Aldermanbury, about the latter
end of 1828-11November 1828; and her case was referred to Mr. George Stephen to be
investigated. More of this hereafter.—Ed.

Go to note 14 in context.

Textual note 15

She refers to a written certificate which will be inserted afterwards.

Go to note 15 in context.

Textual note 16

The whole of this paragraph especially, is given as nearly as was possible in
Mary’s precise words.

Go to note 16 in context.

Textual note 17

She means West Indians.

Go to note 17 in context.

Textual note 18

A West Indian phrase: to fasten or tie up.

Go to note 18 in context.

Textual note 19

I omit the circumstance here mentioned, because it is too indecent to appear
in a publication likely to be perused by females. It is, in all probability,
a vile calumny; but even if it were perfectly true, it would not serve Mr. Wood’s
case one straw.—Any reader who wishes it, may see the passage referred to, in
the autograph letter in my possession. T.P.

Go to note 19 in context.

Textual note 20

In elucidation of the circumstances above referred to, I subjoin the following
extracts from the Report of the Birmingham Ladies’ Society for 18301830:—

“As a portion of the funds of this association has been appropriated to assist
the benevolent efforts of a society which has for fifteen years afforded relief to
distressed and deserted slaves in Antigua, it may not be uninteresting to our
friends to learn the manner in which the agent of this society has been treated for
simply obeying the command of our Saviour, by ministering, like the good Samaritan,
to the distresses of the helpless and the desolate. The society’s proceedings
being adverted to by a friend of Africa, at one of the public meetings
held in this country, a West Indian planter, who was present, wrote over to his
friends in Antigua, and represented the conduct of the distributors of this charity
in such a light, that it was deemed worthy of the cognizance of the House of
Assembly
. Mr. Joseph Phillips, a resident of the island, who had most kindly and
disinterestedly exerted himself in the distribution of the money from England
among the poor deserted slaves, was brought before the Assembly, and most
severely interrogated: on his refusing to deliver up his private correspondence
with his friends in England, he was thrown into a loathsome jail, where he was
kept for nearly five months; while his loss of business, and the oppressive proceedings
instituted against him, were involving him in poverty and ruin. On his
discharge by the House of Assembly, he was seized in their lobby for debt, and
again imprisoned.
In our report for the year 18261826, we quoted a passage from the 13th Report
of the Society for the relief of deserted Slaves
in the island of Antigua, in reference
to a case of great distress. This statement fell into the hands of Mr. M‘Queen,
the Editor of the Glasgow Courier. Of the consequences resulting from this
circumstance we only gained information through the Leicester Chronicle, which
had copied an article from the Weekly Register of Antigua, dated St. John’s,
1829-09-22September 22, 1829. We find from this that Mr. M‘Queen affirms, that ‘with
the exception of the fact that the society is, as it deserves to be, duped out of its
money, the whole tale’
(of the distress above referred to) ‘is an abominable
falsehood.’
This statement, which we are informed has appeared in many of the
public papers, is completely refuted in our Appendix, No. 4, to which we
refer our readers. Mr. M‘Queen’s statements, we regret to say, would lead
many to believe that there are no deserted Negroes to assist; and that the case
mentioned was a perfect fabrication. He also distinctly avers, that the disinterested
and humane agent of the society, Mr. Joseph Phillips, is ‘a man of the
most worthless and abandoned character.’
In opposition to this statement, we
learn the good character of Mr. Phillips from those who have long been
acquainted with his laudable exertions in the cause of humanity, and from the
Editor of the Weekly Register of Antigua, who speaks, on his own knowledge,
of more than twenty years back; confidently appealing at the same time to the
inhabitants of the colony in which he resides for the truth of his averments, and
producing a testimonial to Mr. Phillip’s good character signed by two members
of the Antigua House of Assembly, and by Mr. Wyke, the collector of his Majesty’s
customs, and by Antigua merchants, as follows—‘that they have been
acquainted with him the last four years and upwards, and he has always conducted
himself in an upright becoming manner—his character we know to be unimpeached,
and his morals unexceptionable.’
(Signed) Thomas Saunderson
John A. Wood
Samuel L. Darrel
John D. Taylor
George Wyke
Giles S. Musson
Robert Grant.

In addition to the above testimonies, Mr. Phillips has brought over to England
with him others of a more recent date, from some of the most respectable persons
in Antigua—sufficient to cover with confusion all his unprincipled calumniators.
See also his account of his own case in the Anti-Slavery Reporter, No. 74, p. 69.

Go to note 20 in context.

Textual note 21

If it even were so, how strong a plea of palliation might not the poor negro
bring, by adducing the neglect of her various owners to afford religious instruction
or moral discipline, and the habitual influence of their evil example (to say
the very least,) before her eyes? What moral good could she possibly learn—
what moral evil could she easily escape, while under the uncontrolled power of
such masters as she describes Captain I― and Mr. D― of Turk’s Island?
All things considered, it is indeed wonderful to find her such as she now is. But
as she has herself piously expressed it, “that God whom then she knew not
mercifully preserved her for better things.”

Go to note 21 in context.

Textual note 22

Since the preceding pages were printed off, I have been favoured with a communication
from the Rev. J. Curtin, to whom among other acquaintances of Mr. Wood’s
in this country, the entire proof sheets of this pamphlet had been sent for inspection.
Mr. Curtin corrects some omissions and inaccuracies in Mary Prince’s narrative
(see page 17,) by stating

  • 1. That she was baptized, not in August, but on the 1817-04-066th
    of April, 1817
    ;
  • 2. That sometime before her baptism, on her being admitted a
    catechumen, preparatory to that holy ordinance, she brought a note from her owner,
    Mr. Wood, recommending her for religious instruction, &c.;
  • 3. That it was his
    usual practice, when any adult slaves came on week days to school, to require their
    owners’ permission for their attendance; but that on Sundays the chapel was open
    indiscriminately to all.

Mary, after a personal interview with Mr. Curtin, and
after hearing his letter read by me, still maintains that Mr. Wood’s note recommended
her for baptism merely, and that she never received any religious instruction
whatever from Mr. and Mrs. Wood, or from any one else at that period beyond
what she has stated in her narrative. In regard to her non-admission to the Sunday
school without permission from her owners, she admits that she may possibly have
mistaken the clergyman’s meaning on that point, but says that such was certainly
her impression at the time, and the actual cause of her non-attendance.

Mr. Curtin finds in his books some reference to Mary’s connection with a Captain
, (the individual, I believe, alluded to by Mr. Phillips at page 32); but he
states that when she attended his chapel she was always decently and becomingly
dressed, and appeared to him to be in a situation of trust in her mistress’s family.

Mr. Curtin offers no comment on any other part of Mary’s statement; but he
speaks in very favourable, though general terms of the respectability of Mr. Wood,
whom he had known for many years in Antigua; and of Mrs. Wood, though she
was not personally known to him, he says, that he had “heard her spoken of by
those of her acquaintance, as a lady of very mild and amiable manners.”

Another friend of Mr. and Mrs. Wood, a lady who had been their guest both in
Antigua and England, alleges that Mary has grossly misrepresented them in her
narrative; and says that she “can vouch for their being the most benevolent, kindhearted
people that can possibly live.”
She has declined, however, to furnish me
with any written correction of the misrepresentations she complains of, although I
offered to insert her testimony in behalf of her friends, if sent to me in time. And
having already kept back the publication a fortnight waiting for communications of
this sort, I will not delay it longer. Those who have withheld their strictures
have only themselves to blame.

Of the general character of Mr. and Mrs. Wood, I would not designedly give any
unfair impression. Without implicitly adopting either the ex parte view of Mary
Prince
, or the unmeasured encomiums of their friends, I am willing to believe them
to be, on the whole, fair, perhaps favourable, specimens of colonial character. Let
them even be rated, if you will, in the very highest and most benevolent class of
slaveholders; and, laying every thing else entirely out of view, let Mr. Wood’s
conduct in this affair be tried exclusively by the facts established beyond dispute,
and by his own statement of the case in his letter to Mr. Taylor. But then, I ask,
if the very best and mildest of your slave-owners can act as Mr. Wood is proved to
have acted, what is to be expected of persons whose mildness, or equity, or common
humanity no one will dare to vouch for? “If such things are done in the green tree,
what will be done in the dry?”
—And what else then can Colonial Slavery possibly be,
even in its best estate, but a system incurably evil and iniquitous?—I require no
other data—I need add no further comment.

Go to note 22 in context.

Textual note 23

See Anti-Slavery Reporter, Nos. 5 and 16.

Go to note 23 in context.

Textual note 24

Ibid, No. 44.

Go to note 24 in context.

Textual note 25

Ibid, No. 47.

Go to note 25 in context.

Textual note 26

Ibid, No. 64, p. 345; No. 71, p. 481.

Go to note 26 in context.

Textual note 27

Ibid, No. 65, p. 356; No. 69, p. 431.

Go to note 27 in context.

Textual note 28

Anti-Slavery Reporter, Nos. 66, 69, and 76.

Go to note 28 in context.